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a
history
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china
,
by
wolfram
eberhard
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title
:
a
history
of
china
author
:
wolfram
eberhard
release
date
:
february
##number##
,
##number##
[
ebook
#
##number##
]
language
:
english
character
set
encoding
:
ascii
*
*
*
start
of
this
project
gutenberg
ebook
a
history
of
china
*
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produced
by
juliet
sutherland
,
gene
smethers
and
pg
distributed
proofreaders
[
transcriber
's
note
:
the
following
text
contains
numerous
non-english
words
containing
diacritical
marks
not
contained
in
the
ascii
character
set.
characters
accented
by
those
marks
,
and
the
corresponding
text
representations
are
as
follows
(
where
x
represents
the
character
being
accented
)
.
all
such
symbols
in
this
text
above
the
character
being
accented
:
breve
(
u-shaped
symbol
)
:
[
)
x
]
caron
(
v-shaped
symbol
)
:
[
vx
]
macron
(
straight
line
)
:
[
=x
]
acute
(
egu
)
accent
:
[
'x
]
additionally
,
the
author
has
spelled
certain
words
inconsistently.
those
have
been
adjusted
to
be
consistent
where
possible.
examples
of
such
adjustments
are
as
follows
:
from
to
northwestern
north-western
southwards
southward
programme
program
re-introduced
reintroduced
practise
practice
lotos
lotus
ju-chen
juchen
cooperate
co-operate
life-time
lifetime
man-power
manpower
favor
favour
etc.
in
general
such
changes
are
made
to
be
consistent
with
the
predominate
usage
in
the
text
,
or
if
there
was
not
a
predominate
spelling
,
to
the
more
modern.
]
a
history
of
china
by
wolfram
eberhard
contents
introduction
_the
earliest
times_
chapter
i
:
prehistory
##number##
sources
for
the
earliest
history
##number##
the
peking
man
##number##
the
palaeolithic
age
##number##
the
neolithic
age
##number##
the
eight
principal
prehistoric
cultures
##number##
the
yang-shao
culture
##number##
the
lung-shan
culture
##number##
the
first
petty
states
in
shansi
chapter
ii
:
the
shang
dynasty
(
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
period
,
origin
,
material
culture
##number##
writing
and
religion
##number##
transition
to
feudalism
_antiquity_
chapter
iii
:
the
chou
dynasty
(
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
cultural
origin
of
the
chou
and
end
of
the
shang
dynasty
##number##
feudalism
in
the
new
empire
##number##
fusion
of
chou
and
shang
##number##
limitation
of
the
imperial
power
##number##
changes
in
the
relative
strength
of
the
feudal
states
##number##
confucius
##number##
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
chapter
iv
:
the
contending
states
(
##number##
b.c.
)
:
dissolution
of
the
feudal
system
##number##
social
and
military
changes
##number##
economic
changes
##number##
cultural
changes
chapter
v
:
the
ch
'in
dynasty
(
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
towards
the
unitary
state
##number##
centralization
in
every
field
##number##
frontier
defence.
internal
collapse
_the
middle
ages_
chapter
vi
:
the
han
dynasty
(
##number##
b.c.-a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
development
of
the
gentry-state
##number##
situation
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire
;
its
relation
to
the
han
empire.
incorporation
of
south
china
##number##
brief
feudal
reaction.
consolidation
of
the
gentry
##number##
turkestan
policy.
end
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire
##number##
impoverishment.
cliques.
end
of
the
dynasty
##number##
the
pseudo-socialistic
dictatorship.
revolt
of
the
"
red
eyebrows
"
##number##
reaction
and
restoration
:
the
later
han
dynasty
##number##
hsiung-nu
policy
##number##
economic
situation.
rebellion
of
the
"
yellow
turbans
"
.
collapse
of
the
han
dynasty
##number##
literature
and
art
chapter
vii
:
the
epoch
of
the
first
division
of
china
(
a.d.
##number##
)
(
a
)
_the
three
kingdoms_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
social
,
intellectual
,
and
economic
problems
during
the
period
of
the
first
division
##number##
status
of
the
two
southern
kingdoms
##number##
the
northern
state
of
wei
(
b
)
_the
western
chin
dynasty_
(
##number##
)
##number##
internal
situation
in
the
chin
empire
##number##
effect
on
the
frontier
peoples
##number##
struggles
for
the
throne
##number##
migration
of
chinese
##number##
victory
of
the
huns.
the
hun
han
dynasty
(
later
renamed
the
earlier
chao
dynasty
)
(
c
)
_the
alien
empires
in
north
china
,
down
to
the
toba_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
later
chao
dynasty
in
eastern
north
china
(
hun
;
##number##
)
##number##
earlier
yen
dynasty
in
the
north-east
(
proto-mongol
;
##number##
)
,
and
the
earlier
ch
'in
dynasty
in
all
north
china
(
tibetan
;
##number##
)
##number##
the
fragmentation
of
north
china
##number##
sociological
analysis
of
the
two
great
alien
empires
##number##
sociological
analysis
of
the
petty
states
##number##
spread
of
buddhism
(
d
)
_the
toba
empire
in
north
china_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
rise
of
the
toba
state
##number##
the
hun
kingdom
of
the
hsia
(
##number##
)
##number##
rise
of
the
toba
to
a
great
power
##number##
economic
and
social
conditions
##number##
victory
and
retreat
of
buddhism
(
e
)
_succession
states
of
the
toba_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
:
_northern
ch
'i
dynasty
,
northern
chou
dynasty_
##number##
reasons
for
the
splitting
of
the
toba
empire
##number##
appearance
of
the
(
goek
)
turks
##number##
the
northern
ch
'i
dynasty
;
the
northern
chou
dynasty
(
f
)
_the
southern
empires_
##number##
economic
and
social
situation
in
the
south
##number##
struggles
between
cliques
under
the
eastern
chin
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
liu-sung
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
and
the
southern
ch
'i
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
liang
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
ch
'en
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
and
its
ending
by
the
sui
##number##
cultural
achievements
of
the
south
chapter
viii
:
the
empires
of
the
sui
and
the
t
'ang
(
a
)
_the
sui
dynasty_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
internal
situation
in
the
newly
unified
empire
##number##
relations
with
turks
and
with
korea
##number##
reasons
for
collapse
(
b
)
_the
t
'ang
dynasty_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
reforms
and
decentralization
##number##
turkish
policy
##number##
conquest
of
turkestan
and
korea.
summit
of
power
##number##
the
reign
of
the
empress
wu
:
buddhism
and
capitalism
##number##
second
blossoming
of
t
'ang
culture
##number##
revolt
of
a
military
governor
##number##
the
role
of
the
uighurs.
confiscation
of
the
capital
of
the
monasteries
##number##
first
successful
peasant
revolt.
collapse
of
the
empire
_modern
times_
chapter
ix
:
the
epoch
of
the
second
division
of
china
(
a
)
_the
period
of
the
five
dynasties_
(
##number##
)
##number##
beginning
of
a
new
epoch
##number##
political
situation
in
the
tenth
century
##number##
monopolistic
trade
in
south
china.
printing
and
paper
money
in
the
north
##number##
political
history
of
the
five
dynasties
(
b
)
_period
of
moderate
absolutism_
(
##number##
)
_the
northern
sung
dynasty_
##number##
southward
expansion
##number##
administration
and
army.
inflation
##number##
reforms
and
welfare
schemes
##number##
cultural
situation
(
philosophy
,
religion
,
literature
,
painting
)
##number##
military
collapse
(
##number##
)
_the
liao
(
kitan
)
dynasty
in
the
north_
(
##number##
)
##number##
sociological
structure.
claim
to
the
chinese
imperial
throne
##number##
the
state
of
the
kara-kitai
(
##number##
)
_the
hsi-hsia
state
in
the
north_
(
##number##
)
##number##
continuation
of
turkish
traditions
(
##number##
)
_the
empire
of
the
southern
sung
dynasty_
(
##number##
)
##number##
foundation
##number##
internal
situation
##number##
cultural
situation
;
reasons
for
the
collapse
(
##number##
)
_the
empire
of
the
juchen
in
the
north
(
i_
##number##
)
##number##
rapid
expansion
from
northern
korea
to
the
yangtze
##number##
united
front
of
all
chinese
##number##
start
of
the
mongol
empire
chapter
x
:
the
period
of
absolutism
(
a
)
_the
mongol
epoch_
(
##number##
)
##number##
beginning
of
new
foreign
rules
##number##
"
nationality
legislation
"
##number##
military
position
##number##
social
situation
##number##
popular
risings
:
national
rising
##number##
cultural
(
b
)
_the
ming
epoch_
(
##number##
)
##number##
start.
national
feeling
##number##
wars
against
mongols
and
japanese
##number##
social
legislation
within
the
existing
order
##number##
colonization
and
agricultural
developments
##number##
commercial
and
industrial
developments
##number##
growth
of
the
small
gentry
##number##
literature
,
art
,
crafts
##number##
politics
at
court
##number##
navy.
southward
expansion
##number##
struggles
between
cliques
##number##
risings
##number##
machiavellism
##number##
foreign
relations
in
the
sixteenth
century
##number##
external
and
internal
perils
(
c
)
_the
manchu
dynasty_
(
##number##
)
##number##
installation
of
the
manchus
##number##
decline
in
the
eighteenth
century
##number##
expansion
in
central
asia
;
the
first
state
treaty
##number##
culture
##number##
relations
with
the
outer
world
##number##
decline
;
revolts
##number##
european
imperialism
in
the
far
east
##number##
risings
in
turkestan
and
within
china
:
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
rebellion
##number##
collision
with
japan
;
further
capitulations
##number##
russia
in
manchuria
##number##
reform
and
reaction
:
the
boxer
rising
##number##
end
of
the
dynasty
chapter
xi
:
the
republic
(
##number##
)
##number##
social
and
intellectual
position
##number##
first
period
of
the
republic
:
the
warlords
##number##
second
period
of
the
republic
:
nationalist
china
##number##
the
sino-japanese
war
(
##number##
)
chapter
xii
:
present-day
china
##number##
the
growth
of
communism
##number##
nationalist
china
in
taiwan
##number##
communist
china
notes
and
references
index
illustrations
##number##
painted
pottery
from
kansu
:
neolithic.
_in
the
collection
of
the
museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin_.
##number##
ancient
bronze
tripod
found
at
anyang.
_from
g.
ecke
:
fruehe
chinesische
bronzen
aus
der
sammlung
oskar
trautmann
,
peking_
##number##
,
_plate_
##number##
##number##
bronze
plaque
representing
two
horses
fighting
each
other.
ordos
region
,
animal
style.
_from
v.
griessmaier
:
sammlung
baron
eduard
von
der
heydt
,
vienna
##number##
,
illustration
no.
6_.
##number##
hunting
scene
:
detail
from
the
reliefs
in
the
tombs
at
wu-liang-tz
'u.
_from
a
print
in
the
author
's
possession_.
##number##
part
of
the
"
great
wall
"
.
_photo
eberhard_.
##number##
sun
ch
'uean
,
ruler
of
wu.
_from
a
painting
by
yen
li-pen
(
c.
640-680_
)
.
##number##
general
view
of
the
buddhist
cave-temples
of
yuen-kang.
in
the
foreground
,
the
present
village
;
in
the
background
the
rampart.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
##number##
detail
from
the
buddhist
cave-reliefs
of
lung-men.
_from
a
print
in
the
author
's
possession_.
##number##
statue
of
mi-lo
(
maitreya
,
the
next
future
buddha
)
,
in
the
"
great
buddha
temple
"
at
chengting
(
hopei
)
.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
##number##
ladies
of
the
court
:
clay
models
which
accompanied
the
dead
person
to
the
grave.
t
'ang
period.
_in
the
collection
of
the
museum
fuer
voelkerkunde.
berlin_.
##number##
distinguished
founder
:
a
temple
banner
found
at
khotcho
,
turkestan.
_museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin.
no.
1b
##number##
,
illustration
b
408_.
##number##
ancient
tiled
pagoda
at
chengting
(
hopei
)
.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
##number##
horse-training.
painting
by
li
lung-mien.
late
sung
period.
_manchu
royal
house
collection_.
##number##
aborigines
of
south
china
,
of
the
"
black
miao
"
tribe
,
at
a
festival.
china-ink
drawing
of
the
eighteenth
century.
_collection
of
the
museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin.
no.
1d
##number##
,
68_.
##number##
pavilion
on
the
"
coal
hill
"
at
peking
,
in
which
the
last
ming
emperor
committed
suicide.
_photo
eberhard_.
##number##
the
imperial
summer
palace
of
the
manchu
rulers
,
at
jehol.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
##number##
tower
on
the
city
wall
of
peking.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
maps
##number##
regions
of
the
principal
local
cultures
in
prehistoric
times
##number##
the
principal
feudal
states
in
the
feudal
epoch
(
roughly
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
china
in
the
struggle
with
the
huns
or
hsiung-nu
(
roughly
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
the
toba
empire
(
about
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
t
'ang
realm
(
about
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
the
state
of
the
later
t
'ang
dynasty
(
##number##
)
introduction
there
are
indeed
enough
histories
of
china
already
:
why
yet
another
one
?
because
the
time
has
come
for
new
departures
;
because
we
need
to
clear
away
the
false
notions
with
which
the
general
public
is
constantly
being
fed
by
one
author
after
another
;
because
from
time
to
time
syntheses
become
necessary
for
the
presentation
of
the
stage
reached
by
research.
histories
of
china
fall
,
with
few
exceptions
,
into
one
or
the
other
of
two
groups
,
pro-chinese
and
anti-chinese
:
the
latter
used
to
predominate
,
but
today
the
former
type
is
much
more
frequently
found.
we
have
no
desire
to
show
that
china
's
history
is
the
most
glorious
or
her
civilization
the
oldest
in
the
world.
a
claim
to
the
longest
history
does
not
establish
the
greatness
of
a
civilization
;
the
importance
of
a
civilization
becomes
apparent
in
its
achievements.
a
thousand
years
ago
china
's
civilization
towered
over
those
of
the
peoples
of
europe.
today
the
west
is
leading
;
tomorrow
china
may
lead
again.
we
need
to
realize
how
china
became
what
she
is
,
and
to
note
the
paths
pursued
by
the
chinese
in
human
thought
and
action.
the
lives
of
emperors
,
the
great
battles
,
this
or
the
other
famous
deed
,
matter
less
to
us
than
the
discovery
of
the
great
forces
that
underlie
these
features
and
govern
the
human
element.
only
when
we
have
knowledge
of
those
forces
and
counter-forces
can
we
realize
the
significance
of
the
great
personalities
who
have
emerged
in
china
;
and
only
then
will
the
history
of
china
become
intelligible
even
to
those
who
have
little
knowledge
of
the
far
east
and
can
make
nothing
of
a
mere
enumeration
of
dynasties
and
campaigns.
views
on
china
's
history
have
radically
changed
in
recent
years.
until
about
thirty
years
ago
our
knowledge
of
the
earliest
times
in
china
depended
entirely
on
chinese
documents
of
much
later
date
;
now
we
are
able
to
rely
on
many
excavations
which
enable
us
to
check
the
written
sources.
ethnological
,
anthropological
,
and
sociological
research
has
begun
for
china
and
her
neighbours
;
thus
we
are
in
a
position
to
write
with
some
confidence
about
the
making
of
china
,
and
about
her
ethnical
development
,
where
formerly
we
could
only
grope
in
the
dark.
the
claim
that
"
the
chinese
race
"
produced
the
high
chinese
civilization
entirely
by
its
own
efforts
,
thanks
to
its
special
gifts
,
has
become
just
as
untenable
as
the
other
theory
that
immigrants
from
the
west
,
some
conceivably
from
europe
,
carried
civilization
to
the
far
east.
we
know
now
that
in
early
times
there
was
no
"
chinese
race
"
,
there
were
not
even
"
chinese
"
,
just
as
there
were
no
"
french
"
and
no
"
swiss
"
two
thousand
years
ago.
the
"
chinese
"
resulted
from
the
amalgamation
of
many
separate
peoples
of
different
races
in
an
enormously
complicated
and
long-drawn-out
process
,
as
with
all
the
other
high
civilizations
of
the
world.
the
picture
of
ancient
and
medieval
china
has
also
been
entirely
changed
since
it
has
been
realized
that
the
sources
on
which
reliance
has
always
been
placed
were
not
objective
,
but
deliberately
and
emphatically
represented
a
particular
philosophy.
the
reports
on
the
emperors
and
ministers
of
the
earliest
period
are
not
historical
at
all
,
but
served
as
examples
of
ideas
of
social
policy
or
as
glorifications
of
particular
noble
families.
myths
such
as
we
find
to
this
day
among
china
's
neighbours
were
made
into
history
;
gods
were
made
men
and
linked
together
by
long
family
trees.
we
have
been
able
to
touch
on
all
these
things
only
briefly
,
and
have
had
to
dispense
with
any
account
of
the
complicated
processes
that
have
taken
place
here.
the
official
dynastic
histories
apply
to
the
course
of
chinese
history
the
criterion
of
confucian
ethics
;
for
them
history
is
a
textbook
of
ethics
,
designed
to
show
by
means
of
examples
how
the
man
of
high
character
should
behave
or
not
behave.
we
have
to
go
deeper
,
and
try
to
extract
the
historic
truth
from
these
records.
many
specialized
studies
by
chinese
,
japanese
,
and
western
scholars
on
problems
of
chinese
history
are
now
available
and
of
assistance
in
this
task.
however
,
some
chinese
writers
still
imagine
that
they
are
serving
their
country
by
yet
again
dishing
up
the
old
fables
for
the
foreigner
as
history
;
and
some
europeans
,
knowing
no
better
or
aiming
at
setting
alongside
the
unedifying
history
of
europe
the
shining
example
of
the
conventional
story
of
china
,
continue
in
the
old
groove.
to
this
day
,
of
course
,
we
are
far
from
having
really
worked
through
every
period
of
chinese
history
;
there
are
long
periods
on
which
scarcely
any
work
has
yet
been
done.
thus
the
picture
we
are
able
to
give
today
has
no
finality
about
it
and
will
need
many
modifications.
but
the
time
has
come
for
a
new
synthesis
,
so
that
criticism
may
proceed
along
the
broadest
possible
front
and
push
our
knowledge
further
forward.
the
present
work
is
intended
for
the
general
reader
and
not
for
the
specialist
,
who
will
devote
his
attention
to
particular
studies
and
to
the
original
texts.
in
view
of
the
wide
scope
of
the
work
,
i
have
had
to
confine
myself
to
placing
certain
lines
of
thought
in
the
foreground
and
paying
less
attention
to
others.
i
have
devoted
myself
mainly
to
showing
the
main
lines
of
china
's
social
and
cultural
development
down
to
the
present
day.
but
i
have
also
been
concerned
not
to
leave
out
of
account
china
's
relations
with
her
neighbours.
now
that
we
have
a
better
knowledge
of
china
's
neighbours
,
the
turks
,
mongols
,
tibetans
,
tunguses
,
tai
,
not
confined
to
the
narratives
of
chinese
,
who
always
speak
only
of
"
barbarians
"
,
we
are
better
able
to
realize
how
closely
china
has
been
associated
with
her
neighbours
from
the
first
day
of
her
history
to
the
present
time
;
how
greatly
she
is
indebted
to
them
,
and
how
much
she
has
given
them.
we
no
longer
see
china
as
a
great
civilization
surrounded
by
barbarians
,
but
we
study
the
chinese
coming
to
terms
with
their
neighbours
,
who
had
civilizations
of
quite
different
types
but
nevertheless
developed
ones.
it
is
usual
to
split
up
chinese
history
under
the
various
dynasties
that
have
ruled
china
or
parts
thereof.
the
beginning
or
end
of
a
dynasty
does
not
always
indicate
the
beginning
or
the
end
of
a
definite
period
of
china
's
social
or
cultural
development.
we
have
tried
to
break
china
's
history
down
into
the
three
large
periods
--
"
antiquity
"
,
"
the
middle
ages
"
,
and
"
modern
times
"
.
this
does
not
mean
that
we
compare
these
periods
with
periods
of
the
same
name
in
western
history
although
,
naturally
,
we
find
some
similarities
with
the
development
of
society
and
culture
in
the
west.
every
attempt
towards
periodization
is
to
some
degree
arbitrary
:
the
beginning
and
end
of
the
middle
ages
,
for
instance
,
cannot
be
fixed
to
a
year
,
because
development
is
a
continuous
process.
to
some
degree
any
periodization
is
a
matter
of
convenience
,
and
it
should
be
accepted
as
such.
the
account
of
chinese
history
here
given
is
based
on
a
study
of
the
original
documents
and
excavations
,
and
on
a
study
of
recent
research
done
by
chinese
,
japanese
and
western
scholars
,
including
my
own
research.
in
many
cases
,
these
recent
studies
produced
new
data
or
arranged
new
data
in
a
new
way
without
an
attempt
to
draw
general
conclusions.
by
putting
such
studies
together
,
by
fitting
them
into
the
pattern
that
already
existed
,
new
insights
into
social
and
cultural
processes
have
been
gained.
the
specialist
in
the
field
will
,
i
hope
,
easily
recognize
the
sources
,
primary
or
secondary
,
on
which
such
new
insights
represented
in
this
book
are
based.
brief
notes
are
appended
for
each
chapter
;
they
indicate
the
most
important
works
in
english
and
provide
the
general
reader
with
an
opportunity
of
finding
further
information
on
the
problems
touched
on.
for
the
specialist
brief
hints
to
international
research
are
given
,
mainly
in
cases
in
which
different
interpretations
have
been
proposed.
chinese
words
are
transcribed
according
to
the
wade-giles
system
with
the
exception
of
names
for
which
already
a
popular
way
of
transcription
exists
(
such
as
peking
)
.
place
names
are
written
without
hyphen
,
if
they
remain
readable.
the
earliest
times
chapter
one
prehistory
##number##
_sources
for
the
earliest
history_
until
recently
we
were
dependent
for
the
beginnings
of
chinese
history
on
the
written
chinese
tradition.
according
to
these
sources
china
's
history
began
either
about
##number##
b.c.
or
about
##number##
b.c.
with
a
succession
of
wise
emperors
who
"
invented
"
the
elements
of
a
civilization
,
such
as
clothing
,
the
preparation
of
food
,
marriage
,
and
a
state
system
;
they
instructed
their
people
in
these
things
,
and
so
brought
china
,
as
early
as
in
the
third
millennium
b.c.
,
to
an
astonishingly
high
cultural
level.
however
,
all
we
know
of
the
origin
of
civilizations
makes
this
of
itself
entirely
improbable
;
no
other
civilization
in
the
world
originated
in
any
such
way.
as
time
went
on
,
chinese
historians
found
more
and
more
to
say
about
primeval
times.
all
these
narratives
were
collected
in
the
great
imperial
history
that
appeared
at
the
beginning
of
the
manchu
epoch.
that
book
was
translated
into
french
,
and
all
the
works
written
in
western
languages
until
recent
years
on
chinese
history
and
civilization
have
been
based
in
the
last
resort
on
that
translation.
modern
research
has
not
only
demonstrated
that
all
these
accounts
are
inventions
of
a
much
later
period
,
but
has
also
shown
_why_
such
narratives
were
composed.
the
older
historical
sources
make
no
mention
of
any
rulers
before
##number##
b.c.
,
no
mention
even
of
their
names.
the
names
of
earlier
rulers
first
appear
in
documents
of
about
##number##
b.c.
;
the
deeds
attributed
to
them
and
the
dates
assigned
to
them
often
do
not
appear
until
much
later.
secondly
,
it
was
shown
that
the
traditional
chronology
is
wrong
and
another
must
be
adopted
,
reducing
all
the
dates
for
the
more
ancient
history
,
before
##number##
b.c.
finally
,
all
narratives
and
reports
from
china
's
earliest
period
have
been
dealt
a
mortal
blow
by
modern
archaeology
,
with
the
excavations
of
recent
years.
there
was
no
trace
of
any
high
civilization
in
the
third
millennium
b.c.
,
and
,
indeed
,
we
can
only
speak
of
a
real
"
chinese
civilization
"
from
##number##
b.c.
onward.
the
peoples
of
the
china
of
that
time
had
come
from
the
most
varied
sources
;
from
##number##
b.c.
they
underwent
a
common
process
of
development
that
welded
them
into
a
new
unity.
in
this
sense
and
emphasizing
the
cultural
aspects
,
we
are
justified
in
using
from
then
on
a
new
name
,
"
chinese
"
,
for
the
peoples
of
china.
those
sections
,
however
,
of
their
ancestral
populations
who
played
no
part
in
the
subsequent
cultural
and
racial
fusion
,
we
may
fairly
call
"
non-chinese
"
.
this
distinction
answers
the
question
that
continually
crops
up
,
whether
the
chinese
are
"
autochthonons
"
.
they
are
autochthonons
in
the
sense
that
they
formed
a
unit
in
the
far
east
,
in
the
geographical
region
of
the
present
china
,
and
were
not
immigrants
from
the
middle
east.
##number##
_the
peking
man_
man
makes
his
appearance
in
the
far
east
at
a
time
when
remains
in
other
parts
of
the
world
are
very
rare
and
are
disputed.
he
appears
as
the
so-called
"
peking
man
"
,
whose
bones
were
found
in
caves
of
chou-k
'ou-tien
south
of
peking.
the
peking
man
is
vastly
different
from
the
men
of
today
,
and
forms
a
special
branch
of
the
human
race
,
closely
allied
to
the
pithecanthropus
of
java.
the
formation
of
later
races
of
mankind
from
these
types
has
not
yet
been
traced
,
if
it
occurred
at
all.
some
anthropologists
consider
,
however
,
that
the
peking
man
possessed
already
certain
characteristics
peculiar
to
the
yellow
race.
the
peking
man
lived
in
caves
;
no
doubt
he
was
a
hunter
,
already
in
possession
of
very
simple
stone
implements
and
also
of
the
art
of
making
fire.
as
none
of
the
skeletons
so
far
found
are
complete
,
it
is
assumed
that
he
buried
certain
bones
of
the
dead
in
different
places
from
the
rest.
this
burial
custom
,
which
is
found
among
primitive
peoples
in
other
parts
of
the
world
,
suggests
the
conclusion
that
the
peking
man
already
had
religious
notions.
we
have
no
knowledge
yet
of
the
length
of
time
the
peking
man
may
have
inhabited
the
far
east.
his
first
traces
are
attributed
to
a
million
years
ago
,
and
he
may
have
flourished
in
##number##
b.c.
##number##
_the
palaeolithic
age_
after
the
period
of
the
peking
man
there
comes
a
great
gap
in
our
knowledge.
all
that
we
know
indicates
that
at
the
time
of
the
peking
man
there
must
have
been
a
warmer
and
especially
a
damper
climate
in
north
china
and
inner
mongolia
than
today.
great
areas
of
the
ordos
region
,
now
dry
steppe
,
were
traversed
in
that
epoch
by
small
rivers
and
lakes
beside
which
men
could
live.
there
were
elephants
,
rhinoceroses
,
extinct
species
of
stag
and
bull
,
even
tapirs
and
other
wild
animals.
about
##number##
b.c.
there
lived
by
these
lakes
a
hunting
people
whose
stone
implements
(
and
a
few
of
bone
)
have
been
found
in
many
places.
the
implements
are
comparable
in
type
with
the
palaeolithic
implements
of
europe
(
mousterian
type
,
and
more
rarely
aurignacian
or
even
magdalenian
)
.
they
are
not
,
however
,
exactly
like
the
european
implements
,
but
have
a
character
of
their
own.
we
do
not
yet
know
what
the
men
of
these
communities
looked
like
,
because
as
yet
no
indisputable
human
remains
have
been
found.
all
the
stone
implements
have
been
found
on
the
surface
,
where
they
have
been
brought
to
light
by
the
wind
as
it
swept
away
the
loess.
these
stone-age
communities
seem
to
have
lasted
a
considerable
time
and
to
have
been
spread
not
only
over
north
china
but
over
mongolia
and
manchuria.
it
must
not
be
assumed
that
the
stone
age
came
to
an
end
at
the
same
time
everywhere.
historical
accounts
have
recorded
,
for
instance
,
that
stone
implements
were
still
in
use
in
manchuria
and
eastern
mongolia
at
a
time
when
metal
was
known
and
used
in
western
mongolia
and
northern
china.
our
knowledge
about
the
palaeolithic
period
of
central
and
south
china
is
still
extremely
limited
;
we
have
to
wait
for
more
excavations
before
anything
can
be
said.
certainly
,
many
implements
in
this
area
were
made
of
wood
or
more
probably
bamboo
,
such
as
we
still
find
among
the
non-chinese
tribes
of
the
south-west
and
of
south-east
asia.
such
implements
,
naturally
,
could
not
last
until
today.
about
##number##
b.c.
there
appears
in
north
china
a
new
human
type
,
found
in
upper
layers
in
the
same
caves
that
sheltered
peking
man.
this
type
is
beyond
doubt
not
mongoloid
,
and
may
have
been
allied
to
the
ainu
,
a
non-mongol
race
still
living
in
northern
japan.
these
,
too
,
were
a
palaeolithic
people
,
though
some
of
their
implements
show
technical
advance.
later
they
disappear
,
probably
because
they
were
absorbed
into
various
populations
of
central
and
northern
asia.
remains
of
them
have
been
found
in
badly
explored
graves
in
northern
korea.
##number##
_the
neolithic
age_
in
the
period
that
now
followed
,
northern
china
must
have
gradually
become
arid
,
and
the
formation
of
loess
seems
to
have
steadily
advanced.
there
is
once
more
a
great
gap
in
our
knowledge
until
,
about
##number##
b.c.
,
we
can
trace
in
north
china
a
purely
mongoloid
people
with
a
neolithic
culture.
in
place
of
hunters
we
find
cattle
breeders
,
who
are
even
to
some
extent
agriculturists
as
well.
this
may
seem
an
astonishing
statement
for
so
early
an
age.
it
is
a
fact
,
however
,
that
pure
pastoral
nomadism
is
exceptional
,
that
normal
pastoral
nomads
have
always
added
a
little
farming
to
their
cattle-breeding
,
in
order
to
secure
the
needed
additional
food
and
above
all
fodder
,
for
the
winter.
at
this
time
,
about
##number##
b.c.
,
the
other
parts
of
china
come
into
view.
the
neolithic
implements
of
the
various
regions
of
the
far
east
are
far
from
being
uniform
;
there
are
various
separate
cultures.
in
the
north-west
of
china
there
is
a
system
of
cattle-breeding
combined
with
agriculture
,
a
distinguishing
feature
being
the
possession
of
finely
polished
axes
of
rectangular
section
,
with
a
cutting
edge.
farther
east
,
in
the
north
and
reaching
far
to
the
south
,
is
found
a
culture
with
axes
of
round
or
oval
section.
in
the
south
and
in
the
coastal
region
from
nanking
to
tonking
,
yuennan
to
fukien
,
and
reaching
as
far
as
the
coasts
of
korea
and
japan
,
is
a
culture
with
so-called
shoulder-axes.
szechwan
and
yuennan
represented
a
further
independent
culture.
all
these
cultures
were
at
first
independent.
later
the
shoulder-axe
culture
penetrated
as
far
as
eastern
india.
its
people
are
known
to
philological
research
as
austroasiatics
,
who
formed
the
original
stock
of
the
australian
aborigines
;
they
survived
in
india
as
the
munda
tribes
,
in
indo-china
as
the
mon-khmer
,
and
also
remained
in
pockets
on
the
islands
of
indonesia
and
especially
melanesia.
all
these
peoples
had
migrated
from
southern
china.
the
peoples
with
the
oval-axe
culture
are
the
so-called
papuan
peoples
in
melanesia
;
they
,
too
,
migrated
from
southern
china
,
probably
before
the
others.
both
groups
influenced
the
ancient
japanese
culture.
the
rectangular-axe
culture
of
north-west
china
spread
widely
,
and
moved
southward
,
where
the
austronesian
peoples
(
from
whom
the
malays
are
descended
)
were
its
principal
constituents
,
spreading
that
culture
also
to
japan.
thus
we
see
here
,
in
this
period
around
##number##
b.c.
,
an
extensive
mutual
penetration
of
the
various
cultures
all
over
the
far
east
,
including
japan
,
which
in
the
palaeolithic
age
was
apparently
without
or
almost
without
settlers.
##number##
_the
eight
principal
prehistoric
cultures_
in
the
period
roughly
around
##number##
b.c.
the
general
historical
view
becomes
much
clearer.
thanks
to
a
special
method
of
working
,
making
use
of
the
ethnological
sources
available
from
later
times
together
with
the
archaeological
sources
,
much
new
knowledge
has
been
gained
in
recent
years.
at
this
time
there
is
still
no
trace
of
a
chinese
realm
;
we
find
instead
on
chinese
soil
a
considerable
number
of
separate
local
cultures
,
each
developing
on
its
own
lines.
the
chief
of
these
cultures
,
acquaintance
with
which
is
essential
to
a
knowledge
of
the
whole
later
development
of
the
far
east
,
are
as
follows
:
(
a
)
_the
north-east
culture_
,
centred
in
the
present
provinces
of
hopei
(
in
which
peking
lies
)
,
shantung
,
and
southern
manchuria.
the
people
of
this
culture
were
ancestors
of
the
tunguses
,
probably
mixed
with
an
element
that
is
contained
in
the
present-day
paleo-siberian
tribes.
these
men
were
mainly
hunters
,
but
probably
soon
developed
a
little
primitive
agriculture
and
made
coarse
,
thick
pottery
with
certain
basic
forms
which
were
long
preserved
in
subsequent
chinese
pottery
(
for
instance
,
a
type
of
the
so-called
tripods
)
.
later
,
pig-breeding
became
typical
of
this
culture.
(
b
)
_the
northern
culture_
existed
to
the
west
of
that
culture
,
in
the
region
of
the
present
chinese
province
of
shansi
and
in
the
province
of
jehol
in
inner
mongolia.
these
people
had
been
hunters
,
but
then
became
pastoral
nomads
,
depending
mainly
on
cattle.
the
people
of
this
culture
were
the
tribes
later
known
as
mongols
,
the
so-called
proto-mongols.
anthropologically
they
belonged
,
like
the
tunguses
,
to
the
mongol
race.
(
c
)
the
people
of
the
culture
farther
west
,
the
_north-west
culture_
,
were
not
mongols.
they
,
too
,
were
originally
hunters
,
and
later
became
a
pastoral
people
,
with
a
not
inconsiderable
agriculture
(
especially
growing
wheat
and
millet
)
.
the
typical
animal
of
this
group
soon
became
the
horse.
the
horse
seems
to
be
the
last
of
the
great
animals
to
be
domesticated
,
and
the
date
of
its
first
occurrence
in
domesticated
form
in
the
far
east
is
not
yet
determined
,
but
we
can
assume
that
by
##number##
b.c.
this
group
was
already
in
the
possession
of
horses.
the
horse
has
always
been
a
"
luxury
"
,
a
valuable
animal
which
needed
special
care.
for
their
economic
needs
,
these
tribes
depended
on
other
animals
,
probably
sheep
,
goats
,
and
cattle.
the
centre
of
this
culture
,
so
far
as
can
be
ascertained
from
chinese
sources
,
were
the
present
provinces
of
shensi
and
kansu
,
but
mainly
only
the
plains.
the
people
of
this
culture
were
most
probably
ancestors
of
the
later
turkish
peoples.
it
is
not
suggested
,
of
course
,
that
the
original
home
of
the
turks
lay
in
the
region
of
the
chinese
provinces
of
shensi
and
kansu
;
one
gains
the
impression
,
however
,
that
this
was
a
border
region
of
the
turkish
expansion
;
the
chinese
documents
concerning
that
period
do
not
suffice
to
establish
the
centre
of
the
turkish
territory.
(
d
)
in
the
_west_
,
in
the
present
provinces
of
szechwan
and
in
all
the
mountain
regions
of
the
provinces
of
kansu
and
shensi
,
lived
the
ancestors
of
the
tibetan
peoples
as
another
separate
culture.
they
were
shepherds
,
generally
wandering
with
their
flocks
of
sheep
and
goats
on
the
mountain
heights.
(
e
)
in
the
_south_
we
meet
with
four
further
cultures.
one
is
very
primitive
,
the
liao
culture
,
the
peoples
of
which
are
the
austroasiatics
already
mentioned.
these
are
peoples
who
never
developed
beyond
the
stage
of
primitive
hunters
,
some
of
whom
were
not
even
acquainted
with
the
bow
and
arrow.
farther
east
is
the
yao
culture
,
an
early
austronesian
culture
,
the
people
of
which
also
lived
in
the
mountains
,
some
as
collectors
and
hunters
,
some
going
over
to
a
simple
type
of
agriculture
(
denshiring
)
.
they
mingled
later
with
the
last
great
culture
of
the
south
,
the
tai
culture
,
distinguished
by
agriculture.
the
people
lived
in
the
valleys
and
mainly
cultivated
rice.
the
origin
of
rice
is
not
yet
known
;
according
to
some
scholars
,
rice
was
first
cultivated
in
the
area
of
present
burma
and
was
perhaps
at
first
a
perennial
plant.
apart
from
the
typical
rice
which
needs
much
water
,
there
were
also
some
strains
of
dry
rice
which
,
however
,
did
not
gain
much
importance.
the
centre
of
this
tai
culture
may
have
been
in
the
present
provinces
of
kuangtung
and
kuanghsi.
today
,
their
descendants
form
the
principal
components
of
the
tai
in
thailand
,
the
shan
in
burma
and
the
lao
in
laos.
their
immigration
into
the
areas
of
the
shan
states
of
burma
and
into
thailand
took
place
only
in
quite
recent
historical
periods
,
probably
not
much
earlier
than
a.d.
##number##
finally
there
arose
from
the
mixture
of
the
yao
with
the
tai
culture
,
at
a
rather
later
time
,
the
yueeh
culture
,
another
early
austronesian
culture
,
which
then
spread
over
wide
regions
of
indonesia
,
and
of
which
the
axe
of
rectangular
section
,
mentioned
above
,
became
typical.
thus
,
to
sum
up
,
we
may
say
that
,
quite
roughly
,
in
the
middle
of
the
third
millennium
we
meet
in
the
_north_
and
west
of
present-day
china
with
a
number
of
herdsmen
cultures.
in
the
_south_
there
were
a
number
of
agrarian
cultures
,
of
which
the
tai
was
the
most
powerful
,
becoming
of
most
importance
to
the
later
china.
we
must
assume
that
these
cultures
were
as
yet
undifferentiated
in
their
social
composition
,
that
is
to
say
that
as
yet
there
was
no
distinct
social
stratification
,
but
at
most
beginnings
of
class-formation
,
especially
among
the
nomad
herdsmen.
[
illustration
:
map
##number##
regions
of
the
principal
local
cultures
in
prehistoric
times.
_local
cultures
of
minor
importance
have
not
been
shown_.
]
##number##
_the
yang-shao
culture_
the
various
cultures
here
described
gradually
penetrated
one
another
,
especially
at
points
where
they
met.
such
a
process
does
not
yield
a
simple
total
of
the
cultural
elements
involved
;
any
new
combination
produces
entirely
different
conditions
with
corresponding
new
results
which
,
in
turn
,
represent
the
characteristics
of
the
culture
that
supervenes.
we
can
no
longer
follow
this
process
of
penetration
in
detail
;
it
need
not
by
any
means
have
been
always
warlike.
conquest
of
one
group
by
another
was
only
one
way
of
mutual
cultural
penetration.
in
other
cases
,
a
group
which
occupied
the
higher
altitudes
and
practiced
hunting
or
slash-and-burn
agriculture
came
into
closer
contacts
with
another
group
in
the
valleys
which
practiced
some
form
of
higher
agriculture
;
frequently
,
such
contacts
resulted
in
particular
forms
of
division
of
labour
in
a
unified
and
often
stratified
new
form
of
society.
recent
and
present
developments
in
south-east
asia
present
a
number
of
examples
for
such
changes.
increase
of
population
is
certainly
one
of
the
most
important
elements
which
lead
to
these
developments.
the
result
,
as
a
rule
,
was
a
stratified
society
being
made
up
of
at
least
one
privileged
and
one
ruled
stratum.
thus
there
came
into
existence
around
##number##
b.c.
some
new
cultures
,
which
are
well
known
archaeologically.
the
most
important
of
these
are
the
yang-shao
culture
in
the
west
and
the
lung-shan
culture
in
the
east.
our
knowledge
of
both
these
cultures
is
of
quite
recent
date
and
there
are
many
enigmas
still
to
be
cleared
up.
the
_yang-shao
culture_
takes
its
name
from
a
prehistoric
settlement
in
the
west
of
the
present
province
of
honan
,
where
swedish
investigators
discovered
it.
typical
of
this
culture
is
its
wonderfully
fine
pottery
,
apparently
used
as
gifts
to
the
dead.
it
is
painted
in
three
colours
,
white
,
red
,
and
black.
the
patterns
are
all
stylized
,
designs
copied
from
nature
being
rare.
we
are
now
able
to
divide
this
painted
pottery
into
several
sub-types
of
specific
distribution
,
and
we
know
that
this
style
existed
from
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
on.
in
general
,
it
tends
to
disappear
as
does
painted
pottery
in
other
parts
of
the
world
with
the
beginning
of
urban
civilization
and
the
invention
of
writing.
the
typical
yang-shao
culture
seems
to
have
come
to
an
end
around
##number##
or
##number##
b.c.
it
continued
in
some
more
remote
areas
,
especially
of
kansu
,
perhaps
to
about
##number##
b.c.
remnants
of
this
painted
pottery
have
been
found
over
a
wide
area
from
southern
manchuria
,
hopei
,
shansi
,
honan
,
shensi
to
kansu
;
some
pieces
have
also
been
discovered
in
sinkiang.
thus
far
,
it
seems
that
it
occurred
mainly
in
the
mountainous
parts
of
north
and
north-west
china.
the
people
of
this
culture
lived
in
villages
near
to
the
rivers
and
creeks.
they
had
various
forms
of
houses
,
including
underground
dwellings
and
animal
enclosures.
they
practiced
some
agriculture
;
some
authors
believe
that
rice
was
already
known
to
them.
they
also
had
domesticated
animals.
their
implements
were
of
stone
with
rare
specimens
of
bone.
the
axes
were
of
the
rectangular
type.
metal
was
as
yet
unknown
,
but
seems
to
have
been
introduced
towards
the
end
of
the
period.
they
buried
their
dead
on
the
higher
elevations
,
and
here
the
painted
pottery
was
found.
for
their
daily
life
,
they
used
predominantly
a
coarse
grey
pottery.
after
the
discovery
of
this
culture
,
its
pottery
was
compared
with
the
painted
pottery
of
the
west
,
and
a
number
of
resemblances
were
found
,
especially
with
the
pottery
of
the
lower
danube
basin
and
that
of
anau
,
in
turkestan.
some
authors
claim
that
such
resemblances
are
fortuitous
and
believe
that
the
older
layers
of
this
culture
are
to
be
found
in
the
eastern
part
of
its
distribution
and
only
the
later
layers
in
the
west.
it
is
,
they
say
,
these
later
stages
which
show
the
strongest
resemblances
with
the
west.
other
authors
believe
that
the
painted
pottery
came
from
the
west
where
it
occurs
definitely
earlier
than
in
the
far
east
;
some
investigators
went
so
far
as
to
regard
the
indo-europeans
as
the
parents
of
that
civilization.
as
we
find
people
who
spoke
an
indo-european
language
in
the
far
east
in
a
later
period
,
they
tend
to
connect
the
spread
of
painted
pottery
with
the
spread
of
indo-european-speaking
groups.
as
most
findings
of
painted
pottery
in
the
far
east
do
not
stem
from
scientific
excavations
it
is
difficult
to
make
any
decision
at
this
moment.
we
will
have
to
wait
for
more
and
modern
excavations.
from
our
knowledge
of
primeval
settlement
in
west
and
north-west
china
we
know
,
however
,
that
tibetan
groups
,
probably
mixed
with
turkish
elements
,
must
have
been
the
main
inhabitants
of
the
whole
region
in
which
this
painted
pottery
existed.
whatever
the
origin
of
the
painted
pottery
may
be
,
it
seems
that
people
of
these
two
groups
were
the
main
users
of
it.
most
of
the
shapes
of
their
pottery
are
not
found
in
later
chinese
pottery.
##number##
_the
lung-shan
culture_
while
the
yang-shao
culture
flourished
in
the
mountain
regions
of
northern
and
western
china
around
##number##
b.c.
,
there
came
into
existence
in
the
plains
of
eastern
china
another
culture
,
which
is
called
the
lung-shan
culture
,
from
the
scene
of
the
principal
discoveries.
lung-shan
is
in
the
province
of
shantung
,
near
chinan-fu.
this
culture
,
discovered
only
about
twenty-five
years
ago
,
is
distinguished
by
a
black
pottery
of
exceptionally
fine
quality
and
by
a
similar
absence
of
metal.
the
pottery
has
a
polished
appearance
on
the
exterior
;
it
is
never
painted
,
and
mostly
without
decoration
;
at
most
it
may
have
incised
geometrical
patterns.
the
forms
of
the
vessels
are
the
same
as
have
remained
typical
of
chinese
pottery
,
and
of
far
eastern
pottery
in
general.
to
that
extent
the
lung-shan
culture
may
be
described
as
one
of
the
direct
predecessors
of
the
later
chinese
civilization.
as
in
the
west
,
we
find
in
lung-shan
much
grey
pottery
out
of
which
vessels
for
everyday
use
were
produced.
this
simple
corded
or
matted
ware
seems
to
be
in
connection
with
tunguse
people
who
lived
in
the
north-east.
the
people
of
the
lung-shan
culture
lived
on
mounds
produced
by
repeated
building
on
the
ruins
of
earlier
settlements
,
as
did
the
inhabitants
of
the
"
tells
"
in
the
near
east.
they
were
therefore
a
long-settled
population
of
agriculturists.
their
houses
were
of
mud
,
and
their
villages
were
surrounded
with
mud
walls.
there
are
signs
that
their
society
was
stratified.
so
far
as
is
known
at
present
,
this
culture
was
spread
over
the
present
provinces
of
shantung
,
kiangsu
,
chekiang
,
and
anhui
,
and
some
specimens
of
its
pottery
went
as
far
as
honan
and
shansi
,
into
the
region
of
the
painted
pottery.
this
culture
lasted
in
the
east
until
about
##number##
b.c.
,
with
clear
evidence
of
rather
longer
duration
only
in
the
south.
as
black
pottery
of
a
similar
character
occurs
also
in
the
near
east
,
some
authors
believe
that
it
has
been
introduced
into
the
far
east
by
another
migration
(
pontic
migration
)
following
that
migration
which
supposedly
brought
the
painted
pottery.
this
theory
has
not
been
generally
accepted
because
of
the
fact
that
typical
black
pottery
is
limited
to
the
plains
of
east
china
;
if
it
had
been
brought
in
from
the
west
,
we
should
expect
to
find
it
in
considerable
amounts
also
in
west
china.
ordinary
black
pottery
can
be
simply
the
result
of
a
special
temperature
in
the
pottery
kiln
;
such
pottery
can
be
found
almost
everywhere.
the
typical
thin
,
fine
black
pottery
of
lung-shan
,
however
,
is
in
the
far
east
an
eastern
element
,
and
migrants
would
have
had
to
pass
through
the
area
of
the
painted
pottery
people
without
leaving
many
traces
and
without
pushing
their
predecessors
to
the
east.
on
the
basis
of
our
present
knowledge
we
assume
that
the
peoples
of
the
lung-shan
culture
were
probably
of
tai
and
yao
stocks
together
with
some
tunguses.
recently
,
a
culture
of
mound-dwellers
in
eastern
china
has
been
discovered
,
and
a
southern
chinese
culture
of
people
with
impressed
or
stamped
pottery.
this
latter
seems
to
be
connected
with
the
yueeh
tribes.
as
yet
,
no
further
details
are
known.
##number##
_the
first
petty
states
in
shansi_
at
the
time
in
which
,
according
to
archaeological
research
,
the
painted
pottery
flourished
in
west
china
,
chinese
historical
tradition
has
it
that
the
semi-historical
rulers
,
yao
and
shun
,
and
the
first
official
dynasty
,
the
hsia
dynasty
ruled
over
parts
of
china
with
a
centre
in
southern
shansi.
while
we
dismiss
as
political
myths
the
confucianist
stories
representing
yao
and
shun
as
models
of
virtuous
rulers
,
it
may
be
that
a
small
state
existed
in
south-western
shansi
under
a
chieftain
yao
,
and
farther
to
the
east
another
small
state
under
a
chieftain
shun
,
and
that
these
states
warred
against
each
other
until
yao
's
state
was
destroyed.
these
first
small
states
may
have
existed
around
##number##
b.c.
on
the
cultural
scene
we
first
find
an
important
element
of
progress
:
bronze
,
in
traces
in
the
middle
layers
of
the
yang-shao
culture
,
about
##number##
b.c.
;
that
element
had
become
very
widespread
by
##number##
b.c.
the
forms
of
the
oldest
weapons
and
their
ornamentation
show
similarities
with
weapons
from
siberia
;
and
both
mythology
and
other
indications
suggest
that
the
bronze
came
into
china
from
the
north
and
was
not
produced
in
china
proper.
thus
,
from
the
present
state
of
our
knowledge
,
it
seems
most
correct
to
say
that
the
bronze
was
brought
to
the
far
east
through
the
agency
of
peoples
living
north
of
china
,
such
as
the
turkish
tribes
who
in
historical
times
were
china
's
northern
neighbours
(
or
perhaps
only
individual
families
or
clans
,
the
so-called
smith
families
with
whom
we
meet
later
in
turkish
tradition
)
,
reaching
the
chinese
either
through
these
people
themselves
or
through
the
further
agency
of
mongols.
at
first
the
forms
of
the
weapons
were
left
unaltered.
the
bronze
vessels
,
however
,
which
made
their
appearance
about
##number##
b.c.
are
entirely
different
from
anything
produced
in
other
parts
of
asia
;
their
ornamentation
shows
,
on
the
one
hand
,
elements
of
the
so-called
"
animal
style
"
which
is
typical
of
the
steppe
people
of
the
ordos
area
and
of
central
asia.
but
most
of
the
other
elements
,
especially
the
"
filling
"
between
stylized
designs
,
is
recognizably
southern
(
probably
of
the
tai
culture
)
,
no
doubt
first
applied
to
wooden
vessels
and
vessels
made
from
gourds
,
and
then
transferred
to
bronze.
this
implies
that
the
art
of
casting
bronze
very
soon
spread
from
north
china
,
where
it
was
first
practiced
by
turkish
peoples
,
to
the
east
and
south
,
which
quickly
developed
bronze
industries
of
their
own.
there
are
few
deposits
of
copper
and
tin
in
north
china
,
while
in
south
china
both
metals
are
plentiful
and
easily
extracted
,
so
that
a
trade
in
bronze
from
south
to
north
soon
set
in.
the
origin
of
the
hsia
state
may
have
been
a
consequence
of
the
progress
due
to
bronze.
the
chinese
tradition
speaks
of
the
hsia
_dynasty_
,
but
can
say
scarcely
anything
about
it.
the
excavations
,
too
,
yield
no
clear
conclusions
,
so
that
we
can
only
say
that
it
flourished
at
the
time
and
in
the
area
in
which
the
painted
pottery
occurred
,
with
a
centre
in
south-west
shansi.
we
date
this
dynasty
now
somewhere
between
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
and
believe
that
it
was
an
agrarian
culture
with
bronze
weapons
and
pottery
vessels
but
without
the
knowledge
of
the
art
of
writing.
chapter
two
the
shang
dynasty
(
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
_period
,
origin
,
material
culture_
about
##number##
b.c.
we
come
at
last
into
the
realm
of
history.
of
the
shang
dynasty
,
which
now
followed
,
we
have
knowledge
both
from
later
texts
and
from
excavations
and
the
documents
they
have
brought
to
light.
the
shang
civilization
,
an
evident
off-shoot
of
the
lung-shan
culture
(
tai
,
yao
,
and
tunguses
)
,
but
also
with
elements
of
the
hsia
culture
(
with
tibetan
and
mongol
and/or
turkish
elements
)
,
was
beyond
doubt
a
high
civilization.
of
the
origin
of
the
shang
_state_
we
have
no
details
,
nor
do
we
know
how
the
hsia
culture
passed
into
the
shang
culture.
the
central
territory
of
the
shang
realm
lay
in
north-western
honan
,
alongside
the
shansi
mountains
and
extending
into
the
plains.
it
was
a
peasant
civilization
with
towns.
one
of
these
towns
has
been
excavated.
it
adjoined
the
site
of
the
present
town
of
anyang
,
in
the
province
of
honan.
the
town
,
the
shang
capital
from
_c_.
##number##
to
##number##
b.c.
,
was
probably
surrounded
by
a
mud
wall
,
as
were
the
settlements
of
the
lung-shan
people.
in
the
centre
was
what
evidently
was
the
ruler
's
palace.
round
this
were
houses
probably
inhabited
by
artisans
;
for
the
artisans
formed
a
sort
of
intermediate
class
,
as
dependents
of
the
ruling
class.
from
inscriptions
we
know
that
the
shang
had
,
in
addition
to
their
capital
,
at
least
two
other
large
cities
and
many
smaller
town-like
settlements
and
villages.
the
rectangular
houses
were
built
in
a
style
still
found
in
chinese
houses
,
except
that
their
front
did
not
always
face
south
as
is
now
the
general
rule.
the
shang
buried
their
kings
in
large
,
subterranean
,
cross-shaped
tombs
outside
the
city
,
and
many
implements
,
animals
and
human
sacrifices
were
buried
together
with
them.
the
custom
of
large
burial
mounds
,
which
later
became
typical
of
the
chou
dynasty
,
did
not
yet
exist.
the
shang
had
sculptures
in
stone
,
an
art
which
later
more
or
less
completely
disappeared
and
which
was
resuscitated
only
in
post-christian
times
under
the
influence
of
indian
buddhism.
yet
,
shang
culture
cannot
well
be
called
a
"
megalithic
"
culture.
bronze
implements
and
especially
bronze
vessels
were
cast
in
the
town.
we
even
know
the
trade
marks
of
some
famous
bronze
founders.
the
bronze
weapons
are
still
similar
to
those
from
siberia
,
and
are
often
ornamented
in
the
so-called
"
animal
style
"
,
which
was
used
among
all
the
nomad
peoples
between
the
ordos
region
and
siberia
until
the
beginning
of
the
christian
era.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
famous
bronze
vessels
are
more
of
southern
type
,
and
reveal
an
advanced
technique
that
has
scarcely
been
excelled
since.
there
can
be
no
doubt
that
the
bronze
vessels
were
used
for
religious
service
and
not
for
everyday
life.
for
everyday
use
there
were
earthenware
vessels.
even
in
the
middle
of
the
first
millennium
b.c.
,
bronze
was
exceedingly
dear
,
as
we
know
from
the
records
of
prices.
china
has
always
suffered
from
scarcity
of
metal.
for
that
reason
metal
was
accumulated
as
capital
,
entailing
a
further
rise
in
prices
;
when
prices
had
reached
a
sufficient
height
,
the
stocks
were
thrown
on
the
market
and
prices
fell
again.
later
,
when
there
was
a
metal
coinage
,
this
cycle
of
inflation
and
deflation
became
still
clearer.
the
metal
coinage
was
of
its
full
nominal
value
,
so
that
it
was
possible
to
coin
money
by
melting
down
bronze
implements.
as
the
money
in
circulation
was
increased
in
this
way
,
the
value
of
the
currency
fell.
then
it
paid
to
turn
coin
into
metal
implements.
this
once
more
reduced
the
money
in
circulation
and
increased
the
value
of
the
remaining
coinage.
thus
through
the
whole
course
of
chinese
history
the
scarcity
of
metal
and
insufficiency
of
production
of
metal
continually
produced
extensive
fluctuations
of
the
stocks
and
the
value
of
metal
,
amounting
virtually
to
an
economic
law
in
china.
consequently
metal
implements
were
never
universally
in
use
,
and
vessels
were
always
of
earthenware
,
with
the
further
result
of
the
early
invention
of
porcelain.
porcelain
vessels
have
many
of
the
qualities
of
metal
ones
,
but
are
cheaper.
the
earthenware
vessels
used
in
this
period
are
in
many
cases
already
very
near
to
porcelain
:
there
was
a
pottery
of
a
brilliant
white
,
lacking
only
the
glaze
which
would
have
made
it
into
porcelain.
patterns
were
stamped
on
the
surface
,
often
resembling
the
patterns
on
bronze
articles.
this
ware
was
used
only
for
formal
,
ceremonial
purposes.
for
daily
use
there
was
also
a
perfectly
simple
grey
pottery.
silk
was
already
in
use
at
this
time.
the
invention
of
sericulture
must
therefore
have
dated
from
very
ancient
times
in
china.
it
undoubtedly
originated
in
the
south
of
china
,
and
at
first
not
only
the
threads
spun
by
the
silkworm
but
those
made
by
other
caterpillars
were
also
used.
the
remains
of
silk
fabrics
that
have
been
found
show
already
an
advanced
weaving
technique.
in
addition
to
silk
,
various
plant
fibres
,
such
as
hemp
,
were
in
use.
woollen
fabrics
do
not
seem
to
have
been
yet
used.
the
shang
were
agriculturists
,
but
their
implements
were
still
rather
primitive.
there
was
no
real
plough
yet
;
hoes
and
hoe-like
implements
were
used
,
and
the
grain
,
mainly
different
kinds
of
millet
and
some
wheat
,
was
harvested
with
sickles.
the
materials
,
from
which
these
implements
were
made
,
were
mainly
wood
and
stone
;
bronze
was
still
too
expensive
to
be
utilized
by
the
ordinary
farmer.
as
a
great
number
of
vessels
for
wine
in
many
different
forms
have
been
excavated
,
we
can
assume
that
wine
,
made
from
special
kinds
of
millet
,
was
a
popular
drink.
the
shang
state
had
its
centre
in
northern
honan
,
north
of
the
yellow
river.
at
various
times
,
different
towns
were
made
into
the
capital
city
;
yin-ch
'ue
,
their
last
capital
and
the
only
one
which
has
been
excavated
,
was
their
sixth
capital.
we
do
not
know
why
the
capitals
were
removed
to
new
locations
;
it
is
possible
that
floods
were
one
of
the
main
reasons.
the
area
under
more
or
less
organized
shang
control
comprised
towards
the
end
of
the
dynasty
the
present
provinces
of
honan
,
western
shantung
,
southern
hopei
,
central
and
south
shansi
,
east
shensi
,
parts
of
kiangsu
and
anhui.
we
can
only
roughly
estimate
the
size
of
the
population
of
the
shang
state.
late
texts
say
that
at
the
time
of
the
annihilation
of
the
dynasty
,
some
##number##
million
free
men
and
##number##
million
serfs
were
captured
by
the
conquerors
;
this
would
indicate
a
population
of
at
least
some
##number##
millions.
this
seems
a
possible
number
,
if
we
consider
that
an
inscription
of
the
tenth
century
b.c.
which
reports
about
an
ordinary
war
against
a
small
and
unimportant
western
neighbour
,
speaks
of
##number##
free
men
and
##number##
serfs
taken
as
prisoners.
inscriptions
mention
many
neighbours
of
the
shang
with
whom
they
were
in
more
or
less
continuous
state
of
war.
many
of
these
neighbours
can
now
be
identified.
we
know
that
shansi
at
that
time
was
inhabited
by
ch
'iang
tribes
,
belonging
to
the
tibetan
culture
,
as
well
as
by
ti
tribes
,
belonging
to
the
northern
culture
,
and
by
hsien-yuen
and
other
tribes
,
belonging
to
the
north-western
culture
;
the
centre
of
the
ch
'iang
tribes
was
more
in
the
south-west
of
shansi
and
in
shensi.
some
of
these
tribes
definitely
once
formed
a
part
of
the
earlier
hsia
state.
the
identification
of
the
eastern
neighbours
of
the
shang
presents
more
difficulties.
we
might
regard
them
as
representatives
of
the
tai
and
yao
cultures.
##number##
_writing
and
religion_
not
only
the
material
but
also
the
intellectual
level
attained
in
the
shang
period
was
very
high.
we
meet
for
the
first
time
with
writing
--
much
later
than
in
the
middle
east
and
in
india.
chinese
scholars
have
succeeded
in
deciphering
some
of
the
documents
discovered
,
so
that
we
are
able
to
learn
a
great
deal
from
them.
the
writing
is
a
rudimentary
form
of
the
present-day
chinese
script
,
and
like
it
a
pictorial
writing
,
but
also
makes
use
,
as
today
,
of
many
phonetic
signs.
there
were
,
however
,
a
good
many
characters
that
no
longer
exist
,
and
many
now
used
are
absent.
there
were
already
more
than
##number##
characters
in
use
of
which
some
##number##
can
now
be
read.
(
today
newspapers
use
some
##number##
characters
;
scholars
have
command
of
up
to
##number##
;
the
whole
of
chinese
literature
,
ancient
and
modern
,
comprises
some
##number##
characters.
)
with
these
##number##
characters
the
chinese
of
the
shang
period
were
able
to
express
themselves
well.
the
still
existing
fragments
of
writing
of
this
period
are
found
almost
exclusively
on
tortoiseshells
or
on
other
bony
surfaces
,
and
they
represent
oracles.
as
early
as
in
the
lung-shan
culture
there
was
divination
by
means
of
"
oracle
bones
"
,
at
first
without
written
characters.
in
the
earliest
period
any
bones
of
animals
(
especially
shoulder-bones
)
were
used
;
later
only
tortoiseshell.
for
the
purpose
of
the
oracle
a
depression
was
burnt
in
the
shell
so
that
cracks
were
formed
on
the
other
side
,
and
the
future
was
foretold
from
their
direction.
subsequently
particular
questions
were
scratched
on
the
shells
,
and
the
answers
to
them
;
these
are
the
documents
that
have
come
down
to
us.
in
anyang
tens
of
thousands
of
these
oracle
bones
with
inscriptions
have
been
found.
the
custom
of
asking
the
oracle
and
of
writing
the
answers
on
the
bones
spread
over
the
borders
of
the
shang
state
and
continued
in
some
areas
after
the
end
of
the
dynasty.
the
bronze
vessels
of
later
times
often
bear
long
inscriptions
,
but
those
of
the
shang
period
have
only
very
brief
texts.
on
the
other
hand
,
they
are
ornamented
with
pictures
,
as
yet
largely
unintelligible
,
of
countless
deities
,
especially
in
the
shape
of
animals
or
birds
--
pictures
that
demand
interpretation.
the
principal
form
on
these
bronzes
is
that
of
the
so-called
t
'ao-t
'ieh
,
a
hybrid
with
the
head
of
a
water-buffalo
and
tiger
's
teeth.
the
shang
period
had
a
religion
with
many
nature
deities
,
especially
deities
of
fertility.
there
was
no
systematized
pantheon
,
different
deities
being
revered
in
each
locality
,
often
under
the
most
varied
names.
these
various
deities
were
,
however
,
similar
in
character
,
and
later
it
occurred
often
that
many
of
them
were
combined
by
the
priests
into
a
single
god.
the
composite
deities
thus
formed
were
officially
worshipped.
their
primeval
forms
lived
on
,
however
,
especially
in
the
villages
,
many
centuries
longer
than
the
shang
dynasty.
the
sacrifices
associated
with
them
became
popular
festivals
,
and
so
these
gods
or
their
successors
were
saved
from
oblivion
;
some
of
them
have
lived
on
in
popular
religion
to
the
present
day.
the
supreme
god
of
the
official
worship
was
called
shang
ti
;
he
was
a
god
of
vegetation
who
guided
all
growth
and
birth
and
was
later
conceived
as
a
forefather
of
the
races
of
mankind.
the
earth
was
represented
as
a
mother
goddess
,
who
bore
the
plants
and
animals
procreated
by
shang
ti.
in
some
parts
of
the
shang
realm
the
two
were
conceived
as
a
married
couple
who
later
were
parted
by
one
of
their
children.
the
husband
went
to
heaven
,
and
the
rain
is
the
male
seed
that
creates
life
on
earth.
in
other
regions
it
was
supposed
that
in
the
beginning
of
the
world
there
was
a
world-egg
,
out
of
which
a
primeval
god
came
,
whose
body
was
represented
by
the
earth
:
his
hair
formed
the
plants
,
and
his
limbs
the
mountains
and
valleys.
every
considerable
mountain
was
also
itself
a
god
and
,
similarly
,
the
river
god
,
the
thunder
god
,
cloud
,
lightning
,
and
wind
gods
,
and
many
others
were
worshipped.
in
order
to
promote
the
fertility
of
the
earth
,
it
was
believed
that
sacrifices
must
be
offered
to
the
gods.
consequently
,
in
the
shang
realm
and
the
regions
surrounding
it
there
were
many
sorts
of
human
sacrifices
;
often
the
victims
were
prisoners
of
war.
one
gains
the
impression
that
many
wars
were
conducted
not
as
wars
of
conquest
but
only
for
the
purpose
of
capturing
prisoners
,
although
the
area
under
shang
control
gradually
increased
towards
the
west
and
the
south-east
,
a
fact
demonstrating
the
interest
in
conquest.
in
some
regions
men
lurked
in
the
spring
for
people
from
other
villages
;
they
slew
them
,
sacrificed
them
to
the
earth
,
and
distributed
portions
of
the
flesh
of
the
sacrifice
to
the
various
owners
of
fields
,
who
buried
them.
at
a
later
time
all
human
sacrifices
were
prohibited
,
but
we
have
reports
down
to
the
eleventh
century
a.d.
,
and
even
later
,
that
such
sacrifices
were
offered
secretly
in
certain
regions
of
central
china.
in
other
regions
a
great
boat
festival
was
held
in
the
spring
,
to
which
many
crews
came
crowded
in
long
narrow
boats.
at
least
one
of
the
boats
had
to
capsize
;
the
people
who
were
thus
drowned
were
a
sacrifice
to
the
deities
of
fertility.
this
festival
has
maintained
its
fundamental
character
to
this
day
,
in
spite
of
various
changes.
the
same
is
true
of
other
festivals
,
customs
,
and
conceptions
,
vestiges
of
which
are
contained
at
least
in
folklore.
in
addition
to
the
nature
deities
which
were
implored
to
give
fertility
,
to
send
rain
,
or
to
prevent
floods
and
storms
,
the
shang
also
worshipped
deceased
rulers
and
even
dead
ministers
as
a
kind
of
intermediaries
between
man
and
the
highest
deity
,
shang
ti.
this
practice
may
be
regarded
as
the
forerunner
of
"
ancestral
worship
"
which
became
so
typical
of
later
china.
##number##
_transition
to
feudalism_
at
the
head
of
the
shang
state
was
a
king
,
posthumously
called
a
"
ti
"
,
the
same
word
as
in
the
name
of
the
supreme
god.
we
have
found
on
bones
the
names
of
all
the
rulers
of
this
dynasty
and
even
some
of
their
pre-dynastic
ancestors.
these
names
can
be
brought
into
agreement
with
lists
of
rulers
found
in
the
ancient
chinese
literature.
the
ruler
seems
to
have
been
a
high
priest
,
too
;
and
around
him
were
many
other
priests.
we
know
some
of
them
now
so
well
from
the
inscriptions
that
their
biographies
could
be
written.
the
king
seems
to
have
had
some
kind
of
bureaucracy.
there
were
"
ch
'en
"
,
officials
who
served
the
ruler
personally
,
as
well
as
scribes
and
military
officials.
the
basic
army
organization
was
in
units
of
one
hundred
men
which
were
combined
as
"
right
"
,
"
left
"
and
"
central
"
units
into
an
army
of
##number##
men.
but
it
seems
that
the
central
power
did
not
extend
very
far.
in
the
more
distant
parts
of
the
realm
were
more
or
less
independent
lords
,
who
recognized
the
ruler
only
as
their
supreme
lord
and
religious
leader.
we
may
describe
this
as
an
early
,
loose
form
of
the
feudal
system
,
although
the
main
element
of
real
feudalism
was
still
absent.
the
main
obligations
of
these
lords
were
to
send
tributes
of
grain
,
to
participate
with
their
soldiers
in
the
wars
,
to
send
tortoise
shells
to
the
capital
to
be
used
there
for
oracles
,
and
to
send
occasionally
cattle
and
horses.
there
were
some
thirty
such
dependent
states.
although
we
do
not
know
much
about
the
general
population
,
we
know
that
the
rulers
had
a
patrilinear
system
of
inheritance.
after
the
death
of
the
ruler
his
brothers
followed
him
on
the
throne
,
the
older
brothers
first.
after
the
death
of
all
brothers
,
the
sons
of
older
or
younger
brothers
became
rulers.
no
preference
was
shown
to
the
son
of
the
oldest
brother
,
and
no
preference
between
sons
of
main
or
of
secondary
wives
is
recognizable.
thus
,
the
shang
patrilinear
system
was
much
less
extreme
than
the
later
system.
moreover
,
the
deceased
wives
of
the
rulers
played
a
great
role
in
the
cult
,
another
element
which
later
disappeared.
from
these
facts
and
from
the
general
structure
of
shang
religion
it
has
been
concluded
that
there
was
a
strong
matrilinear
strain
in
shang
culture.
although
this
cannot
be
proved
,
it
seems
quite
plausible
because
we
know
of
matrilinear
societies
in
the
south
of
china
at
later
times.
about
the
middle
of
the
shang
period
there
occurred
interesting
changes
,
probably
under
the
influence
of
nomad
peoples
from
the
north-west.
in
religion
there
appears
some
evidence
of
star-worship.
the
deities
seem
to
have
been
conceived
as
a
kind
of
celestial
court
of
shang
ti
,
as
his
"
officials
"
.
in
the
field
of
material
culture
,
horse-breeding
becomes
more
and
more
evident.
some
authors
believe
that
the
art
of
riding
was
already
known
in
late
shang
times
,
although
it
was
certainly
not
yet
so
highly
developed
that
cavalry
units
could
be
used
in
war.
with
horse-breeding
the
two-wheeled
light
war
chariot
makes
its
appearance.
the
wheel
was
already
known
in
earlier
times
in
the
form
of
the
potter
's
wheel.
recent
excavations
have
brought
to
light
burials
in
which
up
to
eighteen
chariots
with
two
or
four
horses
were
found
together
with
the
owners
of
the
chariots.
the
cart
is
not
a
chinese
invention
but
came
from
the
north
,
possibly
from
turkish
peoples.
it
has
been
contended
that
it
was
connected
with
the
war
chariot
of
the
near
east
:
shortly
before
the
shang
period
there
had
been
vast
upheavals
in
western
asia
,
mainly
in
connection
with
the
expansion
of
peoples
who
spoke
indo-european
languages
(
hittites
,
etc.
)
and
who
became
successful
through
the
use
of
quick
,
light
,
two-wheeled
war-chariots.
it
is
possible
,
but
cannot
be
proved
,
that
the
war-chariot
spread
through
central
asia
in
connection
with
the
spread
of
such
indo-european-speaking
groups
or
by
the
intermediary
of
turkish
tribes.
we
have
some
reasons
to
believe
that
the
first
indo-european-speaking
groups
arrived
in
the
far
east
in
the
middle
of
the
second
millennium
b.c.
some
authors
even
connect
the
hsia
with
these
groups.
in
any
case
,
the
maximal
distribution
of
these
people
seems
to
have
been
to
the
western
borders
of
the
shang
state.
as
in
western
asia
,
a
shang-time
chariot
was
manned
by
three
men
:
the
warrior
who
was
a
nobleman
,
his
driver
,
and
his
servant
who
handed
him
arrows
or
other
weapons
when
needed.
there
developed
a
quite
close
relationship
between
the
nobleman
and
his
chariot-driver.
the
chariot
was
a
valuable
object
,
manufactured
by
specialists
;
horses
were
always
expensive
and
rare
in
china
,
and
in
many
periods
of
chinese
history
horses
were
directly
imported
from
nomadic
tribes
in
the
north
or
west.
thus
,
the
possessors
of
vehicles
formed
a
privileged
class
in
the
shang
realm
;
they
became
a
sort
of
nobility
,
and
the
social
organization
began
to
move
in
the
direction
of
feudalism.
one
of
the
main
sports
of
the
noblemen
in
this
period
,
in
addition
to
warfare
,
was
hunting.
the
shang
had
their
special
hunting
grounds
south
of
the
mountains
which
surround
shansi
province
,
along
the
slopes
of
the
t
'ai-hang
mountain
range
,
and
south
to
the
shores
of
the
yellow
river.
here
,
there
were
still
forests
and
swamps
in
shang
time
,
and
boars
,
deer
,
buffaloes
and
other
animals
,
as
well
as
occasional
rhinoceros
and
elephants
,
were
hunted.
none
of
these
wild
animals
was
used
as
a
sacrifice
;
all
sacrificial
animals
,
such
as
cattle
,
pigs
,
etc.
,
were
domesticated
animals.
below
the
nobility
we
find
large
numbers
of
dependent
people
;
modern
chinese
scholars
call
them
frequently
"
slaves
"
and
speak
of
a
"
slave
society
"
.
there
is
no
doubt
that
at
least
some
farmers
were
"
free
farmers
"
;
others
were
what
we
might
call
"
serfs
"
:
families
in
hereditary
group
dependence
upon
some
noble
families
and
working
on
land
which
the
noble
families
regarded
as
theirs.
families
of
artisans
and
craftsmen
also
were
hereditary
servants
of
noble
families
--
a
type
of
social
organization
which
has
its
parallels
in
ancient
japan
and
in
later
india
and
other
parts
of
the
world.
there
were
also
real
slaves
:
persons
who
were
the
personal
property
of
noblemen.
the
independent
states
around
the
shang
state
also
had
serfs.
when
the
shang
captured
neighbouring
states
,
they
resettled
the
captured
foreign
aristocracy
by
attaching
them
as
a
group
to
their
own
noblemen.
the
captured
serfs
remained
under
their
masters
and
shared
their
fate.
the
same
system
was
later
practiced
by
the
chou
after
their
conquest
of
the
shang
state.
the
conquests
of
late
shang
added
more
territory
to
the
realm
than
could
be
coped
with
by
the
primitive
communications
of
the
time.
when
the
last
ruler
of
shang
made
his
big
war
which
lasted
##number##
days
against
the
tribes
in
the
south-east
,
rebellions
broke
out
which
lead
to
the
end
of
the
dynasty
,
about
##number##
b.c.
according
to
the
new
chronology
(
##number##
b.c.
old
chronology
)
.
antiquity
chapter
three
the
chou
dynasty
(
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
_cultural
origin
of
the
chou
and
end
of
the
shang
dynasty_
the
shang
culture
still
lacked
certain
things
that
were
to
become
typical
of
"
chinese
"
civilization.
the
family
system
was
not
yet
the
strong
patriarchal
system
of
the
later
chinese.
the
religion
,
too
,
in
spite
of
certain
other
influences
,
was
still
a
religion
of
agrarian
fertility.
and
although
shang
society
was
strongly
stratified
and
showed
some
tendencies
to
develop
a
feudal
system
,
feudalism
was
still
very
primitive.
although
the
shang
script
was
the
precursor
of
later
chinese
script
,
it
seemed
to
have
contained
many
words
which
later
disappeared
,
and
we
are
not
sure
whether
shang
language
was
the
same
as
the
language
of
chou
time.
with
the
chou
period
,
however
,
we
enter
a
period
in
which
everything
which
was
later
regarded
as
typically
"
chinese
"
began
to
emerge.
during
the
time
of
the
shang
dynasty
the
chou
formed
a
small
realm
in
the
west
,
at
first
in
central
shensi
,
an
area
which
even
in
much
later
times
was
the
home
of
many
"
non-chinese
"
tribes.
before
the
beginning
of
the
eleventh
century
b.c.
they
must
have
pushed
into
eastern
shensi
,
due
to
pressures
of
other
tribes
which
may
have
belonged
to
the
turkish
ethnic
group.
however
,
it
is
also
possible
that
their
movement
was
connected
with
pressures
from
indo-european
groups.
an
analysis
of
their
tribal
composition
at
the
time
of
the
conquest
seems
to
indicate
that
the
ruling
house
of
the
chou
was
related
to
the
turkish
group
,
and
that
the
population
consisted
mainly
of
turks
and
tibetans.
their
culture
was
closely
related
to
that
of
yang-shao
,
the
previously
described
painted-pottery
culture
,
with
,
of
course
,
the
progress
brought
by
time.
they
had
bronze
weapons
and
,
especially
,
the
war-chariot.
their
eastward
migration
,
however
,
brought
them
within
the
zone
of
the
shang
culture
,
by
which
they
were
strongly
influenced
,
so
that
the
chou
culture
lost
more
and
more
of
its
original
character
and
increasingly
resembled
the
shang
culture.
the
chou
were
also
brought
into
the
political
sphere
of
the
shang
,
as
shown
by
the
fact
that
marriages
took
place
between
the
ruling
houses
of
shang
and
chou
,
until
the
chou
state
became
nominally
dependent
on
the
shang
state
in
the
form
of
a
dependency
with
special
prerogatives.
meanwhile
the
power
of
the
chou
state
steadily
grew
,
while
that
of
the
shang
state
diminished
more
and
more
through
the
disloyalty
of
its
feudatories
and
through
wars
in
the
east.
finally
,
about
##number##
b.c.
,
the
chou
ruler
,
named
wu
wang
(
"
the
martial
king
"
)
,
crossed
his
eastern
frontier
and
pushed
into
central
honan.
his
army
was
formed
by
an
alliance
between
various
tribes
,
in
the
same
way
as
happened
again
and
again
in
the
building
up
of
the
armies
of
the
rulers
of
the
steppes.
wu
wang
forced
a
passage
across
the
yellow
river
and
annihilated
the
shang
army.
he
pursued
its
vestiges
as
far
as
the
capital
,
captured
the
last
emperor
of
the
shang
,
and
killed
him.
thus
was
the
chou
dynasty
founded
,
and
with
it
we
begin
the
actual
history
of
china.
the
chou
brought
to
the
shang
culture
strong
elements
of
turkish
and
also
tibetan
culture
,
which
were
needed
for
the
release
of
such
forces
as
could
create
a
new
empire
and
maintain
it
through
thousands
of
years
as
a
cultural
and
,
generally
,
also
a
political
unit.
##number##
_feudalism
in
the
new
empire_
a
natural
result
of
the
situation
thus
produced
was
the
turning
of
the
country
into
a
feudal
state.
the
conquerors
were
an
alien
minority
,
so
that
they
had
to
march
out
and
spread
over
the
whole
country.
moreover
,
the
allied
tribal
chieftains
expected
to
be
rewarded.
the
territory
to
be
governed
was
enormous
,
but
the
communications
in
northern
china
at
that
time
were
similar
to
those
still
existing
not
long
ago
in
southern
china
--
narrow
footpaths
from
one
settlement
to
another.
it
is
very
difficult
to
build
roads
in
the
loess
of
northern
china
;
and
the
war-chariots
that
required
roads
had
only
just
been
introduced.
under
such
conditions
,
the
simplest
way
of
administering
the
empire
was
to
establish
garrisons
of
the
invading
tribes
in
the
various
parts
of
the
country
under
the
command
of
their
chieftains.
thus
separate
regions
of
the
country
were
distributed
as
fiefs.
if
a
former
subject
of
the
shang
surrendered
betimes
with
the
territory
under
his
rule
,
or
if
there
was
one
who
could
not
be
overcome
by
force
,
the
chou
recognized
him
as
a
feudal
lord.
we
find
in
the
early
chou
time
the
typical
signs
of
true
feudalism
:
fiefs
were
given
in
a
ceremony
in
which
symbolically
a
piece
of
earth
was
handed
over
to
the
new
fiefholder
,
and
his
instalment
,
his
rights
and
obligations
were
inscribed
in
a
"
charter
"
.
most
of
the
fiefholders
were
members
of
the
chou
ruling
family
or
members
of
the
clan
to
which
this
family
belonged
;
other
fiefs
were
given
to
heads
of
the
allied
tribes.
the
fiefholder
(
feudal
lord
)
regarded
the
land
of
his
fief
,
as
far
as
he
and
his
clan
actually
used
it
,
as
"
clan
"
land
;
parts
of
this
land
he
gave
to
members
of
his
own
branch-clan
for
their
use
without
transferring
rights
of
property
,
thus
creating
new
sub-fiefs
and
sub-lords.
in
much
later
times
the
concept
of
landed
property
of
a
_family_
developed
,
and
the
whole
concept
of
"
clan
"
disappeared.
by
##number##
b.c.
,
most
feudal
lords
had
retained
only
a
dim
memory
that
they
originally
belonged
to
the
chi
clan
of
the
chou
or
to
one
of
the
few
other
original
clans
,
and
their
so-called
sub-lords
felt
themselves
as
members
of
independent
noble
families.
slowly
,
then
,
the
family
names
of
later
china
began
to
develop
,
but
it
took
many
centuries
until
,
at
the
time
of
the
han
dynasty
,
all
citizens
(
slaves
excluded
)
had
accepted
family
names.
then
,
reversely
,
families
grew
again
into
new
clans.
thus
we
have
this
picture
of
the
early
chou
state
:
the
imperial
central
power
established
in
shensi
,
near
the
present
sian
;
over
a
thousand
feudal
states
,
great
and
small
,
often
consisting
only
of
a
small
garrison
,
or
sometimes
a
more
considerable
one
,
with
the
former
chieftain
as
feudal
lord
over
it.
around
these
garrisons
the
old
population
lived
on
,
in
the
north
the
shang
population
,
farther
east
and
south
various
other
peoples
and
cultures.
the
conquerors
'
garrisons
were
like
islands
in
a
sea.
most
of
them
formed
new
towns
,
walled
,
with
a
rectangular
plan
and
central
crossroads
,
similar
to
the
european
towns
subsequently
formed
out
of
roman
encampments.
this
town
plan
has
been
preserved
to
the
present
day.
this
upper
class
in
the
garrisons
formed
the
nobility
;
it
was
sharply
divided
from
the
indigenous
population
around
the
towns
the
conquerors
called
the
population
"
the
black-haired
people
"
,
and
themselves
"
the
hundred
families
"
.
the
rest
of
the
town
populations
consisted
often
of
urban
shang
people
:
shang
noble
families
together
with
their
bondsmen
and
serfs
had
been
given
to
chou
fiefholders.
such
forced
resettlements
of
whole
populations
have
remained
typical
even
for
much
later
periods.
by
this
method
new
cities
were
provided
with
urban
,
refined
people
and
,
most
important
,
with
skilled
craftsmen
and
businessmen
who
assisted
in
building
the
cities
and
in
keeping
them
alive.
some
scholars
believe
that
many
resettled
shang
urbanites
either
were
or
became
businessmen
;
incidentally
,
the
same
word
"
shang
"
means
"
merchant
"
,
up
to
the
present
time.
the
people
of
the
shang
capital
lived
on
and
even
attempted
a
revolt
in
collaboration
with
some
chou
people.
the
chou
rulers
suppressed
this
revolt
,
and
then
transferred
a
large
part
of
this
population
to
loyang.
they
were
settled
there
in
a
separate
community
,
and
vestiges
of
the
shang
population
were
still
to
be
found
there
in
the
fifth
century
a.d.
:
they
were
entirely
impoverished
potters
,
still
making
vessels
in
the
old
style.
##number##
_fusion
of
chou
and
shang_
the
conquerors
brought
with
them
,
for
their
own
purposes
to
begin
with
,
their
rigid
patriarchate
in
the
family
system
and
their
cult
of
heaven
(
t
'ien
)
,
in
which
the
worship
of
sun
and
stars
took
the
principal
place
;
a
religion
most
closely
related
to
that
of
the
turkish
peoples
and
derived
from
them.
some
of
the
shang
popular
deities
,
however
,
were
admitted
into
the
official
heaven-worship.
popular
deities
became
"
feudal
lords
"
under
the
heaven-god.
the
shang
conceptions
of
the
soul
were
also
admitted
into
the
chou
religion
:
the
human
body
housed
two
souls
,
the
personality-soul
and
the
life-soul.
death
meant
the
separation
of
the
souls
from
the
body
,
the
life-soul
also
slowly
dying.
the
personality-soul
,
however
,
could
move
about
freely
and
lived
as
long
as
there
were
people
who
remembered
it
and
kept
it
from
hunger
by
means
of
sacrifices.
the
chou
systematized
this
idea
and
made
it
into
the
ancestor-worship
that
has
endured
down
to
the
present
time.
the
chou
officially
abolished
human
sacrifices
,
especially
since
,
as
former
pastoralists
,
they
knew
of
better
means
of
employing
prisoners
of
war
than
did
the
more
agrarian
shang.
the
chou
used
shang
and
other
slaves
as
domestic
servants
for
their
numerous
nobility
,
and
shang
serfs
as
farm
labourers
on
their
estates.
they
seem
to
have
regarded
the
land
under
their
control
as
"
state
land
"
and
all
farmers
as
"
serfs
"
.
a
slave
,
here
,
must
be
defined
as
an
individual
,
a
piece
of
property
,
who
was
excluded
from
membership
in
human
society
but
,
in
later
legal
texts
,
was
included
under
domestic
animals
and
immobile
property
,
while
serfs
as
a
class
depended
upon
another
class
and
had
certain
rights
,
at
least
the
right
to
work
on
the
land.
they
could
change
their
masters
if
the
land
changed
its
master
,
but
they
could
not
legally
be
sold
individually.
thus
,
the
following
,
still
rather
hypothetical
,
picture
of
the
land
system
of
the
early
chou
time
emerges
:
around
the
walled
towns
of
the
feudal
lords
and
sub-lords
,
always
in
the
plains
,
was
"
state
land
"
which
produced
millet
and
more
and
more
wheat.
cultivation
was
still
largely
"
shifting
"
,
so
that
the
serfs
in
groups
cultivated
more
or
less
standardized
plots
for
a
year
or
more
and
then
shifted
to
other
plots.
during
the
growing
season
they
lived
in
huts
on
the
fields
;
during
the
winter
in
the
towns
in
adobe
houses.
in
this
manner
the
yearly
life
cycle
was
divided
into
two
different
periods.
the
produce
of
the
serfs
supplied
the
lords
,
their
dependants
and
the
farmers
themselves.
whenever
the
lord
found
it
necessary
,
the
serfs
had
to
perform
also
other
services
for
the
lord.
farther
away
from
the
towns
were
the
villages
of
the
"
natives
"
,
nominally
also
subjects
of
the
lord.
in
most
parts
of
eastern
china
,
these
,
too
,
were
agriculturists.
they
acknowledged
their
dependence
by
sending
"
gifts
"
to
the
lord
in
the
town.
later
these
gifts
became
institutionalized
and
turned
into
a
form
of
tax.
the
lord
's
serfs
,
on
the
other
hand
,
tended
to
settle
near
the
fields
in
villages
of
their
own
because
,
with
growing
urban
population
,
the
distances
from
the
town
to
many
of
the
fields
became
too
great.
it
was
also
at
this
time
of
new
settlements
that
a
more
intensive
cultivation
with
a
fallow
system
began.
at
latest
from
the
sixth
century
b.c.
on
,
the
distinctions
between
both
land
systems
became
unclear
;
and
the
pure
serf-cultivation
,
called
by
the
old
texts
the
"
well-field
system
"
because
eight
cultivating
families
used
one
common
well
,
disappeared
in
practice.
the
actual
structure
of
early
chou
administration
is
difficult
to
ascertain.
the
"
duke
of
chou
"
,
brother
of
the
first
ruler
,
wu
wang
,
later
regent
during
the
minority
of
wu
wang
's
son
,
and
certainly
one
of
the
most
influential
persons
of
this
time
,
was
the
alleged
creator
of
the
book
_chou-li_
which
contains
a
detailed
table
of
the
bureaucracy
of
the
country.
however
,
we
know
now
from
inscriptions
that
the
bureaucracy
at
the
beginning
of
the
chou
period
was
not
much
more
developed
than
in
late
shang
time.
the
_chou-li_
gave
an
ideal
picture
of
a
bureaucratic
state
,
probably
abstracted
from
actual
conditions
in
feudal
states
several
centuries
later.
the
chou
capital
,
at
sian
,
was
a
twin
city.
in
one
part
lived
the
master-race
of
the
chou
with
the
imperial
court
,
in
the
other
the
subjugated
population.
at
the
same
time
,
as
previously
mentioned
,
the
chou
built
a
second
capital
,
loyang
,
in
the
present
province
of
honan.
loyang
was
just
in
the
middle
of
the
new
state
,
and
for
the
purposes
of
heaven-worship
it
was
regarded
as
the
centre
of
the
universe
,
where
it
was
essential
that
the
emperor
should
reside.
loyang
was
another
twin
city
:
in
one
part
were
the
rulers
'
administrative
buildings
,
in
the
other
the
transferred
population
of
the
shang
capital
,
probably
artisans
for
the
most
part.
the
valuable
artisans
seem
all
to
have
been
taken
over
from
the
shang
,
for
the
bronze
vessels
of
the
early
chou
age
are
virtually
identical
with
those
of
the
shang
age.
the
shapes
of
the
houses
also
remained
unaltered
,
and
probably
also
the
clothing
,
though
the
chou
brought
with
them
the
novelties
of
felt
and
woollen
fabrics
,
old
possessions
of
their
earlier
period.
the
only
fundamental
material
change
was
in
the
form
of
the
graves
:
in
the
shang
age
house-like
tombs
were
built
underground
;
now
great
tumuli
were
constructed
in
the
fashion
preferred
by
all
steppe
peoples.
one
professional
class
was
severely
hit
by
the
changed
circumstances
--
the
shang
priesthood.
the
chou
had
no
priests.
as
with
all
the
races
of
the
steppes
,
the
head
of
the
family
himself
performed
the
religious
rites.
beyond
this
there
were
only
shamans
for
certain
purposes
of
magic.
and
very
soon
heaven-worship
was
combined
with
the
family
system
,
the
ruler
being
declared
to
be
the
son
of
heaven
;
the
mutual
relations
within
the
family
were
thus
extended
to
the
religious
relations
with
the
deity.
if
,
however
,
the
god
of
heaven
is
the
father
of
the
ruler
,
the
ruler
as
his
son
himself
offers
sacrifice
,
and
so
the
priest
becomes
superfluous.
thus
the
priests
became
"
unemployed
"
.
some
of
them
changed
their
profession.
they
were
the
only
people
who
could
read
and
write
,
and
as
an
administrative
system
was
necessary
they
obtained
employment
as
scribes.
others
withdrew
to
their
villages
and
became
village
priests.
they
organized
the
religious
festivals
in
the
village
,
carried
out
the
ceremonies
connected
with
family
events
,
and
even
conducted
the
exorcism
of
evil
spirits
with
shamanistic
dances
;
they
took
charge
,
in
short
,
of
everything
connected
with
customary
observances
and
morality.
the
chou
lords
were
great
respecters
of
propriety.
the
shang
culture
had
,
indeed
,
been
a
high
one
with
an
ancient
and
highly
developed
moral
system
,
and
the
chou
as
rough
conquerors
must
have
been
impressed
by
the
ancient
forms
and
tried
to
imitate
them.
in
addition
,
they
had
in
their
religion
of
heaven
a
conception
of
the
existence
of
mutual
relations
between
heaven
and
earth
:
all
that
went
on
in
the
skies
had
an
influence
on
earth
,
and
vice
versa.
thus
,
if
any
ceremony
was
"
wrongly
"
performed
,
it
had
an
evil
effect
on
heaven
--
there
would
be
no
rain
,
or
the
cold
weather
would
arrive
too
soon
,
or
some
such
misfortune
would
come.
it
was
therefore
of
great
importance
that
everything
should
be
done
"
correctly
"
.
hence
the
chou
rulers
were
glad
to
call
in
the
old
priests
as
performers
of
ceremonies
and
teachers
of
morality
similar
to
the
ancient
indian
rulers
who
needed
the
brahmans
for
the
correct
performance
of
all
rites.
there
thus
came
into
existence
in
the
early
chou
empire
a
new
social
group
,
later
called
"
scholars
"
,
men
who
were
not
regarded
as
belonging
to
the
lower
class
represented
by
the
subjugated
population
but
were
not
included
in
the
nobility
;
men
who
were
not
productively
employed
but
belonged
to
a
sort
of
independent
profession.
they
became
of
very
great
importance
in
later
centuries.
in
the
first
centuries
of
the
chou
dynasty
the
ruling
house
steadily
lost
power.
some
of
the
emperors
proved
weak
,
or
were
killed
at
war
;
above
all
,
the
empire
was
too
big
and
its
administration
too
slow-moving.
the
feudal
lords
and
nobles
were
occupied
with
their
own
problems
in
securing
the
submission
of
the
surrounding
villages
to
their
garrisons
and
in
governing
them
;
they
soon
paid
little
attention
to
the
distant
central
authority.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
situation
at
the
centre
of
the
empire
was
more
difficult
than
that
of
its
feudal
states
farther
east.
the
settlements
around
the
garrisons
in
the
east
were
inhabited
by
agrarian
tribes
,
but
the
subjugated
population
around
the
centre
at
sian
was
made
up
of
nomadic
tribes
of
turks
and
mongols
together
with
semi-nomadic
tibetans.
sian
lies
in
the
valley
of
the
river
wei
;
the
riverside
country
certainly
belonged
,
though
perhaps
only
insecurely
,
to
the
shang
empire
and
was
specially
well
adapted
to
agriculture
;
but
its
periphery
--
mountains
in
the
south
,
steppes
in
the
north
--
was
inhabited
(
until
a
late
period
,
to
some
extent
to
the
present
day
)
by
nomads
,
who
had
also
been
subjugated
by
the
chou.
the
chou
themselves
were
by
no
means
strong
,
as
they
had
been
only
a
small
tribe
and
their
strength
had
depended
on
auxiliary
tribes
,
which
had
now
spread
over
the
country
as
the
new
nobility
and
lived
far
from
the
chou.
the
chou
emperors
had
thus
to
hold
in
check
the
subjugated
but
warlike
tribes
of
turks
and
mongols
who
lived
quite
close
to
their
capital.
in
the
first
centuries
of
the
dynasty
they
were
more
or
less
successful
,
for
the
feudal
lords
still
sent
auxiliary
forces.
in
time
,
however
,
these
became
fewer
and
fewer
,
because
the
feudal
lords
pursued
their
own
policy
;
and
the
chou
were
compelled
to
fight
their
own
battles
against
tribes
that
continually
rose
against
them
,
raiding
and
pillaging
their
towns.
campaigns
abroad
also
fell
mainly
on
the
shoulders
of
the
chou
,
as
their
capital
lay
near
the
frontier.
it
must
not
be
simply
assumed
,
as
is
often
done
by
the
chinese
and
some
of
the
european
historians
,
that
the
turkish
and
mongolian
tribes
were
so
savage
or
so
pugnacious
that
they
continually
waged
war
just
for
the
love
of
it.
the
problem
is
much
deeper
,
and
to
fail
to
recognize
this
is
to
fail
to
understand
chinese
history
down
to
the
middle
ages.
the
conquering
chou
established
their
garrisons
everywhere
,
and
these
garrisons
were
surrounded
by
the
quarters
of
artisans
and
by
the
villages
of
peasants
,
a
process
that
ate
into
the
pasturage
of
the
turkish
and
mongolian
nomads.
these
nomads
,
as
already
mentioned
,
pursued
agriculture
themselves
on
a
small
scale
,
but
it
occurred
to
them
that
they
could
get
farm
produce
much
more
easily
by
barter
or
by
raiding.
accordingly
they
gradually
gave
up
cultivation
and
became
pure
nomads
,
procuring
the
needed
farm
produce
from
their
neighbours.
this
abandonment
of
agriculture
brought
them
into
a
precarious
situation
:
if
for
any
reason
the
chinese
stopped
supplying
or
demanded
excessive
barter
payment
,
the
nomads
had
to
go
hungry.
they
were
then
virtually
driven
to
get
what
they
needed
by
raiding.
thus
there
developed
a
mutual
reaction
that
lasted
for
centuries.
some
of
the
nomadic
tribes
living
between
garrisons
withdrew
,
to
escape
from
the
growing
pressure
,
mainly
into
the
province
of
shansi
,
where
the
influence
of
the
chou
was
weak
and
they
were
not
numerous
;
some
of
the
nomad
chiefs
lost
their
lives
in
battle
,
and
some
learned
from
the
chou
lords
and
turned
themselves
into
petty
rulers.
a
number
of
"
marginal
"
states
began
to
develop
;
some
of
them
even
built
their
own
cities.
this
process
of
transformation
of
agro-nomadic
tribes
into
"
warrior-nomadic
"
tribes
continued
over
many
centuries
and
came
to
an
end
in
the
third
or
second
century
b.c.
the
result
of
the
three
centuries
that
had
passed
was
a
symbiosis
between
the
urban
aristocrats
and
the
country-people.
the
rulers
of
the
towns
took
over
from
the
general
population
almost
the
whole
vocabulary
of
the
language
which
from
now
on
we
may
call
"
chinese
"
.
they
naturally
took
over
elements
of
the
material
civilization.
the
subjugated
population
had
,
meanwhile
,
to
adjust
itself
to
its
lords.
in
the
organism
that
thus
developed
,
with
its
unified
economic
system
,
the
conquerors
became
an
aristocratic
ruling
class
,
and
the
subjugated
population
became
a
lower
class
,
with
varied
elements
but
mainly
a
peasantry.
from
now
on
we
may
call
this
society
"
chinese
"
;
it
has
endured
to
the
middle
of
the
twentieth
century.
most
later
essential
societal
changes
are
the
result
of
internal
development
and
not
of
aggression
from
without.
##number##
_limitation
of
the
imperial
power_
in
##number##
b.c.
an
alliance
of
northern
feudal
states
had
attacked
the
ruler
in
his
western
capital
;
in
a
battle
close
to
the
city
they
had
overcome
and
killed
him.
this
campaign
appears
to
have
set
in
motion
considerable
groups
from
various
tribes
,
so
that
almost
the
whole
province
of
shensi
was
lost.
with
the
aid
of
some
feudal
lords
who
had
remained
loyal
,
a
chou
prince
was
rescued
and
conducted
eastward
to
the
second
capital
,
loyang
,
which
until
then
had
never
been
the
ruler
's
actual
place
of
residence.
in
this
rescue
a
lesser
feudal
prince
,
ruler
of
the
feudal
state
of
ch
'in
,
specially
distinguished
himself.
soon
afterwards
this
prince
,
whose
domain
had
lain
close
to
that
of
the
ruler
,
reconquered
a
great
part
of
the
lost
territory
,
and
thereafter
regarded
it
as
his
own
fief.
the
ch
'in
family
resided
in
the
same
capital
in
which
the
chou
had
lived
in
the
past
,
and
five
hundred
years
later
we
shall
meet
with
them
again
as
the
dynasty
that
succeeded
the
chou.
the
new
ruler
,
resident
now
in
loyang
,
was
foredoomed
to
impotence.
he
was
now
in
the
centre
of
the
country
,
and
less
exposed
to
large-scale
enemy
attacks
;
but
his
actual
rule
extended
little
beyond
the
town
itself
and
its
immediate
environment.
moreover
,
attacks
did
not
entirely
cease
;
several
times
parts
of
the
indigenous
population
living
between
the
chou
towns
rose
against
the
towns
,
even
in
the
centre
of
the
country.
now
that
the
emperor
had
no
territory
that
could
be
the
basis
of
a
strong
rule
and
,
moreover
,
because
he
owed
his
position
to
the
feudal
lords
and
was
thus
under
an
obligation
to
them
,
he
ruled
no
longer
as
the
chief
of
the
feudal
lords
but
as
a
sort
of
sanctified
overlord
;
and
this
was
the
position
of
all
his
successors.
a
situation
was
formed
at
first
that
may
be
compared
with
that
of
japan
down
to
the
middle
of
the
nineteenth
century.
the
ruler
was
a
symbol
rather
than
an
exerciser
of
power.
there
had
to
be
a
supreme
ruler
because
,
in
the
worship
of
heaven
which
was
recognized
by
all
the
feudal
lords
,
the
supreme
sacrifices
could
only
be
offered
by
the
son
of
heaven
in
person.
there
could
not
be
a
number
of
sons
of
heaven
because
there
were
not
a
number
of
heavens.
the
imperial
sacrifices
secured
that
all
should
be
in
order
in
the
country
,
and
that
the
necessary
equilibrium
between
heaven
and
earth
should
be
maintained.
for
in
the
religion
of
heaven
there
was
a
close
parallelism
between
heaven
and
earth
,
and
every
omission
of
a
sacrifice
,
or
failure
to
offer
it
in
due
form
,
brought
down
a
reaction
from
heaven.
for
these
religious
reasons
a
central
ruler
was
a
necessity
for
the
feudal
lords.
they
needed
him
also
for
practical
reasons.
in
the
course
of
centuries
the
personal
relationship
between
the
various
feudal
lords
had
ceased.
their
original
kinship
and
united
struggles
had
long
been
forgotten.
when
the
various
feudal
lords
proceeded
to
subjugate
the
territories
at
a
distance
from
their
towns
,
in
order
to
turn
their
city
states
into
genuine
territorial
states
,
they
came
into
conflict
with
each
other.
in
the
course
of
these
struggles
for
power
many
of
the
small
fiefs
were
simply
destroyed.
it
may
fairly
be
said
that
not
until
the
eighth
and
seventh
centuries
b.c.
did
the
old
garrison
towns
became
real
states.
in
these
circumstances
the
struggles
between
the
feudal
states
called
urgently
for
an
arbiter
,
to
settle
simple
cases
,
and
in
more
difficult
cases
either
to
try
to
induce
other
feudal
lords
to
intervene
or
to
give
sanction
to
the
new
situation.
these
were
the
only
governing
functions
of
the
ruler
from
the
time
of
the
transfer
to
the
second
capital.
##number##
_changes
in
the
relative
strength
of
the
feudal
states_
in
these
disturbed
times
china
also
made
changes
in
her
outer
frontiers.
when
we
speak
of
frontiers
in
this
connection
,
we
must
take
little
account
of
the
european
conception
of
a
frontier.
no
frontier
in
that
sense
existed
in
china
until
her
conflict
with
the
european
powers.
in
the
dogma
of
the
chinese
religion
of
heaven
,
all
the
countries
of
the
world
were
subject
to
the
chinese
emperor
,
the
son
of
heaven.
thus
there
could
be
no
such
thing
as
other
independent
states.
in
practice
the
dependence
of
various
regions
on
the
ruler
naturally
varied
:
near
the
centre
,
that
is
to
say
near
the
ruler
's
place
of
residence
,
it
was
most
pronounced
;
then
it
gradually
diminished
in
the
direction
of
the
periphery.
the
feudal
lords
of
the
inner
territories
were
already
rather
less
subordinated
than
at
the
centre
,
and
those
at
a
greater
distance
scarcely
at
all
;
at
a
still
greater
distance
were
territories
whose
chieftains
regarded
themselves
as
independent
,
subject
only
in
certain
respects
to
chinese
overlordship.
in
such
a
system
it
is
difficult
to
speak
of
frontiers.
in
practice
there
was
,
of
course
,
a
sort
of
frontier
,
where
the
influence
of
the
outer
feudal
lords
ceased
to
exist.
the
development
of
the
original
feudal
towns
into
feudal
states
with
actual
dominion
over
their
territories
proceeded
,
of
course
,
not
only
in
the
interior
of
china
but
also
on
its
borders
,
where
the
feudal
territories
had
the
advantage
of
more
unrestricted
opportunities
of
expansion
;
thus
they
became
more
and
more
powerful.
in
the
south
(
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
south
of
the
chou
empire
,
in
the
present
central
china
)
the
garrisons
that
founded
feudal
states
were
relatively
small
and
widely
separated
;
consequently
their
cultural
system
was
largely
absorbed
into
that
of
the
aboriginal
population
,
so
that
they
developed
into
feudal
states
with
a
character
of
their
own.
three
of
these
attained
special
importance
--
(
##number##
)
ch
'u
,
in
the
neighbourhood
of
the
present
chungking
and
hankow
;
(
##number##
)
wu
,
near
the
present
nanking
;
and
(
##number##
)
yueeh
,
near
the
present
hangchow.
in
##number##
b.c.
the
feudal
prince
of
wu
proclaimed
himself
"
wang
"
.
"
wang
"
,
however
was
the
title
of
the
ruler
of
the
chou
dynasty.
this
meant
that
wu
broke
away
from
the
old
chou
religion
of
heaven
,
according
to
which
there
could
be
only
one
ruler
(
_wang_
)
in
the
world.
at
the
beginning
of
the
seventh
century
it
became
customary
for
the
ruler
to
unite
with
the
feudal
lord
who
was
most
powerful
at
the
time.
this
feudal
lord
became
a
dictator
,
and
had
the
military
power
in
his
hands
,
like
the
shoguns
in
nineteenth-century
japan.
if
there
was
a
disturbance
of
the
peace
,
he
settled
the
matter
by
military
means.
the
first
of
these
dictators
was
the
feudal
lord
of
the
state
of
ch
'i
,
in
the
present
province
of
shantung.
this
feudal
state
had
grown
considerably
through
the
conquest
of
the
outer
end
of
the
peninsula
of
shantung
,
which
until
then
had
been
independent.
moreover
,
and
this
was
of
the
utmost
importance
,
the
state
of
ch
'i
was
a
trade
centre.
much
of
the
bronze
,
and
later
all
the
iron
,
for
use
in
northern
china
came
from
the
south
by
road
and
in
ships
that
went
up
the
rivers
to
ch
'i
,
where
it
was
distributed
among
the
various
regions
of
the
north
,
north-east
,
and
north-west.
in
addition
to
this
,
through
its
command
of
portions
of
the
coast
,
ch
'i
had
the
means
of
producing
salt
,
with
which
it
met
the
needs
of
great
areas
of
eastern
china.
it
was
also
in
ch
'i
that
money
was
first
used.
thus
ch
'i
soon
became
a
place
of
great
luxury
,
far
surpassing
the
court
of
the
chou
,
and
ch
'i
also
became
the
centre
of
the
most
developed
civilization.
[
illustration
:
map
##number##
:
the
principal
feudal
states
in
the
feudal
epoch.
(
_roughly
##number##
b.c._
)
]
after
the
feudal
lord
of
ch
'i
,
supported
by
the
wealth
and
power
of
his
feudal
state
,
became
dictator
,
he
had
to
struggle
not
only
against
other
feudal
lords
,
but
also
many
times
against
risings
among
the
most
various
parts
of
the
population
,
and
especially
against
the
nomad
tribes
in
the
southern
part
of
the
present
province
of
shansi.
in
the
seventh
century
not
only
ch
'i
but
the
other
feudal
states
had
expanded.
the
regions
in
which
the
nomad
tribes
were
able
to
move
had
grown
steadily
smaller
,
and
the
feudal
lords
now
set
to
work
to
bring
the
nomads
of
their
country
under
their
direct
rule.
the
greatest
conflict
of
this
period
was
the
attack
in
##number##
b.c.
against
the
feudal
state
of
wei
,
in
northern
honan.
the
nomad
tribes
seem
this
time
to
have
been
proto-mongols
;
they
made
a
direct
attack
on
the
garrison
town
and
actually
conquered
it.
the
remnant
of
the
urban
population
,
no
more
than
##number##
in
number
,
had
to
flee
southward.
it
is
clear
from
this
incident
that
nomads
were
still
living
in
the
middle
of
china
,
within
the
territory
of
the
feudal
states
,
and
that
they
were
still
decidedly
strong
,
though
no
longer
in
a
position
to
get
rid
entirely
of
the
feudal
lords
of
the
chou.
the
period
of
the
dictators
came
to
an
end
after
about
a
century
,
because
it
was
found
that
none
of
the
feudal
states
was
any
longer
strong
enough
to
exercise
control
over
all
the
others.
these
others
formed
alliances
against
which
the
dictator
was
powerless.
thus
this
period
passed
into
the
next
,
which
the
chinese
call
the
period
of
the
contending
states.
##number##
_confucius_
after
this
survey
of
the
political
history
we
must
consider
the
intellectual
history
of
this
period
,
for
between
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
the
enduring
fundamental
influences
in
the
chinese
social
order
and
in
the
whole
intellectual
life
of
china
had
their
original.
we
saw
how
the
priests
of
the
earlier
dynasty
of
the
shang
developed
into
the
group
of
so-called
"
scholars
"
.
when
the
chou
ruler
,
after
the
move
to
the
second
capital
,
had
lost
virtually
all
but
his
religious
authority
,
these
"
scholars
"
gained
increased
influence.
they
were
the
specialists
in
traditional
morals
,
in
sacrifices
,
and
in
the
organization
of
festivals.
the
continually
increasing
ritualism
at
the
court
of
the
chou
called
for
more
and
more
of
these
men.
the
various
feudal
lords
also
attracted
these
scholars
to
their
side
,
employed
them
as
tutors
for
their
children
,
and
entrusted
them
with
the
conduct
of
sacrifices
and
festivals.
china
's
best-known
philosopher
,
confucius
(
chinese
:
k
'ung
tz
[
)
u
]
,
was
one
of
these
scholars.
he
was
born
in
##number##
b.c.
in
the
feudal
state
lu
in
the
present
province
of
shantung.
in
lu
and
its
neighbouring
state
sung
,
institutions
of
the
shang
had
remained
strong
;
both
states
regarded
themselves
as
legitimate
heirs
of
shang
culture
,
and
many
traces
of
shang
culture
can
be
seen
in
confucius
's
political
and
ethical
ideas.
he
acquired
the
knowledge
which
a
scholar
had
to
possess
,
and
then
taught
in
the
families
of
nobles
,
also
helping
in
the
administration
of
their
properties.
he
made
several
attempts
to
obtain
advancement
,
either
in
vain
or
with
only
a
short
term
of
employment
ending
in
dismissal.
thus
his
career
was
a
continuing
pilgrimage
from
one
noble
to
another
,
from
one
feudal
lord
to
another
,
accompanied
by
a
few
young
men
,
sons
of
scholars
,
who
were
partly
his
pupils
and
partly
his
servants.
many
of
these
disciples
seem
to
have
been
"
illegitimate
"
sons
of
noblemen
,
i.e.
sons
of
concubines
,
and
confucius
's
own
family
seems
to
have
been
of
the
same
origin.
in
the
strongly
patriarchal
and
patrilinear
system
of
the
chou
and
the
developing
primogeniture
,
children
of
secondary
wives
had
a
lower
social
status.
ultimately
confucius
gave
up
his
wanderings
,
settled
in
his
home
town
of
lu
,
and
there
taught
his
disciples
until
his
death
in
##number##
b.c.
such
was
briefly
the
life
of
confucius.
his
enemies
claim
that
he
was
a
political
intriguer
,
inciting
the
feudal
lords
against
each
other
in
the
course
of
his
wanderings
from
one
state
to
another
,
with
the
intention
of
somewhere
coming
into
power
himself.
there
may
,
indeed
,
be
some
truth
in
that.
confucius
's
importance
lies
in
the
fact
that
he
systematized
a
body
of
ideas
,
not
of
his
own
creation
,
and
communicated
it
to
a
circle
of
disciples.
his
teachings
were
later
set
down
in
writing
and
formed
,
right
down
to
the
twentieth
century
,
the
moral
code
of
the
upper
classes
of
china.
confucius
was
fully
conscious
of
his
membership
of
a
social
class
whose
existence
was
tied
to
that
of
the
feudal
lords.
with
their
disappearance
,
his
type
of
scholar
would
become
superfluous.
the
common
people
,
the
lower
class
,
was
in
his
view
in
an
entirely
subordinate
position.
thus
his
moral
teaching
is
a
code
for
the
ruling
class.
accordingly
it
retains
almost
unaltered
the
elements
of
the
old
cult
of
heaven
,
following
the
old
tradition
inherited
from
the
northern
peoples.
for
him
heaven
is
not
an
arbitrarily
governing
divine
tyrant
,
but
the
embodiment
of
a
system
of
legality.
heaven
does
not
act
independently
,
but
follows
a
universal
law
,
the
so-called
"
tao
"
.
just
as
sun
,
moon
,
and
stars
move
in
the
heavens
in
accordance
with
law
,
so
man
should
conduct
himself
on
earth
in
accord
with
the
universal
law
,
not
against
it.
the
ruler
should
not
actively
intervene
in
day-to-day
policy
,
but
should
only
act
by
setting
an
example
,
like
heaven
;
he
should
observe
the
established
ceremonies
,
and
offer
all
sacrifices
in
accordance
with
the
rites
,
and
then
all
else
will
go
well
in
the
world.
the
individual
,
too
,
should
be
guided
exactly
in
his
life
by
the
prescriptions
of
the
rites
,
so
that
harmony
with
the
law
of
the
universe
may
be
established.
a
second
idea
of
the
confucian
system
came
also
from
the
old
conceptions
of
the
chou
conquerors
,
and
thus
originally
from
the
northern
peoples.
this
is
the
patriarchal
idea
,
according
to
which
the
family
is
the
cell
of
society
,
and
at
the
head
of
the
family
stands
the
eldest
male
adult
as
a
sort
of
patriarch.
the
state
is
simply
an
extension
of
the
family
,
"
state
"
,
of
course
,
meaning
simply
the
class
of
the
feudal
lords
(
the
"
chuen-tz
[
)
u
]
"
)
.
and
the
organization
of
the
family
is
also
that
of
the
world
of
the
gods.
within
the
family
there
are
a
number
of
ties
,
all
of
them
,
however
,
one-sided
:
that
of
father
to
son
(
the
son
having
to
obey
the
father
unconditionally
and
having
no
rights
of
his
own
;
)
that
of
husband
to
wife
(
the
wife
had
no
rights
)
;
that
of
elder
to
younger
brother.
an
extension
of
these
is
the
association
of
friend
with
friend
,
which
is
conceived
as
an
association
between
an
elder
and
a
younger
brother.
the
final
link
,
and
the
only
one
extending
beyond
the
family
and
uniting
it
with
the
state
,
is
the
association
of
the
ruler
with
the
subject
,
a
replica
of
that
between
father
and
son.
the
ruler
in
turn
is
in
the
position
of
son
to
heaven.
thus
in
confucianism
the
cult
of
heaven
,
the
family
system
,
and
the
state
are
welded
into
unity.
the
frictionless
functioning
of
this
whole
system
is
effected
by
everyone
adhering
to
the
rites
,
which
prescribe
every
important
action.
it
is
necessary
,
of
course
,
that
in
a
large
family
,
in
which
there
may
be
up
to
a
hundred
persons
living
together
,
there
shall
be
a
precisely
established
ordering
of
relationships
between
individuals
if
there
is
not
to
be
continual
friction.
since
the
scholars
of
confucius
's
type
specialized
in
the
knowledge
and
conduct
of
ceremonies
,
confucius
gave
ritualism
a
correspondingly
important
place
both
in
spiritual
and
in
practical
life.
so
far
as
we
have
described
it
above
,
the
teaching
of
confucius
was
a
further
development
of
the
old
cult
of
heaven.
through
bitter
experience
,
however
,
confucius
had
come
to
realize
that
nothing
could
be
done
with
the
ruling
house
as
it
existed
in
his
day.
so
shadowy
a
figure
as
the
chou
ruler
of
that
time
could
not
fulfil
what
confucius
required
of
the
"
son
of
heaven
"
.
but
the
opinions
of
students
of
confucius
's
actual
ideas
differ.
some
say
that
in
the
only
book
in
which
he
personally
had
a
hand
,
the
so-called
_annals
of
spring
and
autumn_
,
he
intended
to
set
out
his
conception
of
the
character
of
a
true
emperor
;
others
say
that
in
that
book
he
showed
how
he
would
himself
have
acted
as
emperor
,
and
that
he
was
only
awaiting
an
opportunity
to
make
himself
emperor.
he
was
called
indeed
,
at
a
later
time
,
the
"
uncrowned
ruler
"
.
in
any
case
,
the
_annals
of
spring
and
autumn_
seem
to
be
simply
a
dry
work
of
annals
,
giving
the
history
of
his
native
state
of
lu
on
the
basis
of
the
older
documents
available
to
him.
in
his
text
,
however
,
confucius
made
small
changes
by
means
of
which
he
expressed
criticism
or
recognition
;
in
this
way
he
indirectly
made
known
how
in
his
view
a
ruler
should
act
or
should
not
act.
he
did
not
shrink
from
falsifying
history
,
as
can
today
be
demonstrated.
thus
on
one
occasion
a
ruler
had
to
flee
from
a
feudal
prince
,
which
in
confucius
's
view
was
impossible
behaviour
for
the
ruler
;
accordingly
he
wrote
instead
that
the
ruler
went
on
a
hunting
expedition.
elsewhere
he
tells
of
an
eclipse
of
the
sun
on
a
certain
day
,
on
which
in
fact
there
was
no
eclipse.
by
writing
of
an
eclipse
he
meant
to
criticize
the
way
a
ruler
had
acted
,
for
the
sun
symbolized
the
ruler
,
and
the
eclipse
meant
that
the
ruler
had
not
been
guided
by
divine
illumination.
the
demonstration
that
the
_annals
of
spring
and
autumn_
can
only
be
explained
in
this
way
was
the
achievement
some
thirty-five
years
ago
of
otto
franke
,
and
through
this
discovery
confucius
's
work
,
which
the
old
sinologists
used
to
describe
as
a
dry
and
inadequate
book
,
has
become
of
special
value
to
us.
the
book
ends
with
the
year
##number##
b.c.
,
and
in
spite
of
its
distortions
it
is
the
principal
source
for
the
two-and-a-half
centuries
with
which
it
deals.
rendered
alert
by
this
experience
,
we
are
able
to
see
and
to
show
that
most
of
the
other
later
official
works
of
history
follow
the
example
of
the
_annals
of
spring
and
autumn_
in
containing
things
that
have
been
deliberately
falsified.
this
is
especially
so
in
the
work
called
_t
'ung-chien
kang-mu_
,
which
was
the
source
of
the
history
of
the
chinese
empire
translated
into
french
by
de
mailla.
apart
from
confucius
's
criticism
of
the
inadequate
capacity
of
the
emperor
of
his
day
,
there
is
discernible
,
though
only
in
the
form
of
cryptic
hints
,
a
fundamentally
important
progressive
idea.
it
is
that
a
nobleman
(
chuen-tz
[
)
u
]
should
not
be
a
member
of
the
ruling
_elite_
by
right
of
birth
alone
,
but
should
be
a
man
of
superior
moral
qualities.
from
confucius
on
,
"
chuen-tz
[
)
u
]
"
became
to
mean
"
a
gentleman
"
.
consequently
,
a
country
should
not
be
ruled
by
a
dynasty
based
on
inheritance
through
birth
,
but
by
members
of
the
nobility
who
show
outstanding
moral
qualification
for
rulership.
that
is
to
say
,
the
rule
should
pass
from
the
worthiest
to
the
worthiest
,
the
successor
first
passing
through
a
period
of
probation
as
a
minister
of
state.
in
an
unscrupulous
falsification
of
the
tradition
,
confucius
declared
that
this
principle
was
followed
in
early
times.
it
is
probably
safe
to
assume
that
confucius
had
in
view
here
an
eventual
justification
of
claims
to
rulership
of
his
own.
thus
confucius
undoubtedly
had
ideas
of
reform
,
but
he
did
not
interfere
with
the
foundations
of
feudalism.
for
the
rest
,
his
system
consists
only
of
a
social
order
and
a
moral
teaching.
metaphysics
,
logic
,
epistemology
,
i.e.
branches
of
philosophy
which
played
so
great
a
part
in
the
west
,
are
of
no
interest
to
him.
nor
can
he
be
described
as
the
founder
of
a
religion
;
for
the
cult
of
heaven
of
which
he
speaks
and
which
he
takes
over
existed
in
exactly
the
same
form
before
his
day.
he
is
merely
the
man
who
first
systematized
those
notions.
he
had
no
successes
in
his
lifetime
and
gained
no
recognition
;
nor
did
his
disciples
or
their
disciples
gain
any
general
recognition
;
his
work
did
not
become
of
importance
until
some
three
hundred
years
after
his
death
,
when
in
the
second
century
b.c.
his
teaching
was
adjusted
to
the
new
social
conditions
:
out
of
a
moral
system
for
the
decaying
feudal
society
of
the
past
centuries
developed
the
ethic
of
the
rising
social
order
of
the
gentry.
the
gentry
(
in
much
the
same
way
as
the
european
bourgeoisie
)
continually
claimed
that
there
should
be
access
for
every
civilized
citizen
to
the
highest
places
in
the
social
pyramid
,
and
the
rules
of
confucianism
became
binding
on
every
member
of
society
if
he
was
to
be
considered
a
gentleman.
only
then
did
confucianism
begin
to
develop
into
the
imposing
system
that
dominated
china
almost
down
to
the
present
day.
confucianism
did
not
become
a
religion.
it
was
comparable
to
the
later
japanese
shintoism
,
or
to
a
group
of
customs
among
us
which
we
all
observe
,
if
we
do
not
want
to
find
ourselves
excluded
from
our
community
,
but
which
we
should
never
describe
as
religion.
we
stand
up
when
the
national
anthem
is
played
,
we
give
precedency
to
older
people
,
we
erect
war
memorials
and
decorate
them
with
flowers
,
and
by
these
and
many
other
things
show
our
sense
of
belonging.
a
similar
but
much
more
conscious
and
much
more
powerful
part
was
played
by
confucianism
in
the
life
of
the
average
chinese
,
though
he
was
not
necessarily
interested
in
philosophical
ideas.
while
the
west
has
set
up
the
ideal
of
individualism
and
is
suffering
now
because
it
no
longer
has
any
ethical
system
to
which
individuals
voluntarily
submit
;
while
for
the
indians
the
social
problem
consisted
in
the
solving
of
the
question
how
every
man
could
be
enabled
to
live
his
life
with
as
little
disturbance
as
possible
from
his
fellow-men
,
confucianism
solved
the
problem
of
how
families
with
groups
of
hundreds
of
members
could
live
together
in
peace
and
co-operation
in
a
densely
populated
country.
everyone
knew
his
position
in
the
family
and
so
,
in
a
broader
sense
,
in
the
state
;
and
this
prescribed
his
rights
and
duties.
we
may
feel
that
the
rules
to
which
he
was
subjected
were
pedantic
;
but
there
was
no
limit
to
their
effectiveness
:
they
reduced
to
a
minimum
the
friction
that
always
occurs
when
great
masses
of
people
live
close
together
;
they
gave
chinese
society
the
strength
through
which
it
has
endured
;
they
gave
security
to
its
individuals.
china
's
first
real
social
crisis
after
the
collapse
of
feudalism
,
that
is
to
say
,
after
the
fourth
or
third
century
b.c.
,
began
only
in
the
present
century
with
the
collapse
of
the
social
order
of
the
gentry
and
the
breakdown
of
the
family
system.
##number##
_lao
tz
[
)
u
]
_
in
eighteenth-century
europe
confucius
was
the
only
chinese
philosopher
held
in
regard
;
in
the
last
hundred
years
,
the
years
of
europe
's
internal
crisis
,
the
philosopher
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
steadily
advanced
in
repute
,
so
that
his
book
was
translated
almost
a
hundred
times
into
various
european
languages.
according
to
the
general
view
among
the
chinese
,
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
was
an
older
contemporary
of
confucius
;
recent
chinese
and
western
research
(
a.
waley
;
h.h.
dubs
)
has
contested
this
view
and
places
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
in
the
latter
part
of
the
fourth
century
b.c.
,
or
even
later.
virtually
nothing
at
all
is
known
about
his
life
;
the
oldest
biography
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
,
written
about
##number##
b.c.
,
says
that
he
lived
as
an
official
at
the
ruler
's
court
and
,
one
day
,
became
tired
of
the
life
of
an
official
and
withdrew
from
the
capital
to
his
estate
,
where
he
died
in
old
age.
this
,
too
,
may
be
legendary
,
but
it
fits
well
into
the
picture
given
to
us
by
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
teaching
and
by
the
life
of
his
later
followers.
from
the
second
century
a.d.
,
that
is
to
say
at
least
four
hundred
years
after
his
death
,
there
are
legends
of
his
migrating
to
the
far
west.
still
later
narratives
tell
of
his
going
to
turkestan
(
where
a
temple
was
actually
built
in
his
honour
in
the
medieval
period
)
;
according
to
other
sources
he
travelled
as
far
as
india
or
sogdiana
(
samarkand
and
bokhara
)
,
where
according
to
some
accounts
he
was
the
teacher
or
forerunner
of
buddha
,
and
according
to
others
of
mani
,
the
founder
of
manichaeism.
for
all
this
there
is
not
a
vestige
of
documentary
evidence.
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
teaching
is
contained
in
a
small
book
,
the
_tao
te
ching_
,
the
"
book
of
the
world
law
and
its
power
"
.
the
book
is
written
in
quite
simple
language
,
at
times
in
rhyme
,
but
the
sense
is
so
vague
that
countless
versions
,
differing
radically
from
each
other
,
can
be
based
on
it
,
and
just
as
many
translations
are
possible
,
all
philologically
defensible.
this
vagueness
is
deliberate.
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
teaching
is
essentially
an
effort
to
bring
man
's
life
on
earth
into
harmony
with
the
life
and
law
of
the
universe
(
tao
)
.
this
was
also
confucius
's
purpose.
but
while
confucius
set
out
to
attain
that
purpose
in
a
sort
of
primitive
scientific
way
,
by
laying
down
a
number
of
rules
of
human
conduct
,
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
tries
to
attain
his
ideal
by
an
intuitive
,
emotional
method.
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
is
always
described
as
a
mystic
,
but
perhaps
this
is
not
entirely
appropriate
;
it
must
be
borne
in
mind
that
in
his
time
the
chinese
language
,
spoken
and
written
,
still
had
great
difficulties
in
the
expression
of
ideas.
in
reading
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
book
we
feel
that
he
is
trying
to
express
something
for
which
the
language
of
his
day
was
inadequate
;
and
what
he
wanted
to
express
belonged
to
the
emotional
,
not
the
intellectual
,
side
of
the
human
character
,
so
that
any
perfectly
clear
expression
of
it
in
words
was
entirely
impossible.
it
must
be
borne
in
mind
that
the
chinese
language
lacks
definite
word
categories
like
substantive
,
adjective
,
adverb
,
or
verb
;
any
word
can
be
used
now
in
one
category
and
now
in
another
,
with
a
few
exceptions
;
thus
the
understanding
of
a
combination
like
"
white
horse
"
formed
a
difficult
logical
problem
for
the
thinker
of
the
fourth
century
b.c.
:
did
it
mean
"
white
"
plus
"
horse
"
?
or
was
"
white
horse
"
no
longer
a
horse
at
all
but
something
quite
different
?
confucius
's
way
of
bringing
human
life
into
harmony
with
the
life
of
the
universe
was
to
be
a
process
of
assimilating
man
as
a
social
being
,
man
in
his
social
environment
,
to
nature
,
and
of
so
maintaining
his
activity
within
the
bounds
of
the
community.
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
pursues
another
path
,
the
path
for
those
who
feel
disappointed
with
life
in
the
community.
a
taoist
,
as
a
follower
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
is
called
,
withdraws
from
all
social
life
,
and
carries
out
none
of
the
rites
and
ceremonies
which
a
man
of
the
upper
class
should
observe
throughout
the
day.
he
lives
in
self-imposed
seclusion
,
in
an
elaborate
primitivity
which
is
often
described
in
moving
terms
that
are
almost
convincing
of
actual
"
primitivity
"
.
far
from
the
city
,
surrounded
by
nature
,
the
taoist
lives
his
own
life
,
together
with
a
few
friends
and
his
servants
,
entirely
according
to
his
nature.
his
own
nature
,
like
everything
else
,
represents
for
him
a
part
of
the
tao
,
and
the
task
of
the
individual
consists
in
the
most
complete
adherence
to
the
tao
that
is
conceivable
,
as
far
as
possible
performing
no
act
that
runs
counter
to
the
tao.
this
is
the
main
element
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
doctrine
,
the
doctrine
of
_wu-wei_
,
"
passive
achievement
"
.
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
seems
to
have
thought
that
this
doctrine
could
be
applied
to
the
life
of
the
state.
he
assumed
that
an
ideal
life
in
society
was
possible
if
everyone
followed
his
own
nature
entirely
and
no
artificial
restrictions
were
imposed.
thus
he
writes
:
"
the
more
the
people
are
forbidden
to
do
this
and
that
,
the
poorer
will
they
be.
the
more
sharp
weapons
the
people
possess
,
the
more
will
darkness
and
bewilderment
spread
through
the
land.
the
more
craft
and
cunning
men
have
,
the
more
useless
and
pernicious
contraptions
will
they
invent.
the
more
laws
and
edicts
are
imposed
,
the
more
thieves
and
bandits
there
will
be.
'if
i
work
through
non-action
,
'
says
the
sage
,
'the
people
will
transform
themselves.
'
"
[
##number##
]
thus
according
to
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
,
who
takes
the
existence
of
a
monarchy
for
granted
,
the
ruler
must
treat
his
subjects
as
follows
:
"
by
emptying
their
hearts
of
desire
and
their
minds
of
envy
,
and
by
filling
their
stomachs
with
what
they
need
;
by
reducing
their
ambitions
and
by
strengthening
their
bones
and
sinews
;
by
striving
to
keep
them
without
the
knowledge
of
what
is
evil
and
without
cravings.
thus
are
the
crafty
ones
given
no
scope
for
tempting
interference.
for
it
is
by
non-action
that
the
sage
governs
,
and
nothing
is
really
left
uncontrolled.
"
[
##number##
]
[
footnote
##number##
:
_the
way
of
acceptance_
:
a
new
version
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
_tao
te
ching_
,
by
hermon
ould
(
dakers
,
##number##
)
,
ch.
##number##
]
[
footnote
##number##
:
_the
way
of
acceptance_
,
ch.
##number##
]
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
did
not
live
to
learn
that
such
rule
of
good
government
would
be
followed
by
only
one
sort
of
rulers
--
dictators
;
and
as
a
matter
of
fact
the
"
legalist
theory
"
which
provided
the
philosophic
basis
for
dictatorship
in
the
third
century
b.c.
was
attributable
to
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
.
he
was
not
thinking
,
however
,
of
dictatorship
;
he
was
an
individualistic
anarchist
,
believing
that
if
there
were
no
active
government
all
men
would
be
happy.
then
everyone
could
attain
unity
with
nature
for
himself.
thus
we
find
in
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
,
and
later
in
all
other
taoists
,
a
scornful
repudiation
of
all
social
and
official
obligations.
an
answer
that
became
famous
was
given
by
the
taoist
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
(
see
below
)
when
it
was
proposed
to
confer
high
office
in
the
state
on
him
(
the
story
may
or
may
not
be
true
,
but
it
is
typical
of
taoist
thought
)
:
"
i
have
heard
,
"
he
replied
,
"
that
in
ch
'u
there
is
a
tortoise
sacred
to
the
gods.
it
has
now
been
dead
for
##number##
years
,
and
the
king
keeps
it
in
a
shrine
with
silken
cloths
,
and
gives
it
shelter
in
the
halls
of
a
temple.
which
do
you
think
that
tortoise
would
prefer
--
to
be
dead
and
have
its
vestigial
bones
so
honoured
,
or
to
be
still
alive
and
dragging
its
tail
after
it
in
the
mud
?
"
the
officials
replied
:
"
no
doubt
it
would
prefer
to
be
alive
and
dragging
its
tail
after
it
in
the
mud.
"
then
spoke
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
:
"
begone
!
i
,
too
,
would
rather
drag
my
tail
after
me
in
the
mud
!
"
(
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
##number##
,
##number##
)
the
true
taoist
withdraws
also
from
his
family.
typical
of
this
is
another
story
,
surely
apocryphal
,
from
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
(
ch.
##number##
,
##number##
)
.
at
the
death
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
a
disciple
went
to
the
family
and
expressed
his
sympathy
quite
briefly
and
formally.
the
other
disciples
were
astonished
,
and
asked
his
reason.
he
said
:
"
yes
,
at
first
i
thought
that
he
was
our
man
,
but
he
is
not.
when
i
went
to
grieve
,
the
old
men
were
bewailing
him
as
though
they
were
bewailing
a
son
,
and
the
young
wept
as
though
they
were
mourning
a
mother.
to
bind
them
so
closely
to
himself
,
he
must
have
spoken
words
which
he
should
not
have
spoken
,
and
wept
tears
which
he
should
not
have
wept.
that
,
however
,
is
a
falling
away
from
the
heavenly
nature.
"
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
teaching
,
like
that
of
confucius
,
cannot
be
described
as
religion
;
like
confucius
's
,
it
is
a
sort
of
social
philosophy
,
but
of
irrationalistic
character.
thus
it
was
quite
possible
,
and
later
it
became
the
rule
,
for
one
and
the
same
person
to
be
both
confucian
and
taoist.
as
an
official
and
as
the
head
of
his
family
,
a
man
would
think
and
act
as
a
confucian
;
as
a
private
individual
,
when
he
had
retired
far
from
the
city
to
live
in
his
country
mansion
(
often
modestly
described
as
a
cave
or
a
thatched
hut
)
,
or
when
he
had
been
dismissed
from
his
post
or
suffered
some
other
trouble
,
he
would
feel
and
think
as
a
taoist.
in
order
to
live
as
a
taoist
it
was
necessary
,
of
course
,
to
possess
such
an
estate
,
to
which
a
man
could
retire
with
his
servants
,
and
where
he
could
live
without
himself
doing
manual
work.
this
difference
between
the
confucian
and
the
taoist
found
a
place
in
the
works
of
many
chinese
poets.
i
take
the
following
quotation
from
an
essay
by
the
statesman
and
poet
ts
'ao
chih
,
of
the
end
of
the
second
century
a.d.
:
"
master
mysticus
lived
in
deep
seclusion
on
a
mountain
in
the
wilderness
;
he
had
withdrawn
as
in
flight
from
the
world
,
desiring
to
purify
his
spirit
and
give
rest
to
his
heart.
he
despised
official
activity
,
and
no
longer
maintained
any
relations
with
the
world
;
he
sought
quiet
and
freedom
from
care
,
in
order
in
this
way
to
attain
everlasting
life.
he
did
nothing
but
send
his
thoughts
wandering
between
sky
and
clouds
,
and
consequently
there
was
nothing
worldly
that
could
attract
and
tempt
him.
[
illustration
:
##number##
painted
pottery
from
kansu
:
neolithic.
_in
the
collection
of
the
museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
ancient
bronze
tripod
found
at
anyang.
_from
g.
ecke
:
fruehe
chinesische
bronzen
aus
der
sammlung
oskar
trautmann
,
peking_
##number##
,
_plate_
##number##
]
"
when
mr.
rationalist
heard
of
this
man
,
he
desired
to
visit
him
,
in
order
to
persuade
him
to
alter
his
views.
he
harnessed
four
horses
,
who
could
quickly
traverse
the
plain
,
and
entered
his
light
fast
carriage.
he
drove
through
the
plain
,
leaving
behind
him
the
ruins
of
abandoned
settlements
;
he
entered
the
boundless
wilderness
,
and
finally
reached
the
dwelling
of
master
mysticus.
here
there
was
a
waterfall
on
one
side
,
and
on
the
other
were
high
crags
;
at
the
back
a
stream
flowed
deep
down
in
its
bed
,
and
in
front
was
an
odorous
wood.
the
master
wore
a
white
doeskin
cap
and
a
striped
fox-pelt.
he
came
forward
from
a
cave
buried
in
the
mountain
,
leaned
against
the
tall
crag
,
and
enjoyed
the
prospect
of
wild
nature.
his
ideas
floated
on
the
breezes
,
and
he
looked
as
if
the
wide
spaces
of
the
heavens
and
the
countries
of
the
earth
were
too
narrow
for
him
;
as
if
he
was
going
to
fly
but
had
not
yet
left
the
ground
;
as
if
he
had
already
spread
his
wings
but
wanted
to
wait
a
moment.
mr.
rationalist
climbed
up
with
the
aid
of
vine
shoots
,
reached
the
top
of
the
crag
,
and
stepped
up
to
him
,
saying
very
respectfully
:
"
'i
have
heard
that
a
man
of
nobility
does
not
flee
from
society
,
but
seeks
to
gain
fame
;
a
man
of
wisdom
does
not
swim
against
the
current
,
but
seeks
to
earn
repute.
you
,
however
,
despise
the
achievements
of
civilization
and
culture
;
you
have
no
regard
for
the
splendour
of
philanthropy
and
justice
;
you
squander
your
powers
here
in
the
wilderness
and
neglect
ordered
relations
between
man
....
'
"
frequently
master
mysticus
and
mr.
rationalist
were
united
in
a
single
person.
thus
,
shih
ch
'ung
wrote
in
an
essay
on
himself
:
"
in
my
youth
i
had
great
ambition
and
wanted
to
stand
out
above
the
multitude.
thus
it
happened
that
at
a
little
over
twenty
years
of
age
i
was
already
a
court
official
;
i
remained
in
the
service
for
twenty-five
years.
when
i
was
fifty
i
had
to
give
up
my
post
because
of
an
unfortunate
occurrence
....
the
older
i
became
,
the
more
i
appreciated
the
freedom
i
had
acquired
;
and
as
i
loved
forest
and
plain
,
i
retired
to
my
villa.
when
i
built
this
villa
,
a
long
embankment
formed
the
boundary
behind
it
;
in
front
the
prospect
extended
over
a
clear
canal
;
all
around
grew
countless
cypresses
,
and
flowing
water
meandered
round
the
house.
there
were
pools
there
,
and
outlook
towers
;
i
bred
birds
and
fishes.
in
my
harem
there
were
always
good
musicians
who
played
dance
tunes.
when
i
went
out
i
enjoyed
nature
or
hunted
birds
and
fished.
when
i
came
home
,
i
enjoyed
playing
the
lute
or
reading
;
i
also
liked
to
concoct
an
elixir
of
life
and
to
take
breathing
exercises
,
[
##number##
]
because
i
did
not
want
to
die
,
but
wanted
one
day
to
lift
myself
to
the
skies
,
like
an
immortal
genius.
suddenly
i
was
drawn
back
into
the
official
career
,
and
became
once
more
one
of
the
dignitaries
of
the
emperor.
"
[
footnote
##number##
:
both
taoist
practices.
]
thus
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
individualist
and
anarchist
doctrine
was
not
suited
to
form
the
basis
of
a
general
chinese
social
order
,
and
its
employment
in
support
of
dictatorship
was
certainly
not
in
the
spirit
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
.
throughout
history
,
however
,
taoism
remained
the
philosophic
attitude
of
individuals
of
the
highest
circle
of
society
;
its
real
doctrine
never
became
popularly
accepted
;
for
the
strong
feeling
for
nature
that
distinguishes
the
chinese
,
and
their
reluctance
to
interfere
in
the
sanctified
order
of
nature
by
technical
and
other
deliberate
acts
,
was
not
actually
a
result
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
teaching
,
but
one
of
the
fundamentals
from
which
his
ideas
started.
if
the
date
assigned
to
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
by
present-day
research
(
the
fourth
instead
of
the
sixth
century
b.c.
)
is
correct
,
he
was
more
or
less
contemporary
with
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
who
was
probably
the
most
gifted
poet
among
the
chinese
philosophers
and
taoists.
a
thin
thread
extends
from
them
as
far
as
the
fourth
century
a.d.
:
huai-nan
tz
[
)
u
]
,
chung-ch
'ang
t
'ung
,
yuean
chi
(
##number##
)
,
liu
ling
(
##number##
)
,
and
t
'ao
ch
'ien
(
##number##
)
,
are
some
of
the
most
eminent
names
of
taoist
philosophers.
after
that
the
stream
of
original
thought
dried
up
,
and
we
rarely
find
a
new
idea
among
the
late
taoists.
these
gentlemen
living
on
their
estates
had
acquired
a
new
means
of
expressing
their
inmost
feelings
:
they
wrote
poetry
and
,
above
all
,
painted.
their
poems
and
paintings
contain
in
a
different
outward
form
what
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
had
tried
to
express
with
the
inadequate
means
of
the
language
of
his
day.
thus
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
's
teaching
has
had
the
strongest
influence
to
this
day
in
this
field
,
and
has
inspired
creative
work
which
is
among
the
finest
achievements
of
mankind.
chapter
four
the
contending
states
(
##number##
b.c.
)
:
dissolution
of
the
feudal
system
##number##
_social
and
military
changes_
the
period
following
that
of
the
chou
dictatorships
is
known
as
that
of
the
contending
states.
out
of
over
a
thousand
states
,
fourteen
remained
,
of
which
,
in
the
period
that
now
followed
,
one
after
another
disappeared
,
until
only
one
remained.
this
period
is
the
fullest
,
or
one
of
the
fullest
,
of
strife
in
all
chinese
history.
the
various
feudal
states
had
lost
all
sense
of
allegiance
to
the
ruler
,
and
acted
in
entire
independence.
it
is
a
pure
fiction
to
speak
of
a
chinese
state
in
this
period
;
the
emperor
had
no
more
power
than
the
ruler
of
the
holy
roman
empire
in
the
late
medieval
period
of
europe
,
and
the
so-called
"
feudal
states
"
of
china
can
be
directly
compared
with
the
developing
national
states
of
europe.
a
comparison
of
this
period
with
late
medieval
europe
is
,
indeed
,
of
highest
interest.
if
we
adopt
a
political
system
of
periodization
,
we
might
say
that
around
##number##
b.c.
the
unified
feudal
state
of
the
first
period
of
antiquity
came
to
an
end
and
the
second
,
a
period
of
the
national
states
began
,
although
formally
,
the
feudal
system
continued
and
the
national
states
still
retained
many
feudal
traits.
as
none
of
these
states
was
strong
enough
to
control
and
subjugate
the
rest
,
alliances
were
formed.
the
most
favoured
union
was
the
north-south
axis
;
it
struggled
against
an
east-west
league.
the
alliances
were
not
stable
but
broke
up
again
and
again
through
bribery
or
intrigue
,
which
produced
new
combinations.
we
must
confine
ourselves
to
mentioning
the
most
important
of
the
events
that
took
place
behind
this
military
facade.
through
the
continual
struggles
more
and
more
feudal
lords
lost
their
lands
;
and
not
only
they
,
but
the
families
of
the
nobles
dependent
on
them
,
who
had
received
so-called
sub-fiefs.
some
of
the
landless
nobles
perished
;
some
offered
their
services
to
the
remaining
feudal
lords
as
soldiers
or
advisers.
thus
in
this
period
we
meet
with
a
large
number
of
migratory
politicians
who
became
competitors
of
the
wandering
scholars.
both
these
groups
recommended
to
their
lord
ways
and
means
of
gaining
victory
over
the
other
feudal
lords
,
so
as
to
become
sole
ruler.
in
order
to
carry
out
their
plans
the
advisers
claimed
the
rank
of
a
minister
or
chancellor.
realistic
though
these
advisers
and
their
lords
were
in
their
thinking
,
they
did
not
dare
to
trample
openly
on
the
old
tradition.
the
emperor
might
in
practice
be
a
completely
powerless
figurehead
,
but
he
belonged
nevertheless
,
according
to
tradition
,
to
a
family
of
divine
origin
,
which
had
obtained
its
office
not
merely
by
the
exercise
of
force
but
through
a
"
divine
mandate
"
.
accordingly
,
if
one
of
the
feudal
lords
thought
of
putting
forward
a
claim
to
the
imperial
throne
,
he
felt
compelled
to
demonstrate
that
his
family
was
just
as
much
of
divine
origin
as
the
emperor
's
,
and
perhaps
of
remoter
origin.
in
this
matter
the
travelling
"
scholars
"
rendered
valuable
service
as
manufacturers
of
genealogical
trees.
each
of
the
old
noble
families
already
had
its
family
tree
,
as
an
indispensable
requisite
for
the
sacrifices
to
ancestors.
but
in
some
cases
this
tree
began
as
a
branch
of
that
of
the
imperial
family
:
this
was
the
case
of
the
feudal
lords
who
were
of
imperial
descent
and
whose
ancestors
had
been
granted
fiefs
after
the
conquest
of
the
country.
others
,
however
,
had
for
their
first
ancestor
a
local
deity
long
worshipped
in
the
family
's
home
country
,
such
as
the
ancient
agrarian
god
huang
ti
,
or
the
bovine
god
shen
nung.
here
the
"
scholars
"
stepped
in
,
turning
the
local
deities
into
human
beings
and
"
emperors
"
.
this
suddenly
gave
the
noble
family
concerned
an
imperial
origin.
finally
,
order
was
brought
into
this
collection
of
ancient
emperors.
they
were
arranged
and
connected
with
each
other
in
"
dynasties
"
or
in
some
other
"
historical
"
form.
thus
at
a
stroke
huang
ti
,
who
about
##number##
b.c.
had
been
a
local
god
in
the
region
of
southern
shansi
,
became
the
forefather
of
almost
all
the
noble
families
,
including
that
of
the
imperial
house
of
the
chou.
needless
to
say
,
there
would
be
discrepancies
between
the
family
trees
constructed
by
the
various
scholars
for
their
lords
,
and
later
,
when
this
problem
had
lost
its
political
importance
,
the
commentators
laboured
for
centuries
on
the
elaboration
of
an
impeccable
system
of
"
ancient
emperors
"
--
and
to
this
day
there
are
sinologists
who
continue
to
present
these
humanized
gods
as
historical
personalities.
in
the
earlier
wars
fought
between
the
nobles
they
were
themselves
the
actual
combatants
,
accompanied
only
by
their
retinue.
as
the
struggles
for
power
grew
in
severity
,
each
noble
hired
such
mercenaries
as
he
could
,
for
instance
the
landless
nobles
just
mentioned.
very
soon
it
became
the
custom
to
arm
peasants
and
send
them
to
the
wars.
this
substantially
increased
the
armies.
the
numbers
of
soldiers
who
were
killed
in
particular
battles
may
have
been
greatly
exaggerated
(
in
a
single
battle
in
##number##
b.c.
,
for
instance
,
the
number
who
lost
their
lives
was
put
at
##number##
,
a
quite
impossible
figure
)
;
but
there
must
have
been
armies
of
several
thousand
men
,
perhaps
as
many
as
##number##
the
population
had
grown
considerably
by
that
time.
the
armies
of
the
earlier
period
consisted
mainly
of
the
nobles
in
their
war
chariots
;
each
chariot
surrounded
by
the
retinue
of
the
nobleman.
now
came
large
troops
of
commoners
as
infantry
as
well
,
drawn
from
the
peasant
population.
to
these
,
cavalry
were
first
added
in
the
fifth
century
b.c.
,
by
the
northern
state
of
chao
(
in
the
present
shansi
)
,
following
the
example
of
its
turkish
and
mongol
neighbours.
the
general
theory
among
ethnologists
is
that
the
horse
was
first
harnessed
to
a
chariot
,
and
that
riding
came
much
later
;
but
it
is
my
opinion
that
riders
were
known
earlier
,
but
could
not
be
efficiently
employed
in
war
because
the
practice
had
not
begun
of
fighting
in
disciplined
troops
of
horsemen
,
and
the
art
had
not
been
learnt
of
shooting
accurately
with
the
bow
from
the
back
of
a
galloping
horse
,
especially
shooting
to
the
rear.
in
any
case
,
its
cavalry
gave
the
feudal
state
of
chao
a
military
advantage
for
a
short
time.
soon
the
other
northern
states
copied
it
one
after
another
--
especially
ch
'in
,
in
north-west
china.
the
introduction
of
cavalry
brought
a
change
in
clothing
all
over
china
,
for
the
former
long
skirt-like
garb
could
not
be
worn
on
horseback.
trousers
and
the
riding-cap
were
introduced
from
the
north.
the
new
technique
of
war
made
it
important
for
every
state
to
possess
as
many
soldiers
as
possible
,
and
where
it
could
to
reduce
the
enemy
's
numbers.
one
result
of
this
was
that
wars
became
much
more
sanguinary
;
another
was
that
men
in
other
countries
were
induced
to
immigrate
and
settle
as
peasants
,
so
that
the
taxes
they
paid
should
provide
the
means
for
further
recruitment
of
soldiers.
in
the
state
of
ch
'in
,
especially
,
the
practice
soon
started
of
using
the
whole
of
the
peasantry
simultaneously
as
a
rough
soldiery.
hence
that
state
was
particularly
anxious
to
attract
peasants
in
large
numbers.
##number##
_economic
changes_
in
the
course
of
the
wars
much
land
of
former
noblemen
had
become
free.
often
the
former
serfs
had
then
silently
become
landowners.
others
had
started
to
cultivate
empty
land
in
the
area
inhabited
by
the
indigenous
population
and
regarded
this
land
,
which
they
themselves
had
made
fertile
,
as
their
private
family
property.
there
was
,
in
spite
of
the
growth
of
the
population
,
still
much
cultivable
land
available.
victorious
feudal
lords
induced
farmers
to
come
to
their
territory
and
to
cultivate
the
wasteland.
this
is
a
period
of
great
migrations
,
internal
and
external.
it
seems
that
from
this
period
on
not
only
merchants
but
also
farmers
began
to
migrate
southward
into
the
area
of
the
present
provinces
of
kwangtung
and
kwangsi
and
as
far
as
tonking.
as
long
as
the
idea
that
all
land
belonged
to
the
great
clans
of
the
chou
prevailed
,
sale
of
land
was
inconceivable
;
but
when
individual
family
heads
acquired
land
or
cultivated
new
land
,
they
regarded
it
as
their
natural
right
to
dispose
of
the
land
as
they
wished.
from
now
on
until
the
end
of
the
medieval
period
,
the
family
head
as
representative
of
the
family
could
sell
or
buy
land.
however
,
the
land
belonged
to
the
family
and
not
to
him
as
a
person.
this
development
was
favoured
by
the
spread
of
money.
in
time
land
in
general
became
an
asset
with
a
market
value
and
could
be
bought
and
sold.
another
important
change
can
be
seen
from
this
time
on.
under
the
feudal
system
of
the
chou
strict
primogeniture
among
the
nobility
existed
:
the
fief
went
to
the
oldest
son
by
the
main
wife.
the
younger
sons
were
given
independent
pieces
of
land
with
its
inhabitants
as
new
,
secondary
fiefs.
with
the
increase
in
population
there
was
no
more
such
land
that
could
be
set
up
as
a
new
fief.
from
now
on
,
primogeniture
was
retained
in
the
field
of
ritual
and
religion
down
to
the
present
time
:
only
the
oldest
son
of
the
main
wife
represents
the
family
in
the
ancestor
worship
ceremonies
;
only
the
oldest
son
of
the
emperor
could
become
his
successor.
but
the
landed
property
from
now
on
was
equally
divided
among
all
sons.
occasionally
the
oldest
son
was
given
some
extra
land
to
enable
him
to
pay
the
expenses
for
the
family
ancestral
worship.
mobile
property
,
on
the
other
side
,
was
not
so
strictly
regulated
and
often
the
oldest
son
was
given
preferential
treatment
in
the
inheritance.
the
technique
of
cultivation
underwent
some
significant
changes.
the
animal-drawn
plough
seems
to
have
been
invented
during
this
period
,
and
from
now
on
,
some
metal
agricultural
implements
like
iron
sickles
and
iron
plough-shares
became
more
common.
a
fallow
system
was
introduced
so
that
cultivation
became
more
intensive.
manuring
of
fields
was
already
known
in
shang
time.
it
seems
that
the
consumption
of
meat
decreased
from
this
period
on
:
less
mutton
and
beef
were
eaten.
pig
and
dog
became
the
main
sources
of
meat
,
and
higher
consumption
of
beans
made
up
for
the
loss
of
proteins.
all
this
indicates
a
strong
population
increase.
we
have
no
statistics
for
this
period
,
but
by
##number##
b.c.
it
is
conceivable
that
the
population
under
the
control
of
the
various
individual
states
comprised
something
around
twenty-five
millions.
the
eastern
plains
emerge
more
and
more
as
centres
of
production.
the
increased
use
of
metal
and
the
invention
of
coins
greatly
stimulated
trade.
iron
which
now
became
quite
common
,
was
produced
mainly
in
shansi
,
other
metals
in
south
china.
but
what
were
the
traders
to
do
with
their
profits
?
even
later
in
china
,
and
almost
down
to
recent
times
,
it
was
never
possible
to
hoard
large
quantities
of
money.
normally
the
money
was
of
copper
,
and
a
considerable
capital
in
the
form
of
copper
coin
took
up
a
good
deal
of
room
and
was
not
easy
to
conceal.
if
anyone
had
much
money
,
everyone
in
his
village
knew
it.
no
one
dared
to
hoard
to
any
extent
for
fear
of
attracting
bandits
and
creating
lasting
insecurity.
on
the
other
hand
the
merchants
wanted
to
attain
the
standard
of
living
which
the
nobles
,
the
landowners
,
used
to
have.
thus
they
began
to
invest
their
money
in
land.
this
was
all
the
easier
for
them
since
it
often
happened
that
one
of
the
lesser
nobles
or
a
peasant
fell
deeply
into
debt
to
a
merchant
and
found
himself
compelled
to
give
up
his
land
in
payment
of
the
debt.
soon
the
merchants
took
over
another
function.
so
long
as
there
had
been
many
small
feudal
states
,
and
the
feudal
lords
had
created
lesser
lords
with
small
fiefs
,
it
had
been
a
simple
matter
for
the
taxes
to
be
collected
,
in
the
form
of
grain
,
from
the
peasants
through
the
agents
of
the
lesser
lords.
now
that
there
were
only
a
few
great
states
in
existence
,
the
old
system
was
no
longer
effectual.
this
gave
the
merchants
their
opportunity.
the
rulers
of
the
various
states
entrusted
the
merchants
with
the
collection
of
taxes
,
and
this
had
great
advantages
for
the
ruler
:
he
could
obtain
part
of
the
taxes
at
once
,
as
the
merchant
usually
had
grain
in
stock
,
or
was
himself
a
landowner
and
could
make
advances
at
any
time.
through
having
to
pay
the
taxes
to
the
merchant
,
the
village
population
became
dependent
on
him.
thus
the
merchants
developed
into
the
first
administrative
officials
in
the
provinces.
in
connection
with
the
growth
of
business
,
the
cities
kept
on
growing.
it
is
estimated
that
at
the
beginning
of
the
third
century
,
the
city
of
lin-chin
,
near
the
present
chi-nan
in
shantung
,
had
a
population
of
##number##
persons.
each
of
its
walls
had
a
length
of
##number##
metres
;
thus
,
it
was
even
somewhat
larger
than
the
famous
city
of
loyang
,
capital
of
china
during
the
later
han
dynasty
,
in
the
second
century
a.d.
several
other
cities
of
this
period
have
been
recently
excavated
and
must
have
had
populations
far
above
##number##
persons.
there
were
two
types
of
cities
:
the
rectangular
,
planned
city
of
the
chou
conquerors
,
a
seat
of
administration
;
and
the
irregularly
shaped
city
which
grew
out
of
a
market
place
and
became
only
later
an
administrative
centre.
we
do
not
know
much
about
the
organization
and
administration
of
these
cities
,
but
they
seem
to
have
had
considerable
independence
because
some
of
them
issued
their
own
city
coins.
when
these
cities
grew
,
the
food
produced
in
the
neighbourhood
of
the
towns
no
longer
sufficed
for
their
inhabitants.
this
led
to
the
building
of
roads
,
which
also
facilitated
the
transport
of
supplies
for
great
armies.
these
roads
mainly
radiated
from
the
centre
of
consumption
into
the
surrounding
country
,
and
they
were
less
in
use
for
communication
between
one
administrative
centre
and
another.
for
long
journeys
the
rivers
were
of
more
importance
,
since
transport
by
wagon
was
always
expensive
owing
to
the
shortage
of
draught
animals.
thus
we
see
in
this
period
the
first
important
construction
of
canals
and
a
development
of
communications.
with
the
canal
construction
was
connected
the
construction
of
irrigation
and
drainage
systems
,
which
further
promoted
agricultural
production.
the
cities
were
places
in
which
often
great
luxury
developed
;
music
,
dance
,
and
other
refinements
were
cultivated
;
but
the
cities
also
seem
to
have
harboured
considerable
industries.
expensive
and
technically
superior
silks
were
woven
;
painters
decorated
the
walls
of
temples
and
palaces
;
blacksmiths
and
bronze-smiths
produced
beautiful
vessels
and
implements.
it
seems
certain
that
the
art
of
casting
iron
and
the
beginnings
of
the
production
of
steel
were
already
known
at
this
time.
the
life
of
the
commoners
in
these
cities
was
regulated
by
laws
;
the
first
codes
are
mentioned
in
##number##
b.c.
by
the
end
of
the
fourth
century
b.c.
a
large
body
of
criminal
law
existed
,
supposedly
collected
by
li
k
'uei
,
which
became
the
foundation
of
all
later
chinese
law.
it
seems
that
in
this
period
the
states
of
china
moved
quickly
towards
a
money
economy
,
and
an
observer
to
whom
the
later
chinese
history
was
not
known
could
have
predicted
the
eventual
development
of
a
capitalistic
society
out
of
the
apparent
tendencies.
so
far
nothing
has
been
said
in
these
chapters
about
china
's
foreign
policy.
since
the
central
ruling
house
was
completely
powerless
,
and
the
feudal
lords
were
virtually
independent
rulers
,
little
can
be
said
,
of
course
,
about
any
"
chinese
"
foreign
policy.
there
is
less
than
ever
to
be
said
about
it
for
this
period
of
the
"
contending
states
"
.
chinese
merchants
penetrated
southward
,
and
soon
settlers
moved
in
increasing
numbers
into
the
plains
of
the
south-east.
in
the
north
,
there
were
continual
struggles
with
turkish
and
mongol
tribes
,
and
about
##number##
b.c.
the
name
of
the
hsiung-nu
(
who
are
often
described
as
"
the
huns
of
the
far
east
"
)
makes
its
first
appearance.
it
is
known
that
these
northern
peoples
had
mastered
the
technique
of
horseback
warfare
and
were
far
ahead
of
the
chinese
,
although
the
chinese
imitated
their
methods.
the
peasants
of
china
,
as
they
penetrated
farther
and
farther
north
,
had
to
be
protected
by
their
rulers
against
the
northern
peoples
,
and
since
the
rulers
needed
their
armed
forces
for
their
struggles
within
china
,
a
beginning
was
made
with
the
building
of
frontier
walls
,
to
prevent
sudden
raids
of
the
northern
peoples
against
the
peasant
settlements.
thus
came
into
existence
the
early
forms
of
the
"
great
wall
of
china
"
.
this
provided
for
the
first
time
a
visible
frontier
between
chinese
and
non-chinese.
along
this
frontier
,
just
as
by
the
walls
of
towns
,
great
markets
were
held
at
which
chinese
peasants
bartered
their
produce
to
non-chinese
nomads.
both
partners
in
this
trade
became
accustomed
to
it
and
drew
very
substantial
profits
from
it.
we
even
know
the
names
of
several
great
horse-dealers
who
bought
horses
from
the
nomads
and
sold
them
within
china.
##number##
_cultural
changes_
together
with
the
economic
and
social
changes
in
this
period
,
there
came
cultural
changes.
new
ideas
sprang
up
in
exuberance
,
as
would
seem
entirely
natural
,
because
in
times
of
change
and
crisis
men
always
come
forward
to
offer
solutions
for
pressing
problems.
we
shall
refer
here
only
briefly
to
the
principal
philosophers
of
the
period.
mencius
(
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
)
and
hsuen
tz
[
)
u
]
(
_c_.
##number##
b.c.
)
were
both
followers
of
confucianism.
both
belonged
to
the
so-called
"
scholars
"
,
and
both
lived
in
the
present
shantung
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
eastern
china.
both
elaborated
the
ideas
of
confucius
,
but
neither
of
them
achieved
personal
success.
mencius
(
meng
tz
[
)
u
]
)
recognized
that
the
removal
of
the
ruling
house
of
the
chou
no
longer
presented
any
difficulty.
the
difficult
question
for
him
was
when
a
change
of
ruler
would
be
justified.
and
how
could
it
be
ascertained
whom
heaven
had
destined
as
successor
if
the
existing
dynasty
was
brought
down
?
mencius
replied
that
the
voice
of
the
"
people
"
,
that
is
to
say
of
the
upper
class
and
its
following
,
would
declare
the
right
man
,
and
that
this
man
would
then
be
heaven
's
nominee.
this
theory
persisted
throughout
the
history
of
china.
hsuen
tz
[
)
u
]
's
chief
importance
lies
in
the
fact
that
he
recognized
that
the
"
laws
"
of
nature
are
unchanging
but
that
man
's
fate
is
determined
not
by
nature
alone
but
,
in
addition
,
by
his
own
activities.
man
's
nature
is
basically
bad
,
but
by
working
on
himself
within
the
framework
of
society
,
he
can
change
his
nature
and
can
develop.
thus
,
hsuen
tz
[
)
u
]
's
philosophy
contains
a
dynamic
element
,
fit
for
a
dynamic
period
of
history.
in
the
strongest
contrast
to
these
thinkers
was
the
school
of
mo
ti
(
at
some
time
between
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
)
.
the
confucian
school
held
fast
to
the
old
feudal
order
of
society
,
and
was
only
ready
to
agree
to
a
few
superficial
changes.
the
school
of
mo
ti
proposed
to
alter
the
fundamental
principles
of
society.
family
ethics
must
no
longer
be
retained
;
the
principles
of
family
love
must
be
extended
to
the
whole
upper
class
,
which
mo
ti
called
the
"
people
"
.
one
must
love
another
member
of
the
upper
class
just
as
much
as
one
's
own
father.
then
the
friction
between
individuals
and
between
states
would
cease.
instead
of
families
,
large
groups
of
people
friendly
to
one
another
must
be
created.
further
one
should
live
frugally
and
not
expend
endless
money
on
effete
rites
,
as
the
confucianists
demanded.
the
expenditure
on
weddings
and
funerals
under
the
confucianist
ritual
consumed
so
much
money
that
many
families
fell
into
debt
and
,
if
they
were
unable
to
pay
off
the
debt
,
sank
from
the
upper
into
the
lower
class.
in
order
to
maintain
the
upper
class
,
therefore
,
there
must
be
more
frugality.
mo
ti
's
teaching
won
great
influence.
he
and
his
successors
surrounded
themselves
with
a
private
army
of
supporters
which
was
rigidly
organized
and
which
could
be
brought
into
action
at
any
time
as
its
leader
wished.
thus
the
mohists
came
forward
everywhere
with
an
approach
entirely
different
from
that
of
the
isolated
confucians.
when
the
mohists
offered
their
assistance
to
a
ruler
,
they
brought
with
them
a
group
of
technical
and
military
experts
who
had
been
trained
on
the
same
principles.
in
consequence
of
its
great
influence
this
teaching
was
naturally
hotly
opposed
by
the
confucianists.
we
see
clearly
in
mo
ti
's
and
his
followers
'
ideas
the
influence
of
the
changed
times.
his
principle
of
"
universal
love
"
reflects
the
breakdown
of
the
clans
and
the
general
weakening
of
family
bonds
which
had
taken
place.
his
ideal
of
social
organization
resembles
organizations
of
merchants
and
craftsmen
which
we
know
only
of
later
periods.
his
stress
upon
frugality
,
too
,
reflects
a
line
of
thought
which
is
typical
of
businessmen.
the
rationality
which
can
also
be
seen
in
his
metaphysical
ideas
and
which
has
induced
modern
chinese
scholars
to
call
him
an
early
materialist
is
fitting
to
an
age
in
which
a
developing
money
economy
and
expanding
trade
required
a
cool
,
logical
approach
to
the
affairs
of
this
world.
a
similar
mentality
can
be
seen
in
another
school
which
appeared
from
the
fifth
century
b.c.
on
,
the
"
dialecticians
"
.
here
are
a
number
of
names
to
mention
:
the
most
important
are
kung-sun
lung
and
hui
tz
[
)
u
]
,
who
are
comparable
with
the
ancient
greek
dialecticians
and
sophists.
they
saw
their
main
task
in
the
development
of
logic.
since
,
as
we
have
mentioned
,
many
"
scholars
"
journeyed
from
one
princely
court
to
another
,
and
other
people
came
forward
,
each
recommending
his
own
method
to
the
prince
for
the
increase
of
his
power
,
it
was
of
great
importance
to
be
able
to
talk
convincingly
,
so
as
to
defeat
a
rival
in
a
duel
of
words
on
logical
grounds.
unquestionably
,
however
,
the
most
important
school
of
this
period
was
that
of
the
so-called
legalists
,
whose
most
famous
representative
was
shang
yang
(
or
shang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
died
##number##
b.c.
)
.
the
supporters
of
this
school
came
principally
from
old
princely
families
that
had
lost
their
feudal
possessions
,
and
not
from
among
the
so-called
scholars.
they
were
people
belonging
to
the
upper
class
who
possessed
political
experience
and
now
offered
their
knowledge
to
other
princes
who
still
reigned.
these
men
had
entirely
given
up
the
old
conservative
traditions
of
confucianism
;
they
were
the
first
to
make
their
peace
with
the
new
social
order.
they
recognized
that
little
or
nothing
remained
of
the
old
upper
class
of
feudal
lords
and
their
following.
the
last
of
the
feudal
lords
collected
around
the
heads
of
the
last
remaining
princely
courts
,
or
lived
quietly
on
the
estates
that
still
remained
to
them.
such
a
class
,
with
its
moral
and
economic
strength
broken
,
could
no
longer
lead.
the
legalists
recognized
,
therefore
,
only
the
ruler
and
next
to
him
,
as
the
really
active
and
responsible
man
,
the
chancellor
;
under
these
there
were
to
be
only
the
common
people
,
consisting
of
the
richer
and
poorer
peasants
;
the
people
's
duty
was
to
live
and
work
for
the
ruler
,
and
to
carry
out
without
question
whatever
orders
they
received.
they
were
not
to
discuss
or
think
,
but
to
obey.
the
chancellor
was
to
draft
laws
which
came
automatically
into
operation.
the
ruler
himself
was
to
have
nothing
to
do
with
the
government
or
with
the
application
of
the
laws.
he
was
only
a
symbol
,
a
representative
of
the
equally
inactive
heaven.
clearly
these
theories
were
much
the
best
suited
to
the
conditions
of
the
break-up
of
feudalism
about
##number##
b.c.
thus
they
were
first
adopted
by
the
state
in
which
the
old
idea
of
the
feudal
state
had
been
least
developed
,
the
state
of
ch
'in
,
in
which
alien
peoples
were
most
strongly
represented.
shang
yang
became
the
actual
organizer
of
the
state
of
ch
'in.
his
ideas
were
further
developed
by
han
fei
tz
[
)
u
]
(
died
##number##
b.c.
)
.
the
mentality
which
speaks
out
of
his
writings
has
closest
similarity
to
the
famous
indian
arthashastra
which
originated
slightly
earlier
;
both
books
exhibit
a
"
machiavellian
"
spirit.
it
must
be
observed
that
these
theories
had
little
or
nothing
to
do
with
the
ideas
of
the
old
cult
of
heaven
or
with
family
allegiance
;
on
the
other
hand
,
the
soldierly
element
,
with
the
notion
of
obedience
,
was
well
suited
to
the
militarized
peoples
of
the
west.
the
population
of
ch
'in
,
organized
throughout
on
these
principles
,
was
then
in
a
position
to
remove
one
opponent
after
another.
in
the
middle
of
the
third
century
b.c.
the
greater
part
of
the
china
of
that
time
was
already
in
the
hands
of
ch
'in
,
and
in
##number##
b.c.
the
last
emperor
of
the
chou
dynasty
was
compelled
,
in
his
complete
impotence
,
to
abdicate
in
favour
of
the
ruler
of
ch
'in.
apart
from
these
more
or
less
political
speculations
,
there
came
into
existence
in
this
period
,
by
no
mere
chance
,
a
school
of
thought
which
never
succeeded
in
fully
developing
in
china
,
concerned
with
natural
science
and
comparable
with
the
greek
natural
philosophy.
we
have
already
several
times
pointed
to
parallels
between
chinese
and
indian
thoughts.
such
similarities
may
be
the
result
of
mere
coincidence.
but
recent
findings
in
central
asia
indicate
that
direct
connections
between
india
,
persia
,
and
china
may
have
started
at
a
time
much
earlier
than
we
had
formerly
thought.
sogdian
merchants
who
later
played
a
great
role
in
commercial
contacts
might
have
been
active
already
from
##number##
or
##number##
b.c.
on
and
might
have
been
the
transmitters
of
new
ideas.
the
most
important
philosopher
of
this
school
was
tsou
yen
(
flourished
between
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
)
;
he
,
as
so
many
other
chinese
philosophers
of
this
time
,
was
a
native
of
shantung
,
and
the
ports
of
the
shantung
coast
may
well
have
been
ports
of
entrance
of
new
ideas
from
western
asia
as
were
the
roads
through
the
turkestan
basin
into
western
china.
tsou
yen
's
basic
ideas
had
their
root
in
earlier
chinese
speculations
:
the
doctrine
that
all
that
exists
is
to
be
explained
by
the
positive
,
creative
,
or
the
negative
,
passive
action
(
yang
and
yin
)
of
the
five
elements
,
wood
,
fire
,
earth
,
metal
,
and
water
(
wu
hsing
)
.
but
tsou
yen
also
considered
the
form
of
the
world
,
and
was
the
first
to
put
forward
the
theory
that
the
world
consists
not
of
a
single
continent
with
china
in
the
middle
of
it
,
but
of
nine
continents.
the
names
of
these
continents
sound
like
indian
names
,
and
his
idea
of
a
central
world-mountain
may
well
have
come
from
india.
the
"
scholars
"
of
his
time
were
quite
unable
to
appreciate
this
beginning
of
science
,
which
actually
led
to
the
contention
of
this
school
,
in
the
first
century
b.c.
,
that
the
earth
was
of
spherical
shape.
tsou
yen
himself
was
ridiculed
as
a
dreamer
;
but
very
soon
,
when
the
idea
of
the
reciprocal
destruction
of
the
elements
was
applied
,
perhaps
by
tsou
yen
himself
,
to
politics
,
namely
when
,
in
connection
with
the
astronomical
calculations
much
cultivated
by
this
school
and
through
the
identification
of
dynasties
with
the
five
elements
,
the
attempt
was
made
to
explain
and
to
calculate
the
duration
and
the
supersession
of
dynasties
,
strong
pressure
began
to
be
brought
to
bear
against
this
school.
for
hundreds
of
years
its
books
were
distributed
and
read
only
in
secret
,
and
many
of
its
members
were
executed
as
revolutionaries.
thus
,
this
school
,
instead
of
becoming
the
nucleus
of
a
school
of
natural
science
,
was
driven
underground.
the
secret
societies
which
started
to
arise
clearly
from
the
first
century
b.c.
on
,
but
which
may
have
been
in
existence
earlier
,
adopted
the
politico-scientific
ideas
of
tsou
yen
's
school.
such
secret
societies
have
existed
in
china
down
to
the
present
time.
they
all
contained
a
strong
religious
,
but
heterodox
element
which
can
often
be
traced
back
to
influences
from
a
foreign
religion.
in
times
of
peace
they
were
centres
of
a
true
,
emotional
religiosity.
in
times
of
stress
,
a
"
messianic
"
element
tended
to
become
prominent
:
the
world
is
bad
and
degenerating
;
morality
and
a
just
social
order
have
decayed
,
but
the
coming
of
a
savior
is
close
;
the
saviour
will
bring
a
new
,
fair
order
and
destroy
those
who
are
wicked.
tsou
yen
's
philosophy
seemed
to
allow
them
to
calculate
when
this
new
order
would
start
;
later
secret
societies
contained
ideas
from
iranian
mazdaism
,
manichaeism
and
buddhism
,
mixed
with
traits
from
the
popular
religions
and
often
couched
in
terms
taken
from
the
taoists.
the
members
of
such
societies
were
,
typically
,
ordinary
farmers
who
here
found
an
emotional
outlet
for
their
frustrations
in
daily
life.
in
times
of
stress
,
members
of
the
leading
_elite_
often
but
not
always
established
contacts
with
these
societies
,
took
over
their
leadership
and
led
them
to
open
rebellion.
the
fate
of
tsou
yen
's
school
did
not
mean
that
the
chinese
did
not
develop
in
the
field
of
sciences.
at
about
tsou
yen
's
lifetime
,
the
first
mathematical
handbook
was
written.
from
these
books
it
is
obvious
that
the
interest
of
the
government
in
calculating
the
exact
size
of
fields
,
the
content
of
measures
for
grain
,
and
other
fiscal
problems
stimulated
work
in
this
field
,
just
as
astronomy
developed
from
the
interest
of
the
government
in
the
fixation
of
the
calendar.
science
kept
on
developing
in
other
fields
,
too
,
but
mainly
as
a
hobby
of
scholars
and
in
the
shops
of
craftsmen
,
if
it
did
not
have
importance
for
the
administration
and
especially
taxation
and
budget
calculations.
chapter
five
the
ch
'in
dynasty
(
##number##
b.c.
)
##number##
_towards
the
unitary
state_
in
##number##
b.c.
the
last
ruler
of
the
chou
dynasty
abdicated
in
favour
of
the
feudal
lord
of
the
state
of
ch
'in.
some
people
place
the
beginning
of
the
ch
'in
dynasty
in
that
year
,
##number##
b.c.
;
others
prefer
the
date
##number##
b.c.
,
because
it
was
only
in
that
year
that
the
remaining
feudal
states
came
to
their
end
and
ch
'in
really
ruled
all
china.
the
territories
of
the
state
of
ch
'in
,
the
present
shensi
and
eastern
kansu
,
were
from
a
geographical
point
of
view
transit
regions
,
closed
off
in
the
north
by
steppes
and
deserts
and
in
the
south
by
almost
impassable
mountains.
only
between
these
barriers
,
along
the
rivers
wei
(
in
shensi
)
and
t
'ao
(
in
kansu
)
,
is
there
a
rich
cultivable
zone
which
is
also
the
only
means
of
transit
from
east
to
west.
all
traffic
from
and
to
turkestan
had
to
take
this
route.
it
is
believed
that
strong
relations
with
eastern
turkestan
began
in
this
period
,
and
the
state
of
ch
'in
must
have
drawn
big
profits
from
its
"
foreign
trade
"
.
the
merchant
class
quickly
gained
more
and
more
importance.
the
population
was
growing
through
immigration
from
the
east
which
the
government
encouraged.
this
growing
population
with
its
increasing
means
of
production
,
especially
the
great
new
irrigation
systems
,
provided
a
welcome
field
for
trade
which
was
also
furthered
by
the
roads
,
though
these
were
actually
built
for
military
purposes.
the
state
of
ch
'in
had
never
been
so
closely
associated
with
the
feudal
communities
of
the
rest
of
china
as
the
other
feudal
states.
a
great
part
of
its
population
,
including
the
ruling
class
,
was
not
purely
chinese
but
contained
an
admixture
of
turks
and
tibetans.
the
other
chinese
even
called
ch
'in
a
"
barbarian
state
"
,
and
the
foreign
influence
was
,
indeed
,
unceasing.
this
was
a
favourable
soil
for
the
overcoming
of
feudalism
,
and
the
process
was
furthered
by
the
factors
mentioned
in
the
preceding
chapter
,
which
were
leading
to
a
change
in
the
social
structure
of
china.
especially
the
recruitment
of
the
whole
population
,
including
the
peasantry
,
for
war
was
entirely
in
the
interest
of
the
influential
nomad
fighting
peoples
within
the
state.
about
##number##
b.c.
,
ch
'in
was
not
only
one
of
the
economically
strongest
among
the
feudal
states
,
but
had
already
made
an
end
of
its
own
feudal
system.
every
feudal
system
harbours
some
seeds
of
a
bureaucratic
system
of
administration
:
feudal
lords
have
their
personal
servants
who
are
not
recruited
from
the
nobility
,
but
who
by
their
easy
access
to
the
lord
can
easily
gain
importance.
they
may
,
for
instance
,
be
put
in
charge
of
estates
,
workshops
,
and
other
properties
of
the
lord
and
thus
acquire
experience
in
administration
and
an
efficiency
which
are
obviously
of
advantage
to
the
lord.
when
chinese
lords
of
the
preceding
period
,
with
the
help
of
their
sub-lords
of
the
nobility
,
made
wars
,
they
tended
to
put
the
newly-conquered
areas
not
into
the
hands
of
newly-enfeoffed
noblemen
,
but
to
keep
them
as
their
property
and
to
put
their
administration
into
the
hands
of
efficient
servants
;
these
were
the
first
bureaucratic
officials.
thus
,
in
the
course
of
the
later
chou
period
,
a
bureaucratic
system
of
administration
had
begun
to
develop
,
and
terms
like
"
district
"
or
"
prefecture
"
began
to
appear
,
indicating
that
areas
under
a
bureaucratic
administration
existed
beside
and
inside
areas
under
feudal
rule.
this
process
had
gone
furthest
in
ch
'in
and
was
sponsored
by
the
representatives
of
the
legalist
school
,
which
was
best
adapted
to
the
new
economic
and
social
situation.
a
son
of
one
of
the
concubines
of
the
penultimate
feudal
ruler
of
ch
'in
was
living
as
a
hostage
in
the
neighbouring
state
of
chao
,
in
what
is
now
northern
shansi.
there
he
made
the
acquaintance
of
an
unusual
man
,
the
merchant
lue
pu-wei
,
a
man
of
education
and
of
great
political
influence.
lue
pu-wei
persuaded
the
feudal
ruler
of
ch
'in
to
declare
this
son
his
successor.
he
also
sold
a
girl
to
the
prince
to
be
his
wife
,
and
the
son
of
this
marriage
was
to
be
the
famous
and
notorious
shih
huang-ti.
lue
pu-wei
came
with
his
protege
to
ch
'in
,
where
he
became
his
prime
minister
,
and
after
the
prince
's
death
in
##number##
b.c.
lue
pu-wei
became
the
regent
for
his
young
son
shih
huang-ti
(
then
called
cheng
)
.
for
the
first
time
in
chinese
history
a
merchant
,
a
commoner
,
had
reached
one
of
the
highest
positions
in
the
state.
it
is
not
known
what
sort
of
trade
lue
pu-wei
had
carried
on
,
but
probably
he
dealt
in
horses
,
the
principal
export
of
the
state
of
chao.
as
horses
were
an
absolute
necessity
for
the
armies
of
that
time
,
it
is
easy
to
imagine
that
a
horse-dealer
might
gain
great
political
influence.
soon
after
shih
huang-ti
's
accession
lue
pu-wei
was
dismissed
,
and
a
new
group
of
advisers
,
strong
supporters
of
the
legalist
school
,
came
into
power.
these
new
men
began
an
active
policy
of
conquest
instead
of
the
peaceful
course
which
lue
pu-wei
had
pursued.
one
campaign
followed
another
in
the
years
from
##number##
to
##number##
,
until
all
the
feudal
states
had
been
conquered
,
annexed
,
and
brought
under
shih
huang-ti
's
rule.
##number##
_centralization
in
every
field_
the
main
task
of
the
now
gigantic
realm
was
the
organization
of
administration.
one
of
the
first
acts
after
the
conquest
of
the
other
feudal
states
was
to
deport
all
the
ruling
families
and
other
important
nobles
to
the
capital
of
ch
'in
;
they
were
thus
deprived
of
the
basis
of
their
power
,
and
their
land
could
be
sold.
these
upper-class
families
supplied
to
the
capital
a
class
of
consumers
of
luxury
goods
which
attracted
craftsmen
and
businessmen
and
changed
the
character
of
the
capital
from
that
of
a
provincial
town
to
a
centre
of
arts
and
crafts.
it
was
decided
to
set
up
the
uniform
system
of
administration
throughout
the
realm
,
which
had
already
been
successfully
introduced
in
ch
'in
:
the
realm
was
split
up
into
provinces
and
the
provinces
into
prefectures
;
and
an
official
was
placed
in
charge
of
each
province
or
prefecture.
originally
the
prefectures
in
ch
'in
had
been
placed
directly
under
the
central
administration
,
with
an
official
,
often
a
merchant
,
being
responsible
for
the
collection
of
taxes
;
the
provinces
,
on
the
other
hand
,
formed
a
sort
of
military
command
area
,
especially
in
the
newly-conquered
frontier
territories.
with
the
growing
militarization
of
ch
'in
,
greater
importance
was
assigned
to
the
provinces
,
and
the
prefectures
were
made
subordinate
to
them.
thus
the
officials
of
the
provinces
were
originally
army
officers
but
now
,
in
the
reorganization
of
the
whole
realm
,
the
distinction
between
civil
and
military
administration
was
abolished.
at
the
head
of
the
province
were
a
civil
and
also
a
military
governor
,
and
both
were
supervised
by
a
controller
directly
responsible
to
the
emperor.
since
there
was
naturally
a
continual
struggle
for
power
between
these
three
officials
,
none
of
them
was
supreme
and
none
could
develop
into
a
sort
of
feudal
lord.
in
this
system
we
can
see
the
essence
of
the
later
chinese
administration.
[
illustration
:
##number##
bronze
plaque
representing
two
horses
fighting
each
other.
ordos
region
,
animal
style.
_from
v.
griessmaier
:
sammlung
baron
eduard
von
der
heydt
,
vienna_
##number##
,
_illustration
no_.
##number##
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
hunting
scene
:
detail
from
the
reliefs
in
the
tombs
at
wu-liang-tz
'u.
_from
a
print
in
the
author
's
possession_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
part
of
the
'great
wall
'.
_photo
eberhard_.
]
owing
to
the
centuries
of
division
into
independent
feudal
states
,
the
various
parts
of
the
country
had
developed
differently.
each
province
spoke
a
different
dialect
which
also
contained
many
words
borrowed
from
the
language
of
the
indigenous
population
;
and
as
these
earlier
populations
sometimes
belonged
to
different
races
with
different
languages
,
in
each
state
different
words
had
found
their
way
into
the
chinese
dialects.
this
caused
divergences
not
only
in
the
spoken
but
in
the
written
language
,
and
even
in
the
characters
in
use
for
writing.
there
exist
to
this
day
dictionaries
in
which
the
borrowed
words
of
that
time
are
indicated
,
and
keys
to
the
various
old
forms
of
writing
also
exist.
thus
difficulties
arose
if
,
for
instance
,
a
man
from
the
old
territory
of
ch
'in
was
to
be
transferred
as
an
official
to
the
east
:
he
could
not
properly
understand
the
language
and
could
not
read
the
borrowed
words
,
if
he
could
read
at
all
!
for
a
large
number
of
the
officials
of
that
time
,
especially
the
officers
who
became
military
governors
,
were
certainly
unable
to
read.
the
government
therefore
ordered
that
the
language
of
the
whole
country
should
be
unified
,
and
that
a
definite
style
of
writing
should
be
generally
adopted.
the
words
to
be
used
were
set
out
in
lists
,
so
that
the
first
lexicography
came
into
existence
simply
through
the
needs
of
practical
administration
,
as
had
happened
much
earlier
in
babylon.
thus
,
the
few
recently
found
manuscripts
from
pre-ch
'in
times
still
contain
a
high
percentage
of
chinese
characters
which
we
cannot
read
because
they
were
local
characters
;
but
all
words
in
texts
after
the
ch
'in
time
can
be
read
because
they
belong
to
the
standardized
script.
we
know
now
that
all
classical
texts
of
pre-ch
'in
time
as
we
have
them
today
,
have
been
re-written
in
this
standardized
script
in
the
second
century
b.c.
:
we
do
not
know
which
words
they
actually
contained
at
the
time
when
they
were
composed
,
nor
how
these
words
were
actually
pronounced
,
a
fact
which
makes
the
reconstruction
of
chinese
language
before
ch
'in
very
difficult.
the
next
requirement
for
the
carrying
on
of
the
administration
was
the
unification
of
weights
and
measures
and
,
a
surprising
thing
to
us
,
of
the
gauge
of
the
tracks
for
wagons.
in
the
various
feudal
states
there
had
been
different
weights
and
measures
in
use
,
and
this
had
led
to
great
difficulties
in
the
centralization
of
the
collection
of
taxes.
the
centre
of
administration
,
that
is
to
say
the
new
capital
of
ch
'in
,
had
grown
through
the
transfer
of
nobles
and
through
the
enormous
size
of
the
administrative
staff
into
a
thickly
populated
city
with
very
large
requirements
of
food.
the
fields
of
the
former
state
of
ch
'in
alone
could
not
feed
the
city
;
and
the
grain
supplied
in
payment
of
taxation
had
to
be
brought
in
from
far
around
,
partly
by
cart.
the
only
roads
then
existing
consisted
of
deep
cart-tracks.
if
the
axles
were
not
of
the
same
length
for
all
carts
,
the
roads
were
simply
unusable
for
many
of
them.
accordingly
a
fixed
length
was
laid
down
for
axles.
the
advocates
of
all
these
reforms
were
also
their
beneficiaries
,
the
merchants.
the
first
principle
of
the
legalist
school
,
a
principle
which
had
been
applied
in
ch
'in
and
which
was
to
be
extended
to
the
whole
realm
,
was
that
of
the
training
of
the
population
in
discipline
and
obedience
,
so
that
it
should
become
a
convenient
tool
in
the
hands
of
the
officials.
this
requirement
was
best
met
by
a
people
composed
as
far
as
possible
only
of
industrious
,
uneducated
,
and
tax-paying
peasants.
scholars
and
philosophers
were
not
wanted
,
in
so
far
as
they
were
not
directly
engaged
in
work
commissioned
by
the
state.
the
confucianist
writings
came
under
special
attack
because
they
kept
alive
the
memory
of
the
old
feudal
conditions
,
preaching
the
ethic
of
the
old
feudal
class
which
had
just
been
destroyed
and
must
not
be
allowed
to
rise
again
if
the
state
was
not
to
suffer
fresh
dissolution
or
if
the
central
administration
was
not
to
be
weakened.
in
##number##
b.c.
there
took
place
the
great
holocaust
of
books
which
destroyed
the
confucianist
writings
with
the
exception
of
one
copy
of
each
work
for
the
state
library.
books
on
practical
subjects
were
not
affected.
in
the
fighting
at
the
end
of
the
ch
'in
dynasty
the
state
library
was
burnt
down
,
so
that
many
of
the
old
works
have
only
come
down
to
us
in
an
imperfect
state
and
with
doubtful
accuracy.
the
real
loss
arose
,
however
,
from
the
fact
that
the
new
generation
was
little
interested
in
the
confucianist
literature
,
so
that
when
,
fifty
years
later
,
the
effort
was
made
to
restore
some
texts
from
the
oral
tradition
,
there
no
longer
existed
any
scholars
who
really
knew
them
by
heart
,
as
had
been
customary
in
the
past.
in
##number##
b.c.
shih
huang-ti
had
become
emperor
of
all
china.
the
judgments
passed
on
him
vary
greatly
:
the
official
chinese
historiography
rejects
him
entirely
--
naturally
,
for
he
tried
to
exterminate
confucianism
,
while
every
later
historian
was
himself
a
confucian.
western
scholars
often
treat
him
as
one
of
the
greatest
men
in
world
history.
closer
research
has
shown
that
shih
huang-ti
was
evidently
an
average
man
without
any
great
gifts
,
that
he
was
superstitious
,
and
shared
the
tendency
of
his
time
to
mystical
and
shamanistic
notions.
his
own
opinion
was
that
he
was
the
first
of
a
series
of
ten
thousand
emperors
of
his
dynasty
(
shih
huang-ti
means
"
first
emperor
"
)
,
and
this
merely
suggests
megalomania.
the
basic
principles
of
his
administration
had
been
laid
down
long
before
his
time
by
the
philosophers
of
the
legalist
school
,
and
were
given
effect
by
his
chancellor
li
ss
[
)
u
]
.
li
ss
[
)
u
]
was
the
really
great
personality
of
that
period.
the
legalists
taught
that
the
ruler
must
do
as
little
as
possible
himself.
his
ministers
were
there
to
act
for
him.
he
himself
was
to
be
regarded
as
a
symbol
of
heaven.
in
that
capacity
shih
huang-ti
undertook
periodical
journeys
into
the
various
parts
of
the
empire
,
less
for
any
practical
purpose
of
inspection
than
for
purposes
of
public
worship.
they
corresponded
to
the
course
of
the
sun
,
and
this
indicates
that
shih
huang-ti
had
adopted
a
notion
derived
from
the
older
northern
culture
of
the
nomad
peoples.
he
planned
the
capital
in
an
ambitious
style
but
,
although
there
was
real
need
for
extension
of
the
city
,
his
plans
can
scarcely
be
regarded
as
of
great
service.
his
enormous
palace
,
and
also
his
mausoleum
which
was
built
for
him
before
his
death
,
were
constructed
in
accordance
with
astral
notions.
within
the
palace
the
emperor
continually
changed
his
residential
quarters
,
probably
not
only
from
fear
of
assassination
but
also
for
astral
reasons.
his
mausoleum
formed
a
hemispherical
dome
,
and
all
the
stars
of
the
sky
were
painted
on
its
interior.
##number##
_frontier
defence.
internal
collapse_
when
the
empire
had
been
unified
by
the
destruction
of
the
feudal
states
,
the
central
government
became
responsible
for
the
protection
of
the
frontiers
from
attack
from
without.
in
the
south
there
were
only
peoples
in
a
very
low
state
of
civilization
,
who
could
offer
no
serious
menace
to
the
chinese.
the
trading
colonies
that
gradually
extended
to
canton
and
still
farther
south
served
as
chinese
administrative
centres
for
provinces
and
prefectures
,
with
small
but
adequate
armies
of
their
own
,
so
that
in
case
of
need
they
could
defend
themselves.
in
the
north
the
position
was
much
more
difficult.
in
addition
to
their
conquest
within
china
,
the
rulers
of
ch
'in
had
pushed
their
frontier
far
to
the
north.
the
nomad
tribes
had
been
pressed
back
and
deprived
of
their
best
pasturage
,
namely
the
ordos
region.
when
the
livelihood
of
nomad
peoples
is
affected
,
when
they
are
threatened
with
starvation
,
their
tribes
often
collect
round
a
tribal
leader
who
promises
new
pasturage
and
better
conditions
of
life
for
all
who
take
part
in
the
common
campaigns.
in
this
way
the
first
great
union
of
tribes
in
the
north
of
china
came
into
existence
in
this
period
,
forming
the
realm
of
the
hsiung-nu
under
their
first
leader
,
t
'ou-man.
this
first
realm
of
the
hsiung-nu
was
not
yet
extensive
,
but
its
ambitious
and
warlike
attitude
made
it
a
danger
to
ch
'in.
it
was
therefore
decided
to
maintain
a
large
permanent
army
in
the
north.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
frontier
walls
already
existing
in
the
mountains
were
rebuilt
and
made
into
a
single
great
system.
thus
came
into
existence
in
##number##
b.c.
,
out
of
the
blood
and
sweat
of
countless
pressed
labourers
,
the
famous
great
wall.
on
one
of
his
periodical
journeys
the
emperor
fell
ill
and
died.
his
death
was
the
signal
for
the
rising
of
many
rebellious
elements.
nobles
rose
in
order
to
regain
power
and
influence
;
generals
rose
because
they
objected
to
the
permanent
pressure
from
the
central
administration
and
their
supervision
by
controllers
;
men
of
the
people
rose
as
popular
leaders
because
the
people
were
more
tormented
than
ever
by
forced
labour
,
generally
at
a
distance
from
their
homes.
within
a
few
months
there
were
six
different
rebellions
and
six
different
"
rulers
"
.
assassinations
became
the
order
of
the
day
;
the
young
heir
to
the
throne
was
removed
in
this
way
and
replaced
by
another
young
prince.
but
as
early
as
##number##
b.c.
one
of
the
rebels
,
liu
chi
(
also
called
liu
pang
)
,
entered
the
capital
and
dethroned
the
nominal
emperor.
liu
chi
at
first
had
to
retreat
and
was
involved
in
hard
fighting
with
a
rival
,
but
gradually
he
succeeded
in
gaining
the
upper
hand
and
defeated
not
only
his
rival
but
also
the
other
eighteen
states
that
had
been
set
up
anew
in
china
in
those
years.
the
middle
ages
chapter
six
the
han
dynasty
(
##number##
b.c.-a.d.
##number##
)
i
_development
of
the
gentry-state_
in
##number##
b.c.
liu
chi
assumed
the
title
of
emperor
and
gave
his
dynasty
the
name
of
the
han
dynasty.
after
his
death
he
was
given
as
emperor
the
name
of
kao
tsu.
[
##number##
]
the
period
of
the
han
dynasty
may
be
described
as
the
beginning
of
the
chinese
middle
ages
,
while
that
of
the
ch
'in
dynasty
represents
the
transition
from
antiquity
to
the
middle
ages
;
for
under
the
han
dynasty
we
meet
in
china
with
a
new
form
of
state
,
the
"
gentry
state
"
.
the
feudalism
of
ancient
times
has
come
definitely
to
its
end.
[
footnote
##number##
:
from
then
on
,
every
emperor
was
given
after
his
death
an
official
name
as
emperor
,
under
which
he
appears
in
the
chinese
sources.
we
have
adopted
the
original
or
the
official
name
according
to
which
of
the
two
has
come
into
the
more
general
use
in
western
books.
]
emperor
kao
tsu
came
from
eastern
china
,
and
his
family
seems
to
have
been
a
peasant
family
;
in
any
case
it
did
not
belong
to
the
old
nobility.
after
his
destruction
of
his
strongest
rival
,
the
removal
of
the
kings
who
had
made
themselves
independent
in
the
last
years
of
the
ch
'in
dynasty
was
a
relatively
easy
task
for
the
new
autocrat
,
although
these
struggles
occupied
the
greater
part
of
his
reign.
a
much
more
difficult
question
,
however
,
faced
him
:
how
was
the
empire
to
be
governed
?
kao
tsu
's
old
friends
and
fellow-countrymen
,
who
had
helped
him
into
power
,
had
been
rewarded
by
appointment
as
generals
or
high
officials.
gradually
he
got
rid
of
those
who
had
been
his
best
comrades
,
as
so
many
upstart
rulers
have
done
before
and
after
him
in
every
country
in
the
world.
an
emperor
does
not
like
to
be
reminded
of
a
very
humble
past
,
and
he
is
liable
also
to
fear
the
rivalry
of
men
who
formerly
were
his
equals.
it
is
evident
that
little
attention
was
paid
to
theories
of
administration
;
policy
was
determined
mainly
by
practical
considerations.
kao
tsu
allowed
many
laws
and
regulations
to
remain
in
force
,
including
the
prohibition
of
confucianist
writings.
on
the
other
hand
,
he
reverted
to
the
allocation
of
fiefs
,
though
not
to
old
noble
families
but
to
his
relatives
and
some
of
his
closest
adherents
,
generally
men
of
inferior
social
standing.
thus
a
mixed
administration
came
into
being
:
part
of
the
empire
was
governed
by
new
feudal
princes
,
and
another
part
split
up
into
provinces
and
prefectures
and
placed
directly
under
the
central
power
through
its
officials.
but
whence
came
the
officials
?
kao
tsu
and
his
supporters
,
as
farmers
from
eastern
china
,
looked
down
upon
the
trading
population
to
which
farmers
always
regard
themselves
as
superior.
the
merchants
were
ignored
as
potential
officials
although
they
had
often
enough
held
official
appointments
under
the
former
dynasty.
the
second
group
from
which
officials
had
been
drawn
under
the
ch
'in
was
that
of
the
army
officers
,
but
their
military
functions
had
now
,
of
course
,
fallen
to
kao
tsu
's
soldiers.
the
emperor
had
little
faith
,
however
,
in
the
loyalty
of
officers
,
even
of
his
own
,
and
apart
from
that
he
would
have
had
first
to
create
a
new
administrative
organization
for
them.
accordingly
he
turned
to
another
class
which
had
come
into
existence
,
the
class
later
called
the
_gentry_
,
which
in
practice
had
the
power
already
in
its
hands.
the
term
"
gentry
"
has
no
direct
parallel
in
chinese
texts
;
the
later
terms
"
shen-shih
"
and
"
chin-shen
"
do
not
quite
cover
this
concept.
the
basic
unit
of
the
gentry
class
are
families
,
not
individuals.
such
families
often
derive
their
origin
from
branches
of
the
chou
nobility.
but
other
gentry
families
were
of
different
and
more
recent
origin
in
respect
to
land
ownership.
some
late
chou
and
ch
'in
officials
of
non-noble
origin
had
become
wealthy
and
had
acquired
land
;
the
same
was
true
for
wealthy
merchants
and
finally
,
some
non-noble
farmers
who
were
successful
in
one
or
another
way
,
bought
additional
land
reaching
the
size
of
large
holdings.
all
"
gentry
"
families
owned
substantial
estates
in
the
provinces
which
they
leased
to
tenants
on
a
kind
of
contract
basis.
the
tenants
,
therefore
,
cannot
be
called
"
serfs
"
although
their
factual
position
often
was
not
different
from
the
position
of
serfs.
the
rents
of
these
tenants
,
usually
about
half
the
gross
produce
,
are
the
basis
of
the
livelihood
of
the
gentry.
one
part
of
a
gentry
family
normally
lives
in
the
country
on
a
small
home
farm
in
order
to
be
able
to
collect
the
rents.
if
the
family
can
acquire
more
land
and
if
this
new
land
is
too
far
away
from
the
home
farm
to
make
collection
of
rents
easy
,
a
new
home
farm
is
set
up
under
the
control
of
another
branch
of
the
family.
but
the
original
home
remains
to
be
regarded
as
the
real
family
centre.
in
a
typical
gentry
family
,
another
branch
of
the
family
is
in
the
capital
or
in
a
provincial
administrative
centre
in
official
positions.
these
officials
at
the
same
time
are
the
most
highly
educated
members
of
the
family
and
are
often
called
the
"
literati
"
.
there
are
also
always
individual
family
members
who
are
not
interested
in
official
careers
or
who
failed
in
their
careers
and
live
as
free
"
literati
"
either
in
the
big
cities
or
on
the
home
farms.
it
seems
,
to
judge
from
much
later
sources
,
that
the
families
assisted
their
most
able
members
to
enter
the
official
careers
,
while
those
individuals
who
were
less
able
were
used
in
the
administration
of
the
farms.
this
system
in
combination
with
the
strong
familism
of
the
chinese
,
gave
a
double
security
to
the
gentry
families.
if
difficulties
arose
in
the
estates
either
by
attacks
of
bandits
or
by
war
or
other
catastrophes
,
the
family
members
in
official
positions
could
use
their
influence
and
power
to
restore
the
property
in
the
provinces.
if
,
on
the
other
hand
,
the
family
members
in
official
positions
lost
their
positions
or
even
their
lives
by
displeasing
the
court
,
the
home
branch
could
always
find
ways
to
remain
untouched
and
could
,
in
a
generation
or
two
,
recruit
new
members
and
regain
power
and
influence
in
the
government.
thus
,
as
families
,
the
gentry
was
secure
,
although
failures
could
occur
to
individuals.
there
are
many
gentry
families
who
remained
in
the
ruling
_elite_
for
many
centuries
,
some
over
more
than
a
thousand
years
,
weathering
all
vicissitudes
of
life.
some
authors
believe
that
chinese
leading
families
generally
pass
through
a
three-
or
four-generation
cycle
:
a
family
member
by
his
official
position
is
able
to
acquire
much
land
,
and
his
family
moves
upward.
he
is
able
to
give
the
best
education
and
other
facilities
to
his
sons
who
lead
a
good
life.
but
either
these
sons
or
the
grandsons
are
spoiled
and
lazy
;
they
begin
to
lose
their
property
and
status.
the
family
moves
downward
,
until
in
the
fourth
or
fifth
generation
a
new
rise
begins.
actual
study
of
families
seems
to
indicate
that
this
is
not
true.
the
main
branch
of
the
family
retains
its
position
over
centuries.
but
some
of
the
branch
families
,
created
often
by
the
less
able
family
members
,
show
a
tendency
towards
downward
social
mobility.
it
is
clear
from
the
above
that
a
gentry
family
should
be
interested
in
having
a
fair
number
of
children.
the
more
sons
they
have
,
the
more
positions
of
power
the
family
can
occupy
and
thus
,
the
more
secure
it
will
be
;
the
more
daughters
they
have
,
the
more
"
political
"
marriages
they
can
conclude
,
i.e.
marriages
with
sons
of
other
gentry
families
in
positions
of
influence.
therefore
,
gentry
families
in
china
tend
to
be
,
on
the
average
,
larger
than
ordinary
families
,
while
in
our
western
countries
the
leading
families
usually
were
smaller
than
the
lower
class
families.
this
means
that
gentry
families
produced
more
children
than
was
necessary
to
replenish
the
available
leading
positions
;
thus
,
some
family
members
had
to
get
into
lower
positions
and
had
to
lose
status.
in
view
of
this
situation
it
was
very
difficult
for
lower
class
families
to
achieve
access
into
this
gentry
group.
in
european
countries
the
leading
_elite_
did
not
quite
replenish
their
ranks
in
the
next
generation
,
so
that
there
was
always
some
chance
for
the
lower
classes
to
move
up
into
leading
ranks.
the
gentry
society
was
,
therefore
,
a
comparably
stable
society
with
little
upward
social
mobility
but
with
some
downward
mobility.
as
a
whole
and
for
reasons
of
gentry
self-interest
,
the
gentry
stood
for
stability
and
against
change.
the
gentry
members
in
the
bureaucracy
collaborated
closely
with
one
another
because
they
were
tied
together
by
bonds
of
blood
or
marriage.
it
was
easy
for
them
to
find
good
tutors
for
their
children
,
because
a
pupil
owed
a
debt
of
gratitude
to
his
teacher
and
a
child
from
a
gentry
family
could
later
on
nicely
repay
this
debt
;
often
,
these
teachers
themselves
were
members
of
other
gentry
families.
it
was
easy
for
sons
of
the
gentry
to
get
into
official
positions
,
because
the
people
who
had
to
recommend
them
for
office
were
often
related
to
them
or
knew
the
position
of
their
family.
in
han
time
,
local
officials
had
the
duty
to
recommend
young
able
men
;
if
these
men
turned
out
to
be
good
,
the
officials
were
rewarded
,
if
not
they
were
blamed
or
even
punished.
an
official
took
less
of
a
chance
,
if
he
recommended
a
son
of
an
influential
family
,
and
he
obliged
such
a
candidate
so
that
he
could
later
count
on
his
help
if
he
himself
should
come
into
difficulties.
when
,
towards
the
end
of
the
second
century
b.c.
,
a
kind
of
examination
system
was
introduced
,
this
attitude
was
not
basically
changed.
the
country
branch
of
the
family
by
the
fact
that
it
controlled
large
tracts
of
land
,
supplied
also
the
logical
tax
collectors
:
they
had
the
standing
and
power
required
for
this
job.
even
if
they
were
appointed
in
areas
other
than
their
home
country
(
a
rule
which
later
was
usually
applied
)
,
they
knew
the
gentry
families
of
the
other
district
or
were
related
to
them
and
got
their
support
by
appointing
their
members
as
their
assistants.
gentry
society
continued
from
kao
tsu
's
time
to
##number##
,
but
it
went
through
a
number
of
phases
of
development
and
changed
considerably
in
time.
we
will
later
outline
some
of
the
most
important
changes.
in
general
the
number
of
politically
leading
gentry
families
was
around
one
hundred
(
texts
often
speak
of
"
the
hundred
families
"
in
this
time
)
and
they
were
concentrated
in
the
capital
;
the
most
important
home
seats
of
these
families
in
han
time
were
close
to
the
capital
and
east
of
it
or
in
the
plains
of
eastern
china
,
at
that
time
the
main
centre
of
grain
production.
we
regard
roughly
the
first
one
thousand
years
of
"
gentry
society
"
as
the
period
of
the
chinese
"
middle
ages
"
,
beginning
with
the
han
dynasty
;
the
preceding
time
of
the
ch
'in
was
considered
as
a
period
of
transition
,
a
time
in
which
the
feudal
period
of
"
antiquity
"
came
to
a
formal
end
and
a
new
organization
of
society
began
to
become
visible.
even
those
authors
who
do
not
accept
a
sociological
classification
of
periods
and
many
authors
who
use
marxist
categories
,
believe
that
with
ch
'in
and
han
a
new
era
in
chinese
history
began.
##number##
_situation
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire
;
its
relation
to
the
han
empire.
incorporation
of
south
china_
in
the
time
of
the
ch
'in
dynasty
there
had
already
come
into
unpleasant
prominence
north
of
the
chinese
frontier
the
tribal
union
,
then
relatively
small
,
of
the
hsiung-nu.
since
then
,
the
hsiung-nu
empire
had
destroyed
the
federation
of
the
yueeh-chih
tribes
(
some
of
which
seem
to
have
been
of
indo-european
language
stock
)
and
incorporated
their
people
into
their
own
federation
;
they
had
conquered
also
the
less
well
organized
eastern
pastoral
tribes
,
the
tung-hu
and
thus
had
become
a
formidable
power.
everything
goes
to
show
that
it
had
close
relations
with
the
territories
of
northern
china.
many
chinese
seem
to
have
migrated
to
the
hsiung-nu
empire
,
where
they
were
welcome
as
artisans
and
probably
also
as
farmers
;
but
above
all
they
were
needed
for
the
staffing
of
a
new
state
administration.
the
scriveners
in
the
newly
introduced
state
secretariat
were
chinese
and
wrote
chinese
,
for
at
that
time
the
hsiung-nu
apparently
had
no
written
language.
there
were
chinese
serving
as
administrators
and
court
officials
,
and
even
as
instructors
in
the
army
administration
,
teaching
the
art
of
warfare
against
non-nomads.
but
what
was
the
purpose
of
all
this
?
mao
tun
,
the
second
ruler
of
the
hsiung-nu
,
and
his
first
successors
undoubtedly
intended
ultimately
to
conquer
china
,
exactly
as
many
other
northern
peoples
after
them
planned
to
do
,
and
a
few
of
them
did.
the
main
purpose
of
this
was
always
to
bring
large
numbers
of
peasants
under
the
rule
of
the
nomad
rulers
and
so
to
solve
,
once
for
all
,
the
problem
of
the
provision
of
additional
winter
food.
everything
that
was
needed
,
and
everything
that
seemed
to
be
worth
trying
to
get
as
they
grew
more
civilized
,
would
thus
be
obtained
better
and
more
regularly
than
by
raids
or
by
tedious
commercial
negotiations.
but
if
china
was
to
be
conquered
and
ruled
there
must
exist
a
state
organization
of
equal
authority
to
hers
;
the
hsiung-nu
ruler
must
himself
come
forward
as
son
of
heaven
and
develop
a
court
ceremonial
similar
to
that
of
a
chinese
emperor.
thus
the
basis
of
the
organization
of
the
hsiung-nu
state
lay
in
its
rivalry
with
the
neighbouring
china
;
but
the
details
naturally
corresponded
to
the
special
nature
of
the
hsiung-nu
social
system.
the
young
hsiung-nu
feudal
state
differed
from
the
ancient
chinese
feudal
state
not
only
in
depending
on
a
nomad
economy
with
only
supplementary
agriculture
,
but
also
in
possessing
,
in
addition
to
a
whole
class
of
nobility
and
another
of
commoners
,
a
stratum
of
slavery
to
be
analysed
further
below.
similar
to
the
chou
state
,
the
hsiung-nu
state
contained
,
especially
around
the
ruler
,
an
element
of
court
bureaucracy
which
,
however
,
never
developed
far
enough
to
replace
the
basically
feudal
character
of
administration.
thus
kao
tsu
was
faced
in
mao
tun
not
with
a
mere
nomad
chieftain
but
with
the
most
dangerous
of
enemies
,
and
kao
tsu
's
policy
had
to
be
directed
to
preventing
any
interference
of
the
hsiung-nu
in
north
chinese
affairs
,
and
above
all
to
preventing
alliances
between
hsiung-nu
and
chinese.
hsiung-nu
alone
,
with
their
technique
of
horsemen
's
warfare
,
would
scarcely
have
been
equal
to
the
permanent
conquest
of
the
fortified
towns
of
the
north
and
the
great
wall
,
although
they
controlled
a
population
which
may
have
been
in
excess
of
##number##
people.
but
they
might
have
succeeded
with
chinese
aid.
actually
a
chinese
opponent
of
kao
tsu
had
already
come
to
terms
with
mao
tun
,
and
in
##number##
b.c.
kao
tsu
was
very
near
suffering
disaster
in
northern
shansi
,
as
a
result
of
which
china
would
have
come
under
the
rule
of
the
hsiung-nu.
but
it
did
not
come
to
that
,
and
mao
tun
made
no
further
attempt
,
although
the
opportunity
came
several
times.
apparently
the
policy
adopted
by
his
court
was
not
imperialistic
but
national
,
in
the
uncorrupted
sense
of
the
word.
it
was
realized
that
a
country
so
thickly
populated
as
china
could
only
be
administered
from
a
centre
within
china.
the
hsiung-nu
would
thus
have
had
to
abandon
their
home
territory
and
rule
in
china
itself.
that
would
have
meant
abandoning
the
flocks
,
abandoning
nomad
life
,
and
turning
into
chinese.
the
main
supporters
of
the
national
policy
,
the
first
principle
of
which
was
loyalty
to
the
old
ways
of
life
,
seem
to
have
been
the
tribal
chieftains.
mao
tun
fell
in
with
their
view
,
and
the
hsiung-nu
maintained
their
state
as
long
as
they
adhered
to
that
principle
--
for
some
seven
hundred
years.
other
nomad
peoples
,
toba
,
mongols
,
and
manchus
,
followed
the
opposite
policy
,
and
before
long
they
were
caught
in
the
mechanism
of
the
much
more
highly
developed
chinese
economy
and
culture
,
and
each
of
them
disappeared
from
the
political
scene
in
the
course
of
a
century
or
so.
the
national
line
of
policy
of
the
hsiung-nu
did
not
at
all
mean
an
end
of
hostilities
and
raids
on
chinese
territory
,
so
that
kao
tsu
declared
himself
ready
to
give
the
hsiung-nu
the
foodstuffs
and
clothing
materials
they
needed
if
they
would
make
an
end
of
their
raids.
a
treaty
to
this
effect
was
concluded
,
and
sealed
by
the
marriage
of
a
chinese
princess
with
mao
tun.
this
was
the
first
international
treaty
in
the
far
east
between
two
independent
powers
mutually
recognized
as
equals
,
and
the
forms
of
international
diplomacy
developed
in
this
time
remained
the
standard
forms
for
the
next
thousand
years.
the
agreement
was
renewed
at
the
accession
of
each
new
ruler
,
but
was
never
adhered
to
entirely
by
either
side.
the
needs
of
the
hsiung-nu
increased
with
the
expansion
of
their
empire
and
the
growing
luxury
of
their
court
;
the
chinese
,
on
the
other
hand
,
wanted
to
give
as
little
as
possible
,
and
no
doubt
they
did
all
they
could
to
cheat
the
hsiung-nu.
thus
,
in
spite
of
the
treaties
the
hsiung-nu
raids
went
on.
with
china
's
progressive
consolidation
,
the
voluntary
immigration
of
chinese
into
the
hsiung-nu
empire
came
to
an
end
,
and
the
hsiung-nu
actually
began
to
kidnap
chinese
subjects.
these
were
the
main
features
of
the
relations
between
chinese
and
hsiung-nu
almost
until
##number##
b.c.
in
the
extreme
south
,
around
the
present-day
canton
,
another
independent
empire
had
been
formed
in
the
years
of
transition
,
under
the
leadership
of
a
chinese.
the
narrow
basis
of
this
realm
was
no
doubt
provided
by
the
trading
colonies
,
but
the
indigenous
population
of
yueeh
tribes
was
insufficiently
civilized
for
the
building
up
of
a
state
that
could
have
maintained
itself
against
china.
kao
tsu
sent
a
diplomatic
mission
to
the
ruler
of
this
state
,
and
invited
him
to
place
himself
under
chinese
suzerainty
(
##number##
b.c.
)
.
the
ruler
realized
that
he
could
offer
no
serious
resistance
,
while
the
existing
circumstances
guaranteed
him
virtual
independence
and
he
yielded
to
kao
tsu
without
a
struggle.
##number##
_brief
feudal
reaction.
consolidation
of
the
gentry_
kao
tsu
died
in
##number##
b.c.
from
then
to
##number##
the
actual
ruler
was
his
widow
,
the
empress
lue
,
while
children
were
officially
styled
emperors.
the
empress
tried
to
remove
all
the
representatives
of
the
emperor
's
family
and
to
replace
them
with
members
of
her
own
family.
to
secure
her
position
she
revived
the
feudal
system
,
but
she
met
with
strong
resistance
from
the
dynasty
and
its
supporters
who
already
belonged
in
many
cases
to
the
new
gentry
,
and
who
did
not
want
to
find
their
position
jeopardized
by
the
creation
of
new
feudal
lords.
on
the
death
of
the
empress
her
opponents
rose
,
under
the
leadership
of
kao
tsu
's
family.
every
member
of
the
empress
's
family
was
exterminated
,
and
a
son
of
kao
tsu
,
known
later
under
the
name
of
wen
ti
(
emperor
wen
)
,
came
to
the
throne.
he
reigned
from
##number##
to
##number##
b.c.
under
him
there
were
still
many
fiefs
,
but
with
the
limitation
which
the
emperor
kao
tsu
had
laid
down
shortly
before
his
death
:
only
members
of
the
imperial
family
should
receive
fiefs
,
to
which
the
title
of
king
was
attached.
thus
all
the
more
important
fiefs
were
in
the
hands
of
the
imperial
family
,
though
this
did
not
mean
that
rivalries
came
to
an
end.
on
the
whole
wen
ti
's
period
of
rule
passed
in
comparative
peace.
for
the
first
time
since
the
beginning
of
chinese
history
,
great
areas
of
continuous
territory
were
under
unified
rule
,
without
unending
internal
warfare
such
as
had
existed
under
shih
huang-ti
and
kao
tsu.
the
creation
of
so
extensive
a
region
of
peace
produced
great
economic
advance.
the
burdens
that
had
lain
on
the
peasant
population
were
reduced
,
especially
since
under
wen
ti
the
court
was
very
frugal.
the
population
grew
and
cultivated
fresh
land
,
so
that
production
increased
and
with
it
the
exchange
of
goods.
the
most
outstanding
sign
of
this
was
the
abandonment
of
restrictions
on
the
minting
of
copper
coin
,
in
order
to
prevent
deflation
through
insufficiency
of
payment
media.
as
a
consequence
more
taxes
were
brought
in
,
partly
in
kind
,
partly
in
coin
,
and
this
increased
the
power
of
the
central
government.
the
new
gentry
streamed
into
the
towns
,
their
standard
of
living
rose
,
and
they
made
themselves
more
and
more
into
a
class
apart
from
the
general
population.
as
people
free
from
material
cares
,
they
were
able
to
devote
themselves
to
scholarship.
they
went
back
to
the
old
writings
and
studied
them
once
more.
they
even
began
to
identify
themselves
with
the
nobles
of
feudal
times
,
to
adopt
the
rules
of
good
behaviour
and
the
ceremonial
described
in
the
confucianist
books
,
and
very
gradually
,
as
time
went
on
,
to
make
these
their
textbooks
of
good
form.
from
this
point
the
confucianist
ideals
first
began
to
penetrate
the
official
class
recruited
from
the
gentry
,
and
then
the
state
organization
itself.
it
was
expected
that
an
official
should
be
versed
in
confucianism
,
and
schools
were
set
up
for
confucianist
education.
around
##number##
b.c.
this
led
to
the
introduction
of
the
examination
system
,
which
gradually
became
the
one
method
of
selection
of
new
officials.
the
system
underwent
many
changes
,
but
remained
in
operation
in
principle
until
##number##
the
object
of
the
examinations
was
not
to
test
job
efficiency
but
command
of
the
ideals
of
the
gentry
and
knowledge
of
the
literature
inculcating
them
:
this
was
regarded
as
sufficient
qualification
for
any
position
in
the
service
of
the
state.
in
theory
this
path
to
training
of
character
and
to
admission
to
the
state
service
was
open
to
every
"
respectable
"
citizen.
of
the
traditional
four
"
classes
"
of
chinese
society
,
only
the
first
two
,
officials
(
_shih_
)
and
farmers
(
_nung_
)
were
always
regarded
as
fully
"
respectable
"
(
_liang-min_
)
.
members
of
the
other
two
classes
,
artisans
(
_kung_
)
and
merchants
(
_shang_
)
,
were
under
numerous
restrictions.
below
these
were
classes
of
"
lowly
people
"
(
_ch
'ien-min_
)
and
below
these
the
slaves
which
were
not
part
of
society
proper.
the
privileges
and
obligations
of
these
categories
were
soon
legally
fixed.
in
practice
,
during
the
first
thousand
years
of
the
existence
of
the
examination
system
no
peasant
had
a
chance
to
become
an
official
by
means
of
the
examinations.
in
the
han
period
the
provincial
officials
had
to
propose
suitable
young
persons
for
examination
,
and
so
for
admission
to
the
state
service
,
as
was
already
mentioned.
in
addition
,
schools
had
been
instituted
for
the
sons
of
officials
;
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
there
were
,
again
and
again
,
complaints
about
the
low
level
of
instruction
in
these
schools.
nevertheless
,
through
these
schools
all
sons
of
officials
,
whatever
their
capacity
or
lack
of
capacity
,
could
become
officials
in
their
turn.
in
spite
of
its
weaknesses
,
the
system
had
its
good
side.
it
inoculated
a
class
of
people
with
ideals
that
were
unquestionably
of
high
ethical
value.
the
confucian
moral
system
gave
a
chinese
official
or
any
member
of
the
gentry
a
spiritual
attitude
and
an
outward
bearing
which
in
their
best
representatives
has
always
commanded
respect
,
an
integrity
that
has
always
preserved
its
possessors
,
and
in
consequence
chinese
society
as
a
whole
,
from
moral
collapse
,
from
spiritual
nihilism
,
and
has
thus
contributed
to
the
preservation
of
chinese
cultural
values
in
spite
of
all
foreign
conquerors.
in
the
time
of
wen
ti
and
especially
of
his
successors
,
the
revival
at
court
of
the
confucianist
ritual
and
of
the
earlier
heaven-worship
proceeded
steadily.
the
sacrifices
supposed
to
have
been
performed
in
ancient
times
,
the
ritual
supposed
to
have
been
prescribed
for
the
emperor
in
the
past
,
all
this
was
reintroduced.
obviously
much
of
it
was
spurious
:
much
of
the
old
texts
had
been
lost
,
and
when
fragments
were
found
they
were
arbitrarily
completed.
moreover
,
the
old
writing
was
difficult
to
read
and
difficult
to
understand
;
thus
various
things
were
read
into
the
texts
without
justification.
the
new
confucians
who
came
forward
as
experts
in
the
moral
code
were
very
different
men
from
their
predecessors
;
above
all
,
like
all
their
contemporaries
,
they
were
strongly
influenced
by
the
shamanistic
magic
that
had
developed
in
the
ch
'in
period.
wen
ti
's
reign
had
brought
economic
advance
and
prosperity
;
intellectually
it
had
been
a
period
of
renaissance
,
but
like
every
such
period
it
did
not
simply
resuscitate
what
was
old
,
but
filled
the
ancient
moulds
with
an
entirely
new
content.
socially
the
period
had
witnessed
the
consolidation
of
the
new
upper
class
,
the
gentry
,
who
copied
the
mode
of
life
of
the
old
nobility.
this
is
seen
most
clearly
in
the
field
of
law.
in
the
time
of
the
legalists
the
first
steps
had
been
taken
in
the
codification
of
the
criminal
law.
they
clearly
intended
these
laws
to
serve
equally
for
all
classes
of
the
people.
the
ch
'in
code
which
was
supposedly
li
k
'uei
's
code
,
was
used
in
the
han
period
,
and
was
extensively
elaborated
by
siao
ho
(
died
##number##
b.c.
)
and
others.
this
code
consisted
of
two
volumes
of
the
chief
laws
for
grave
cases
,
one
of
mixed
laws
for
the
less
serious
cases
,
and
six
volumes
on
the
imposition
of
penalties.
in
the
han
period
"
decisions
"
were
added
,
so
that
about
a.d.
##number##
the
code
had
grown
to
##number##
paragraphs
with
over
##number##
words.
the
collection
then
consisted
of
##number##
volumes.
this
colossal
code
has
been
continually
revised
,
abbreviated
,
or
expanded
,
and
under
its
last
name
of
"
collected
statues
of
the
manchu
dynasty
"
it
retained
its
validity
down
to
the
present
century.
alongside
this
collection
there
was
another
book
that
came
to
be
regarded
and
used
as
a
book
of
precedences.
the
great
confucianist
philosopher
tung
chung-shu
(
##number##
b.c.
)
,
a
firm
supporter
of
the
ideology
of
the
new
gentry
class
,
declared
that
the
classic
confucianist
writings
,
and
especially
the
book
_ch
'un-ch
'iu_
,
"
annals
of
spring
and
autumn
"
,
attributed
to
confucius
himself
,
were
essentially
books
of
legal
decisions.
they
contained
"
cases
"
and
confucius
's
decisions
of
them.
consequently
any
case
at
law
that
might
arise
could
be
decided
by
analogy
with
the
cases
contained
in
"
annals
of
spring
and
autumn
"
.
only
an
educated
person
,
of
course
,
a
member
of
the
gentry
,
could
claim
that
his
action
should
be
judged
by
the
decisions
of
confucius
and
not
by
the
code
compiled
for
the
common
people
,
for
confucius
had
expressly
stated
that
his
rules
were
intended
only
for
the
upper
class.
thus
,
right
down
to
modern
times
an
educated
person
could
be
judged
under
regulations
different
from
those
applicable
to
the
common
people
,
or
if
judged
on
the
basis
of
the
laws
,
he
had
to
expect
a
special
treatment.
the
principle
of
the
"
equality
before
the
law
"
which
the
legalists
had
advocated
and
which
fitted
well
into
the
absolutistic
,
totalitarian
system
of
the
ch
'in
,
had
been
attacked
by
the
feudal
nobility
at
that
time
and
was
attacked
by
the
new
gentry
of
the
han
time.
legalist
thinking
remained
an
important
undercurrent
for
many
centuries
to
come
,
but
application
of
the
equalitarian
principle
was
from
now
on
never
seriously
considered.
against
the
growing
influence
of
the
officials
belonging
to
the
gentry
there
came
a
last
reaction.
it
came
as
a
reply
to
the
attempt
of
a
representative
of
the
gentry
to
deprive
the
feudal
princes
of
the
whole
of
their
power.
in
the
time
of
wen
ti
's
successor
a
number
of
feudal
kings
formed
an
alliance
against
the
emperor
,
and
even
invited
the
hsiung-nu
to
join
them.
the
hsiung-nu
did
not
do
so
,
because
they
saw
that
the
rising
had
no
prospect
of
success
,
and
it
was
quelled.
after
that
the
feudal
princes
were
steadily
deprived
of
rights.
they
were
divided
into
two
classes
,
and
only
privileged
ones
were
permitted
to
live
in
the
capital
,
the
others
being
required
to
remain
in
their
domains.
at
first
,
the
area
was
controlled
by
a
"
minister
"
of
the
prince
,
an
official
of
the
state
;
later
the
area
remained
under
normal
administration
and
the
feudal
prince
kept
only
an
empty
title
;
the
tax
income
of
a
certain
number
of
families
of
an
area
was
assigned
to
him
and
transmitted
to
him
by
normal
administrative
channels.
often
,
the
number
of
assigned
families
was
fictional
in
that
the
actual
income
was
from
far
fewer
families.
this
system
differs
from
the
near
eastern
system
in
which
also
no
actual
enforcement
took
place
,
but
where
deserving
men
were
granted
the
right
to
collect
themselves
the
taxes
of
a
certain
area
with
certain
numbers
of
families.
soon
after
this
the
whole
government
was
given
the
shape
which
it
continued
to
have
until
a.d.
##number##
,
and
which
formed
the
point
of
departure
for
all
later
forms
of
government.
at
the
head
of
the
state
was
the
emperor
,
in
theory
the
holder
of
absolute
power
in
the
state
restricted
only
by
his
responsibility
towards
"
heaven
"
,
i.e.
he
had
to
follow
and
to
enforce
the
basic
rules
of
morality
,
otherwise
"
heaven
"
would
withdraw
its
"
mandate
"
,
the
legitimation
of
the
emperor
's
rule
,
and
would
indicate
this
withdrawal
by
sending
natural
catastrophes.
time
and
again
we
find
emperors
publicly
accusing
themselves
for
their
faults
when
such
catastrophes
occurred
;
and
to
draw
the
emperor
's
attention
to
actual
or
made-up
calamities
or
celestial
irregularities
was
one
way
to
criticize
an
emperor
and
to
force
him
to
change
his
behaviour.
there
are
two
other
indications
which
show
that
chinese
emperors
--
excepting
a
few
individual
cases
--
at
least
in
the
first
ten
centuries
of
gentry
society
were
not
despots
:
it
can
be
proved
that
in
some
fields
the
responsibility
for
governmental
action
did
not
lie
with
the
emperor
but
with
some
of
his
ministers.
secondly
,
the
emperor
was
bound
by
the
law
code
:
he
could
not
change
it
nor
abolish
it.
we
know
of
cases
in
which
the
ruler
disregarded
the
code
,
but
then
tried
to
"
defend
"
his
arbitrary
action.
each
new
dynasty
developed
a
new
law
code
,
usually
changing
only
details
of
the
punishment
,
not
the
basic
regulations.
rulers
could
issue
additional
"
regulations
"
,
but
these
,
too
,
had
to
be
in
the
spirit
of
the
general
code
and
the
existing
moral
norms.
this
situation
has
some
similarity
to
the
situation
in
muslim
countries.
at
the
ruler
's
side
were
three
counsellors
who
had
,
however
,
no
active
functions.
the
real
conduct
of
policy
lay
in
the
hands
of
the
"
chancellor
"
,
or
of
one
of
the
"
nine
ministers
"
.
unlike
the
practice
with
which
we
are
familiar
in
the
west
,
the
activities
of
the
ministries
(
one
of
them
being
the
court
secretariat
)
were
concerned
primarily
with
the
imperial
palace.
as
,
however
,
the
court
secretariat
,
one
of
the
nine
ministries
,
was
at
the
same
time
a
sort
of
imperial
statistical
office
,
in
which
all
economic
,
financial
,
and
military
statistical
material
was
assembled
,
decisions
on
issues
of
critical
importance
for
the
whole
country
could
and
did
come
from
it.
the
court
,
through
the
ministry
of
supplies
,
operated
mines
and
workshops
in
the
provinces
and
organized
the
labour
service
for
public
constructions.
the
court
also
controlled
centrally
the
conscription
for
the
general
military
service.
beside
the
ministries
there
was
an
extensive
administration
of
the
capital
with
its
military
guards.
the
various
parts
of
the
country
,
including
the
lands
given
as
fiefs
to
princes
,
had
a
local
administration
,
entirely
independent
of
the
central
government
and
more
or
less
elaborated
according
to
their
size.
the
regional
administration
was
loosely
associated
with
the
central
government
through
a
sort
of
primitive
ministry
of
the
interior
,
and
similarly
the
chinese
representatives
in
the
protectorates
,
that
is
to
say
the
foreign
states
which
had
submitted
to
chinese
protective
overlordship
,
were
loosely
united
with
a
sort
of
foreign
ministry
in
the
central
government.
when
a
rising
or
a
local
war
broke
out
,
that
was
the
affair
of
the
officer
of
the
region
concerned.
if
the
regional
troops
were
insufficient
,
those
of
the
adjoining
regions
were
drawn
upon
;
if
even
these
were
insufficient
,
a
real
"
state
of
war
"
came
into
being
;
that
is
to
say
,
the
emperor
appointed
eight
generals-in-chief
,
mobilized
the
imperial
troops
,
and
intervened.
this
imperial
army
then
had
authority
over
the
regional
and
feudal
troops
,
the
troops
of
the
protectorates
,
the
guards
of
the
capital
,
and
those
of
the
imperial
palace.
at
the
end
of
the
war
the
imperial
army
was
demobilized
and
the
generals-in-chief
were
transferred
to
other
posts.
in
all
this
there
gradually
developed
a
division
into
civil
and
military
administration.
a
number
of
regions
would
make
up
a
province
with
a
military
governor
,
who
was
in
a
sense
the
representative
of
the
imperial
army
,
and
who
was
supposed
to
come
into
activity
only
in
the
event
of
war.
this
administration
of
the
han
period
lacked
the
tight
organization
that
would
make
precise
functioning
possible.
on
the
other
hand
,
an
extremely
important
institution
had
already
come
into
existence
in
a
primitive
form.
as
central
statistical
authority
,
the
court
secretariat
had
a
special
position
within
the
ministries
and
supervised
the
administration
of
the
other
offices.
thus
there
existed
alongside
the
executive
a
means
of
independent
supervision
of
it
,
and
the
resulting
rivalry
enabled
the
emperor
or
the
chancellor
to
detect
and
eliminate
irregularities.
later
,
in
the
system
of
the
t
'ang
period
(
a.d.
##number##
)
,
this
institution
developed
into
an
independent
censorship
,
and
the
system
was
given
a
new
form
as
a
"
state
and
court
secretariat
"
,
in
which
the
whole
executive
was
comprised
and
unified.
towards
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
the
permanent
state
of
war
necessitated
the
permanent
commissioning
of
the
imperial
generals-in-chief
and
of
the
military
governors
,
and
as
a
result
there
came
into
existence
a
"
privy
council
of
state
"
,
which
gradually
took
over
functions
of
the
executive.
the
system
of
administration
in
the
han
and
in
the
t
'ang
period
is
shown
in
the
following
table
:
_han
epoch_
_t
'ang
epoch_
##number##
emperor
##number##
emperor
##number##
three
counsellors
to
the
emperor
##number##
three
counsellors
and
three
(
with
no
active
functions
)
assistants
(
with
no
active
functions
)
##number##
eight
supreme
generals
(
only
##number##
generals
and
governors-general
appointed
in
time
of
war
)
(
only
appointed
in
time
of
war
;
but
in
practice
continuously
in
office
)
##number##
---------------------------
##number##
(
a
)
state
secretariat
(
##number##
)
central
secretariat
(
##number##
)
secretariat
of
the
crown
(
##number##
)
secretariat
of
the
palace
and
imperial
historical
commission
(
b
)
emperor
's
secretariat
(
##number##
)
private
archives
(
##number##
)
court
adjutants
'
office
(
##number##
)
harem
administration
##number##
court
administration
##number##
court
administration
(
ministries
)
(
ministries
)
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
state
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
state
sacrifices
sacrifices
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
imperial
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
imperial
coaches
and
horses
coaches
and
horses
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
justice
at
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
justice
at
court
court
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
receptions
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
receptions
(
i.e.
foreign
affairs
)
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
ancestors
'
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
ancestors
'
temples
temples
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
supplies
to
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
supplies
to
the
court
the
court
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
the
harem
(
##number##
)
economic
and
financial
ministry
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
the
palace
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
the
payment
guards
of
salaries
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
the
court
(
##number##
)
ministry
for
armament
(
state
secretariat
)
and
magazines
##number##
administration
of
the
##number##
administration
of
the
capital
:
capital
:
(
##number##
)
crown
prince
's
palace
(
##number##
)
crown
prince
's
palace
(
##number##
)
security
service
for
the
(
##number##
)
palace
guards
and
guards
'
capital
office
(
##number##
)
capital
administration
:
(
##number##
)
arms
production
department
(
a
)
guards
of
the
capital
(
b
)
guards
of
the
city
gates
(
c
)
building
department
(
##number##
)
labour
service
department
(
##number##
)
building
department
(
##number##
)
transport
department
(
##number##
)
department
for
education
(
of
sons
of
officials
!
)
##number##
ministry
of
the
interior
##number##
ministry
of
the
interior
(
provincial
administration
)
(
provincial
administration
)
##number##
foreign
ministry
##number##
---------------------------
##number##
censorship
(
audit
council
)
there
is
no
denying
that
according
to
our
standard
this
whole
system
was
still
elementary
and
"
personal
"
,
that
is
to
say
,
attached
to
the
emperor
's
person
--
though
it
should
not
be
overlooked
that
we
ourselves
are
not
yet
far
from
a
similar
phase
of
development.
to
this
day
the
titles
of
not
a
few
of
the
highest
officers
of
state
--
the
lord
privy
seal
,
for
instance
--
recall
that
in
the
past
their
offices
were
conceived
as
concerned
purely
with
the
personal
service
of
the
monarch.
in
one
point
,
however
,
the
han
administrative
set-up
was
quite
modern
:
it
already
had
a
clear
separation
between
the
emperor
's
private
treasury
and
the
state
treasury
;
laws
determined
which
of
the
two
received
certain
taxes
and
which
had
to
make
certain
payments.
this
separation
,
which
in
europe
occurred
not
until
the
late
middle
ages
,
in
china
was
abolished
at
the
end
of
the
han
dynasty.
the
picture
changes
considerably
to
the
advantage
of
the
chinese
as
soon
as
we
consider
the
provincial
administration.
the
governor
of
a
province
,
and
each
of
his
district
officers
or
prefects
,
had
a
staff
often
of
more
than
a
hundred
officials.
these
officials
were
drawn
from
the
province
or
prefecture
and
from
the
personal
friends
of
the
administrator
,
and
they
were
appointed
by
the
governor
or
the
prefect.
the
staff
was
made
up
of
officials
responsible
for
communications
with
the
central
or
provincial
administration
(
private
secretary
,
controller
,
finance
officer
)
,
and
a
group
of
officials
who
carried
on
the
actual
local
administration.
there
were
departments
for
transport
,
finance
,
education
,
justice
,
medicine
(
hygiene
)
,
economic
and
military
affairs
,
market
control
,
and
presents
(
which
had
to
be
made
to
the
higher
officials
at
the
new
year
and
on
other
occasions
)
.
in
addition
to
these
offices
,
organized
in
a
quite
modern
style
,
there
was
an
office
for
advising
the
governor
and
another
for
drafting
official
documents
and
letters.
the
interesting
feature
of
this
system
is
that
the
provincial
administration
was
_de
facto_
independent
of
the
central
administration
,
and
that
the
governor
and
even
his
prefects
could
rule
like
kings
in
their
regions
,
appointing
and
discharging
as
they
chose.
this
was
a
vestige
of
feudalism
,
but
on
the
other
hand
it
was
a
healthy
check
against
excessive
centralization.
it
is
thanks
to
this
system
that
even
the
collapse
of
the
central
power
or
the
cutting
off
of
a
part
of
the
empire
did
not
bring
the
collapse
of
the
country.
in
a
remote
frontier
town
like
tunhuang
,
on
the
border
of
turkestan
,
the
life
of
the
local
chinese
went
on
undisturbed
whether
communication
with
the
capital
was
maintained
or
was
broken
through
invasions
by
foreigners.
the
official
sent
from
the
centre
would
be
liable
at
any
time
to
be
transferred
elsewhere
;
and
he
had
to
depend
on
the
practical
knowledge
of
his
subordinates
,
the
members
of
the
local
families
of
the
gentry.
these
officials
had
the
local
government
in
their
hands
,
and
carried
on
the
administration
of
places
like
tunhuang
through
a
thousand
years
and
more.
the
hsin
family
,
for
instance
,
was
living
there
in
##number##
b.c.
and
was
still
there
in
a.d.
##number##
;
and
so
were
the
yin
,
ling-hu
,
li
,
and
k
'ang
families.
all
the
officials
of
the
various
offices
or
ministries
were
appointed
under
the
state
examination
system
,
but
they
had
no
special
professional
training
;
only
for
the
more
important
subordinate
posts
were
there
specialists
,
such
as
jurists
,
physicians
,
and
so
on.
a
change
came
towards
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
,
when
a
department
of
commerce
and
monopolies
was
set
up
;
only
specialists
were
appointed
to
it
,
and
it
was
placed
directly
under
the
emperor.
except
for
this
,
any
official
could
be
transferred
from
any
ministry
to
any
other
without
regard
to
his
experience.
##number##
_turkestan
policy.
end
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire_
in
the
two
decades
between
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
there
had
been
further
trouble
with
the
hsiung-nu
,
though
there
was
no
large-scale
fighting.
there
was
a
fundamental
change
of
policy
under
the
next
emperor
,
wu
(
or
wu
ti
,
##number##
b.c.
)
.
the
chinese
entered
for
the
first
time
upon
an
active
policy
against
the
hsiung-nu.
there
seem
to
have
been
several
reasons
for
this
policy
,
and
several
objectives.
the
raids
of
the
hsiung-nu
from
the
ordos
region
and
from
northern
shansi
had
shown
themselves
to
be
a
direct
menace
to
the
capital
and
to
its
extremely
important
hinterland.
northern
shansi
is
mountainous
,
with
deep
ravines.
a
considerable
army
on
horseback
could
penetrate
some
distance
to
the
south
before
attracting
attention.
northern
shensi
and
the
ordos
region
are
steppe
country
,
in
which
there
were
very
few
chinese
settlements
and
through
which
an
army
of
horsemen
could
advance
very
quickly.
it
was
therefore
determined
to
push
back
the
hsiung-nu
far
enough
to
remove
this
threat.
it
was
also
of
importance
to
break
the
power
of
the
hsiung-nu
in
the
province
of
kansu
,
and
to
separate
them
as
far
as
possible
from
the
tibetans
living
in
that
region
,
to
prevent
any
union
between
those
two
dangerous
adversaries.
a
third
point
of
importance
was
the
safeguarding
of
caravan
routes.
the
state
,
and
especially
the
capital
,
had
grown
rich
through
wen
ti
's
policy.
goods
streamed
into
the
capital
from
all
quarters.
commerce
with
central
asia
had
particularly
increased
,
bringing
the
products
of
the
middle
east
to
china.
the
caravan
routes
passed
through
western
shensi
and
kansu
to
eastern
turkestan
,
but
at
that
time
the
hsiung-nu
dominated
the
approaches
to
turkestan
and
were
in
a
position
to
divert
the
trade
to
themselves
or
cut
it
off.
the
commerce
brought
profit
not
only
to
the
caravan
traders
,
most
of
whom
were
probably
foreigners
,
but
to
the
officials
in
the
provinces
and
prefectures
through
which
the
routes
passed.
thus
the
officials
in
western
china
were
interested
in
the
trade
routes
being
brought
under
direct
control
,
so
that
the
caravans
could
arrive
regularly
and
be
immune
from
robbery.
finally
,
the
chinese
government
may
well
have
regarded
it
as
little
to
its
honour
to
be
still
paying
dues
to
the
hsiung-nu
and
sending
princesses
to
their
rulers
,
now
that
china
was
incomparably
wealthier
and
stronger
than
at
the
time
when
that
policy
of
appeasement
had
begun.
[
illustration
:
map
##number##
china
in
the
struggle
with
the
huns
or
hsiung
nu
(
_roughly
##number##
b.c._
)
]
the
first
active
step
taken
was
to
try
,
in
##number##
b.c.
,
to
capture
the
head
of
the
hsiung-nu
state
,
who
was
called
a
_shan-yue_
but
the
_shan-yue_
saw
through
the
plan
and
escaped.
there
followed
a
period
of
continuous
fighting
until
##number##
b.c.
the
chinese
made
countless
attacks
,
without
lasting
success.
but
the
hsiung-nu
were
weakened
,
one
sign
of
this
being
that
there
were
dissensions
after
the
death
of
the
_shan-yue_
chuen-ch
'en
,
and
in
##number##
b.c.
his
son
went
over
to
the
chinese.
finally
the
chinese
altered
their
tactics
,
advancing
in
##number##
b.c.
with
a
strong
army
of
cavalry
,
which
suffered
enormous
losses
but
inflicted
serious
loss
on
the
hsiung-nu.
after
that
the
hsiung-nu
withdrew
farther
to
the
north
,
and
the
chinese
settled
peasants
in
the
important
region
of
kansu.
meanwhile
,
in
##number##
b.c.
,
the
famous
chang
ch
'ien
had
returned.
he
had
been
sent
in
##number##
to
conclude
an
alliance
with
the
yueeh-chih
against
the
hsiung-nu.
the
yueeh-chih
had
formerly
been
neighbours
of
the
hsiung-nu
as
far
as
the
ala
shan
region
,
but
owing
to
defeat
by
the
hsiung-nu
their
remnants
had
migrated
to
western
turkestan.
chang
ch
'ien
had
followed
them.
politically
he
had
no
success
,
but
he
brought
back
accurate
information
about
the
countries
in
the
far
west
,
concerning
which
nothing
had
been
known
beyond
the
vague
reports
of
merchants.
now
it
was
learnt
whence
the
foreign
goods
came
and
whither
the
chinese
goods
went.
chang
ch
'ien
's
reports
(
which
are
one
of
the
principal
sources
for
the
history
of
central
asia
at
that
remote
time
)
strengthened
the
desire
to
enter
into
direct
and
assured
commercial
relations
with
those
distant
countries.
the
government
evidently
thought
of
getting
this
commerce
into
its
own
hands.
the
way
to
do
this
was
to
impose
"
tribute
"
on
the
countries
concerned.
the
idea
was
that
the
missions
bringing
the
annual
"
tribute
"
would
be
a
sort
of
state
bartering
commissions.
the
state
laid
under
tribute
must
supply
specified
goods
at
its
own
cost
,
and
received
in
return
chinese
produce
,
the
value
of
which
was
to
be
roughly
equal
to
the
"
tribute
"
.
thus
chang
ch
'ien
's
reports
had
the
result
that
,
after
the
first
successes
against
the
hsiung-nu
,
there
was
increased
interest
in
a
central
asian
policy.
the
greatest
military
success
were
the
campaigns
of
general
li
kuang-li
to
ferghana
in
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
the
result
of
the
campaigns
was
to
bring
under
tribute
all
the
small
states
in
the
tarim
basin
and
some
of
the
states
of
western
turkestan.
from
now
on
not
only
foreign
consumer
goods
came
freely
into
china
,
but
with
them
a
great
number
of
other
things
,
notably
plants
such
as
grape
,
peach
,
pomegranate.
in
##number##
b.c.
the
western
part
of
korea
was
also
conquered.
korea
was
already
an
important
transit
region
for
the
trade
with
japan.
thus
this
trade
also
came
under
the
direct
influence
of
the
chinese
government.
although
this
conquest
represented
a
peril
to
the
eastern
flank
of
the
hsiung-nu
,
it
did
not
by
any
means
mean
that
they
were
conquered.
the
hsiung-nu
while
weakened
evaded
the
chinese
pressure
,
but
in
##number##
b.c.
and
again
in
##number##
they
inflicted
defeats
on
the
chinese.
the
hsiung-nu
were
indirectly
threatened
by
chinese
foreign
policy
,
for
the
chinese
concluded
an
alliance
with
old
enemies
of
the
hsiung-nu
,
the
wu-sun
,
in
the
north
of
the
tarim
basin.
this
made
the
tarim
basin
secure
for
the
chinese
,
and
threatened
the
hsiung-nu
with
a
new
danger
in
their
rear.
finally
the
chinese
did
all
they
could
through
intrigue
,
espionage
,
and
sabotage
to
promote
disunity
and
disorder
within
the
hsiung-nu
,
though
it
cannot
be
seen
from
the
chinese
accounts
how
far
the
chinese
were
responsible
for
the
actual
conflicts
and
the
continual
changes
of
_shan-yue_.
hostilities
against
the
hsiung-nu
continued
incessantly
,
after
the
death
of
wu
ti
,
under
his
successor
,
so
that
the
hsiung-nu
were
further
weakened.
in
consequence
of
this
it
was
possible
to
rouse
against
them
other
tribes
who
until
then
had
been
dependent
on
them
--
the
ting-ling
in
the
north
and
the
wu-huan
in
the
east.
the
internal
difficulties
of
the
hsiung-nu
increased
further.
wu
ti
's
active
policy
had
not
been
directed
only
against
the
hsiung-nu.
after
heavy
fighting
he
brought
southern
china
,
with
the
region
round
canton
,
and
the
south-eastern
coast
,
firmly
under
chinese
dominion
--
in
this
case
again
on
account
of
trade
interests.
no
doubt
there
were
already
considerable
colonies
of
foreign
merchants
in
canton
and
other
coastal
towns
,
trading
in
indian
and
middle
east
goods.
the
traders
seem
often
to
have
been
sogdians.
the
southern
wars
gave
wu
ti
the
control
of
the
revenues
from
this
commerce.
he
tried
several
times
to
advance
through
yuennan
in
order
to
secure
a
better
land
route
to
india
,
but
these
attempts
failed.
nevertheless
,
chinese
influence
became
stronger
in
the
south-west.
in
spite
of
his
long
rule
,
wu
ti
did
not
leave
an
adult
heir
,
as
the
crown
prince
was
executed
,
with
many
other
persons
,
shortly
before
wu
ti
's
death.
the
crown
prince
had
been
implicated
in
an
alleged
attempt
by
a
large
group
of
people
to
remove
the
emperor
by
various
sorts
of
magic.
it
is
difficult
to
determine
today
what
lay
behind
this
affair
;
probably
it
was
a
struggle
between
two
cliques
of
the
gentry.
thus
a
regency
council
had
to
be
set
up
for
the
young
heir
to
the
throne
;
it
included
a
member
of
a
hsiung-nu
tribe.
the
actual
government
was
in
the
hands
of
a
general
and
his
clique
until
the
death
of
the
heir
to
the
throne
,
and
at
the
beginning
of
his
successor
's
reign.
at
this
time
came
the
end
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire
--
a
foreign
event
of
the
utmost
importance.
as
a
result
of
the
continual
disastrous
wars
against
the
chinese
,
in
which
not
only
many
men
but
,
especially
,
large
quantities
of
cattle
fell
into
chinese
hands
,
the
livelihood
of
the
hsiung-nu
was
seriously
threatened
;
their
troubles
were
increased
by
plagues
and
by
unusually
severe
winters.
to
these
troubles
were
added
political
difficulties
,
including
unsettled
questions
in
regard
to
the
succession
to
the
throne.
the
result
of
all
this
was
that
the
hsiung-nu
could
no
longer
offer
effective
military
resistance
to
the
chinese.
there
were
a
number
of
_shan-yue_
ruling
contemporaneously
as
rivals
,
and
one
of
them
had
to
yield
to
the
chinese
in
##number##
b.c.
;
in
##number##
he
came
as
a
vassal
to
the
chinese
court.
the
collapse
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire
was
complete.
after
##number##
b.c.
the
chinese
were
freed
from
all
danger
from
that
quarter
and
were
able
,
for
a
time
,
to
impose
their
authority
in
central
asia.
##number##
_impoverishment.
cliques.
end
of
the
dynasty_
in
other
respects
the
chinese
were
not
doing
as
well
as
might
have
been
assumed.
the
wars
carried
on
by
wu
ti
and
his
successors
had
been
ruinous.
the
maintenance
of
large
armies
of
occupation
in
the
new
regions
,
especially
in
turkestan
,
also
meant
a
permanent
drain
on
the
national
funds.
there
was
a
special
need
for
horses
,
for
the
people
of
the
steppes
could
only
be
fought
by
means
of
cavalry.
as
the
hsiung-nu
were
supplying
no
horses
,
and
the
campaigns
were
not
producing
horses
enough
as
booty
,
the
peasants
had
to
rear
horses
for
the
government.
additional
horses
were
bought
at
very
high
prices
,
and
apart
from
this
the
general
financing
of
the
wars
necessitated
increased
taxation
of
the
peasants
,
a
burden
on
agriculture
no
less
serious
than
was
the
enrolment
of
many
peasants
for
military
service.
finally
,
the
new
external
trade
did
not
by
any
means
bring
the
advantages
that
had
been
hoped
for.
the
tribute
missions
brought
tribute
but
,
to
begin
with
,
this
meant
an
obligation
to
give
presents
in
return
;
moreover
,
these
missions
had
to
be
fed
and
housed
in
the
capital
,
often
for
months
,
as
the
official
receptions
took
place
only
on
new
year
's
day.
their
maintenance
entailed
much
expense
,
and
meanwhile
the
members
of
the
missions
traded
privately
with
the
inhabitants
and
the
merchants
of
the
capital
,
buying
things
they
needed
and
selling
things
they
had
brought
in
addition
to
the
tribute.
the
tribute
itself
consisted
mainly
of
"
precious
articles
"
,
which
meant
strange
or
rare
things
of
no
practical
value.
the
emperor
made
use
of
them
as
elements
of
personal
luxury
,
or
made
presents
of
some
of
them
to
deserving
officials.
the
gifts
offered
by
the
chinese
in
return
consisted
mainly
of
silk.
silk
was
received
by
the
government
as
a
part
of
the
tax
payments
and
formed
an
important
element
of
the
revenue
of
the
state.
it
now
went
abroad
without
bringing
in
any
corresponding
return.
the
private
trade
carried
on
by
the
members
of
the
missions
was
equally
unserviceable
to
the
chinese.
it
,
too
,
took
from
them
goods
of
economic
value
,
silk
and
gold
,
which
went
abroad
in
exchange
for
luxury
articles
of
little
or
no
economic
importance
,
such
as
glass
,
precious
stones
,
or
stud
horses
,
which
in
no
way
benefited
the
general
population.
thus
in
this
last
century
b.c.
china
's
economic
situation
grew
steadily
and
fairly
rapidly
worse.
the
peasants
,
more
heavily
taxed
than
ever
,
were
impoverished
,
and
yet
the
exchequer
became
not
fuller
but
emptier
,
so
that
gold
began
even
to
be
no
longer
available
for
payments.
wu
ti
was
aware
of
the
situation
and
called
different
groups
together
to
discuss
the
problems
of
economics.
under
the
name
"
discussions
on
salt
and
iron
"
the
gist
of
these
talks
is
preserved
and
shows
that
one
group
under
the
leadership
of
sang
hung-yang
(
##number##
b.c.
)
was
business-oriented
and
thinking
in
economic
terms
,
while
their
opponents
,
mainly
confucianists
,
regarded
the
situation
mainly
as
a
moral
crisis.
sang
proposed
an
"
equable
transportation
"
and
a
"
standardization
"
system
and
favoured
other
state
monopolies
and
controls
;
these
ideas
were
taken
up
later
and
continued
to
be
discussed
,
again
and
again.
already
under
wu
ti
there
had
been
signs
of
a
development
which
now
appeared
constantly
in
chinese
history.
among
the
new
gentry
,
families
entered
into
alliances
with
each
other
,
sealed
their
mutual
allegiance
by
matrimonial
unions
,
and
so
formed
large
cliques.
each
clique
made
it
its
concern
to
get
the
most
important
government
positions
into
its
hands
,
so
that
it
should
itself
control
the
government.
under
wu
ti
,
for
example
,
almost
all
the
important
generals
had
belonged
to
a
certain
clique
,
which
remained
dominant
under
his
two
successors.
two
of
the
chief
means
of
attaining
power
were
for
such
a
clique
to
give
the
emperor
a
girl
from
its
ranks
as
wife
,
and
to
see
to
it
that
all
the
eunuchs
around
the
emperor
should
be
persons
dependent
on
the
clique.
eunuchs
came
generally
from
the
poorer
classes
;
they
were
launched
at
court
by
members
of
the
great
cliques
,
or
quite
openly
presented
to
the
emperor.
the
chief
influence
of
the
cliques
lay
,
however
,
in
the
selection
of
officials.
it
is
not
surprising
that
the
officials
recommended
only
sons
of
people
in
their
own
clique
--
their
family
or
its
closest
associates.
on
top
of
all
this
,
the
examiners
were
in
most
cases
themselves
members
of
the
same
families
to
which
the
provincial
officials
belonged.
thus
it
was
made
doubly
certain
that
only
those
candidates
who
were
to
the
liking
of
the
dominant
group
among
the
gentry
should
pass.
surrounded
by
these
cliques
,
the
emperors
became
in
most
cases
powerless
figureheads.
at
times
energetic
rulers
were
able
to
play
off
various
cliques
against
each
other
,
and
so
to
acquire
personal
power
;
but
the
weaker
emperors
found
themselves
entirely
in
the
hands
of
cliques.
not
a
few
emperors
in
china
were
removed
by
cliques
which
they
had
attempted
to
resist
;
and
various
dynasties
were
brought
to
their
end
by
the
cliques
;
this
was
the
fate
of
the
han
dynasty.
the
beginning
of
its
fall
came
with
the
activities
of
the
widow
of
the
emperor
yuean
ti.
she
virtually
ruled
in
the
name
of
her
eighteen-year-old
son
,
the
emperor
ch
'eng
ti
(
##number##
b.c.
)
,
and
placed
all
her
brothers
,
and
also
her
nephew
,
wang
mang
,
in
the
principal
government
posts.
they
succeeded
at
first
in
either
removing
the
strongest
of
the
other
cliques
or
bringing
them
into
dependence.
within
the
wang
family
the
nephew
wang
mang
steadily
advanced
,
securing
direct
supporters
even
in
some
branches
of
the
imperial
family
;
these
personages
declared
their
readiness
to
join
him
in
removing
the
existing
line
of
the
imperial
house.
when
ch
'eng
ti
died
without
issue
,
a
young
nephew
of
his
(
ai
ti
,
##number##
b.c.
)
was
placed
on
the
throne
by
wang
mang
,
and
during
this
period
the
power
of
the
wangs
and
their
allies
grew
further
,
until
all
their
opponents
had
been
removed
and
the
influence
of
the
imperial
family
very
greatly
reduced.
when
ai
ti
died
,
wang
mang
placed
an
eight-year-old
boy
on
the
throne
,
himself
acting
as
regent
;
four
years
later
the
boy
fell
ill
and
died
,
probably
with
wang
mang
's
aid.
wang
mang
now
chose
a
one-year-old
baby
,
but
soon
after
he
felt
that
the
time
had
come
for
officially
assuming
the
rulership.
in
a.d.
##number##
he
dethroned
the
baby
,
ostensibly
at
heaven
's
command
,
and
declared
himself
emperor
and
first
of
the
hsin
(
"
new
"
)
dynasty.
all
the
members
of
the
old
imperial
family
in
the
capital
were
removed
from
office
and
degraded
to
commoners
,
with
the
exception
of
those
who
had
already
been
supporting
wang
mang.
only
those
members
who
held
unimportant
posts
at
a
distance
remained
untouched.
wang
mang
's
"
usurpation
"
is
unusual
from
two
points
of
view.
first
,
he
paid
great
attention
to
public
opinion
and
induced
large
masses
of
the
population
to
write
petitions
to
the
court
asking
the
han
ruler
to
abdicate
;
he
even
fabricated
"
heavenly
omina
"
in
his
own
favour
and
against
the
han
dynasty
in
order
to
get
wide
support
even
from
intellectuals.
secondly
,
he
inaugurated
a
formal
abdication
ceremony
,
culminating
in
the
transfer
of
the
imperial
seal
to
himself.
this
ceremony
became
standard
for
the
next
centuries.
the
seal
was
made
of
a
precious
stone
,
once
presented
to
the
ch
'in
dynasty
ruler
before
he
ascended
the
throne.
from
now
on
,
the
possessor
of
this
seal
was
the
legitimate
ruler.
##number##
_the
pseudo-socialistic
dictatorship.
revolt
of
the
"
red
eyebrows
"
_
wang
mang
's
dynasty
lasted
only
from
a.d.
##number##
to
##number##
;
but
it
was
one
of
the
most
stirring
periods
of
chinese
history.
it
is
difficult
to
evaluate
wang
mang
,
because
all
we
know
about
him
stems
from
sources
hostile
towards
him.
yet
we
gain
the
impression
that
some
of
his
innovations
,
such
as
the
legalization
of
enthronement
through
the
transfer
of
the
seal
;
the
changes
in
the
administration
of
provinces
and
in
the
bureaucratic
set-up
in
the
capital
;
and
even
some
of
his
economic
measures
were
so
highly
regarded
that
they
were
retained
or
reintroduced
,
although
this
happened
in
some
instances
centuries
later
and
without
mentioning
wang
mang
's
name.
but
most
of
his
policies
and
actions
were
certainly
neither
accepted
nor
acceptable.
he
made
use
of
every
conceivable
resource
in
order
to
secure
power
to
his
clique.
as
far
as
possible
he
avoided
using
open
force
,
and
resorted
to
a
high-level
propaganda.
confucianism
,
the
philosophic
basis
of
the
power
of
the
gentry
,
served
him
as
a
bait
;
he
made
use
of
the
so-called
"
old
character
school
"
for
his
purposes.
when
,
after
the
holocaust
of
books
,
it
was
desired
to
collect
the
ancient
classics
again
,
texts
were
found
under
strange
circumstances
in
the
walls
of
confucius
's
house
;
they
were
written
in
an
archaic
script.
the
people
who
occupied
themselves
with
these
books
were
called
the
old
character
school.
the
texts
came
under
suspicion
;
most
scholars
had
little
belief
in
their
genuineness.
wang
mang
,
however
,
and
his
creatures
energetically
supported
the
cult
of
these
ancient
writings.
the
texts
were
edited
and
issued
,
and
in
the
process
,
as
can
now
be
seen
,
certain
things
were
smuggled
into
them
that
fitted
in
well
with
wang
mang
's
intentions.
he
even
had
other
texts
reissued
with
falsifications.
he
now
represented
himself
in
all
his
actions
as
a
man
who
did
with
the
utmost
precision
the
things
which
the
books
reported
of
rulers
or
ministers
of
ancient
times.
as
regent
he
had
declared
that
his
model
was
the
brother
of
the
first
emperor
of
the
chou
dynasty
;
as
emperor
he
took
for
his
exemplar
one
of
the
mythical
emperors
of
ancient
china
;
of
his
new
laws
he
claimed
that
they
were
simply
revivals
of
decrees
of
the
golden
age.
in
all
this
he
appealed
to
the
authority
of
literature
that
had
been
tampered
with
to
suit
his
aims.
actually
,
such
laws
had
never
before
been
customary
;
either
wang
mang
completely
misinterpreted
passages
in
an
ancient
text
to
suit
his
purpose
,
or
he
had
dicta
that
suited
him
smuggled
into
the
text.
there
can
be
no
question
that
wang
mang
and
his
accomplices
began
by
deliberately
falsifying
and
deceiving.
however
,
as
time
went
on
,
he
probably
began
to
believe
in
his
own
frauds.
wang
mang
's
great
series
of
certain
laws
has
brought
him
the
name
of
"
the
first
socialist
on
the
throne
of
china
"
.
but
closer
consideration
reveals
that
these
measures
,
ostensibly
and
especially
aimed
at
the
good
of
the
poor
,
were
in
reality
devised
simply
in
order
to
fill
the
imperial
exchequer
and
to
consolidate
the
imperial
power.
when
we
read
of
the
turning
over
of
great
landed
estates
to
the
state
,
do
we
not
imagine
that
we
are
faced
with
a
modern
land
reform
?
but
this
applied
only
to
the
wealthiest
of
all
the
landowners
,
who
were
to
be
deprived
in
this
way
of
their
power.
the
prohibition
of
private
slave-owning
had
a
similar
purpose
,
the
state
reserving
to
itself
the
right
to
keep
slaves.
moreover
,
landless
peasants
were
to
receive
land
to
till
,
at
the
expense
of
those
who
possessed
too
much.
this
admirable
law
,
however
,
was
not
intended
seriously
to
be
carried
into
effect.
instead
,
the
setting
up
of
a
system
of
state
credits
for
peasants
held
out
the
promise
,
in
spite
of
rather
reduced
interest
rates
,
of
important
revenue.
the
peasants
had
never
been
in
a
position
to
pay
back
their
private
debts
together
with
the
usurious
interest
,
but
there
were
at
least
opportunities
of
coming
to
terms
with
a
private
usurer
,
whereas
the
state
proved
a
merciless
creditor.
it
could
dispossess
the
peasant
,
and
either
turn
his
property
into
a
state
farm
,
convey
it
to
another
owner
,
or
make
the
peasant
a
state
slave.
thus
this
measure
worked
against
the
interest
of
the
peasants
,
as
did
the
state
monopoly
of
the
exploitation
of
mountains
and
lakes.
"
mountains
and
lakes
"
meant
the
uncultivated
land
around
settlements
,
the
"
village
commons
"
,
where
people
collected
firewood
or
went
fishing.
they
now
had
to
pay
money
for
fishing
rights
and
for
the
right
to
collect
wood
,
money
for
the
emperor
's
exchequer.
the
same
purpose
lay
behind
the
wine
,
salt
,
and
iron
tool
monopolies.
enormous
revenues
came
to
the
state
from
the
monopoly
of
minting
coin
,
when
old
metal
coin
of
full
value
was
called
in
and
exchanged
for
debased
coin.
another
modern-sounding
institution
,
that
of
the
"
equalization
offices
"
,
was
supposed
to
buy
cheap
goods
in
times
of
plenty
in
order
to
sell
them
to
the
people
in
times
of
scarcity
at
similarly
low
prices
,
so
preventing
want
and
also
preventing
excessive
price
fluctuations.
in
actual
fact
these
state
offices
formed
a
new
source
of
profit
,
buying
cheaply
and
selling
as
dearly
as
possible.
thus
the
character
of
these
laws
was
in
no
way
socialistic
;
nor
,
however
,
did
they
provide
an
el
dorado
for
the
state
finances
,
for
wang
mang
's
officials
turned
all
the
laws
to
their
private
advantage.
the
revenues
rarely
reached
the
capital
;
they
vanished
into
the
pockets
of
subordinate
officials.
the
result
was
a
further
serious
lowering
of
the
level
of
existence
of
the
peasant
population
,
with
no
addition
to
the
financial
resources
of
the
state.
yet
wang
mang
had
great
need
of
money
,
because
he
attached
importance
to
display
and
because
he
was
planning
a
new
war.
he
aimed
at
the
final
destruction
of
the
hsiung-nu
,
so
that
access
to
central
asia
should
no
longer
be
precarious
and
it
should
thus
be
possible
to
reduce
the
expense
of
the
military
administration
of
turkestan.
the
war
would
also
distract
popular
attention
from
the
troubles
at
home.
by
way
of
preparation
for
war
,
wang
mang
sent
a
mission
to
the
hsiung-nu
with
dishonouring
proposals
,
including
changes
in
the
name
of
the
hsiung-nu
and
in
the
title
of
the
_shan-yue_.
the
name
hsiung-nu
was
to
be
given
the
insulting
change
of
hsiang-nu
,
meaning
"
subjugated
slaves
"
.
the
result
was
that
risings
of
the
hsiung-nu
took
place
,
whereupon
wang
mang
commanded
that
the
whole
of
their
country
should
be
partitioned
among
fifteen
_shan-yue_
and
declared
the
country
to
be
a
chinese
province.
since
this
declaration
had
no
practical
result
,
it
robbed
wang
mang
of
the
increased
prestige
he
had
sought
and
only
further
infuriated
the
hsiung-nu.
wang
mang
concentrated
a
vast
army
on
the
frontier.
meanwhile
he
lost
the
whole
of
the
possessions
in
turkestan.
but
before
wang
mang
's
campaign
against
the
hsiung-nu
could
begin
,
the
difficulties
at
home
grew
steadily
worse.
in
a.d.
##number##
wang
mang
felt
obliged
to
abrogate
all
his
reform
legislation
because
it
could
not
be
carried
into
effect
;
and
the
economic
situation
proved
more
lamentable
than
ever.
there
were
continual
risings
,
which
culminated
in
a.d.
##number##
in
a
great
popular
insurrection
,
a
genuine
revolutionary
rising
of
the
peasants
,
whose
distress
had
grown
beyond
bearing
through
wang
mang
's
ill-judged
measures.
the
rebels
called
themselves
"
red
eyebrows
"
;
they
had
painted
their
eyebrows
red
by
way
of
badge
and
in
order
to
bind
their
members
indissolubly
to
their
movement.
the
nucleus
of
this
rising
was
a
secret
society.
such
secret
societies
,
usually
are
harmless
,
but
may
,
in
emergency
situations
,
become
an
immensely
effective
instrument
in
the
hands
of
the
rural
population.
the
secret
societies
then
organize
the
peasants
,
in
order
to
achieve
a
forcible
settlement
of
the
matter
in
dispute.
occasionally
,
however
,
the
movement
grows
far
beyond
its
leaders
'
original
objective
and
becomes
a
popular
revolutionary
movement
,
directed
against
the
whole
ruling
class.
that
is
what
happened
on
this
occasion.
vast
swarms
of
peasants
marched
to
the
capital
,
killing
all
officials
and
people
of
position
on
their
way.
the
troops
sent
against
them
by
wang
mang
either
went
over
to
the
red
eyebrows
or
copied
them
,
plundering
wherever
they
could
and
killing
officials.
owing
to
the
appalling
mass
murders
and
the
fighting
,
the
forces
placed
by
wang
mang
along
the
frontier
against
the
hsiung-nu
received
no
reinforcements
and
,
instead
of
attacking
the
hsiung-nu
,
themselves
went
over
to
plundering
,
so
that
ultimately
the
army
simply
disintegrated.
fortunately
for
china
,
the
_shan-yue_
of
the
time
did
not
take
advantage
of
his
opportunity
,
perhaps
because
his
position
within
the
hsiung-nu
empire
was
too
insecure.
scarcely
had
the
popular
rising
begun
when
descendants
of
the
deposed
han
dynasty
appeared
and
tried
to
secure
the
support
of
the
upper
class.
they
came
forward
as
fighters
against
the
usurper
wang
mang
and
as
defenders
of
the
old
social
order
against
the
revolutionary
masses.
but
the
armies
which
these
han
princes
were
able
to
collect
were
no
better
than
those
of
the
other
sides.
they
,
too
,
consisted
of
poor
and
hungry
peasants
,
whose
aim
was
to
get
money
or
goods
by
robbery
;
they
too
,
plundered
and
murdered
more
than
they
fought.
however
,
one
prince
by
the
name
of
liu
hsiu
gradually
gained
the
upper
hand.
the
basis
of
his
power
was
the
district
of
nanyang
in
honan
,
one
of
the
wealthiest
agricultural
centres
of
china
at
that
time
and
also
the
centre
of
iron
and
steel
production.
the
big
landowners
,
the
gentry
of
nanyang
,
joined
him
,
and
the
prince
's
party
conquered
the
capital.
wang
mang
,
placing
entire
faith
in
his
sanctity
,
did
not
flee
;
he
sat
in
his
robes
in
the
throne-room
and
recited
the
ancient
writings
,
convinced
that
he
would
overcome
his
adversaries
by
the
power
of
his
words.
but
a
soldier
cut
off
his
head
(
a.d.
##number##
)
.
the
skull
was
kept
for
two
hundred
years
in
the
imperial
treasury.
the
fighting
,
nevertheless
,
went
on.
various
branches
of
the
prince
's
party
fought
one
another
,
and
all
of
them
fought
the
red
eyebrows.
in
those
years
millions
of
men
came
to
their
end.
finally
,
in
a.d.
##number##
,
liu
hsiu
prevailed
,
becoming
the
first
emperor
of
the
second
han
dynasty
,
also
called
the
later
han
dynasty
;
his
name
as
emperor
was
kuang-wu
ti
(
a.d.
##number##
)
.
##number##
_reaction
and
restoration
:
the
later
han
dynasty_
within
the
country
the
period
that
followed
was
one
of
reaction
and
restoration.
the
massacres
of
the
preceding
years
had
so
reduced
the
population
that
there
was
land
enough
for
the
peasants
who
remained
alive.
moreover
,
their
lords
and
the
moneylenders
of
the
towns
were
generally
no
longer
alive
,
so
that
many
peasants
had
become
free
of
debt.
the
government
was
transferred
from
sian
to
loyang
,
in
the
present
province
of
honan.
this
brought
the
capital
nearer
to
the
great
wheat-producing
regions
,
so
that
the
transport
of
grain
and
other
taxes
in
kind
to
the
capital
was
cheapened.
soon
this
cleared
foundation
was
covered
by
a
new
stratum
,
a
very
sparse
one
,
of
great
landowners
who
were
supporters
and
members
of
the
new
imperial
house
,
largely
descendants
of
the
landowners
of
the
earlier
han
period.
at
first
they
were
not
much
in
evidence
,
but
they
gained
power
more
and
more
rapidly.
in
spite
of
this
,
the
first
half-century
of
the
later
han
period
was
one
of
good
conditions
on
the
land
and
economic
recovery.
##number##
_hsiung-nu
policy_
in
foreign
policy
the
first
period
of
the
later
han
dynasty
was
one
of
extraordinary
success
,
both
in
the
extreme
south
and
in
the
question
of
the
hsiung-nu.
during
the
period
of
wang
mang
's
rule
and
the
fighting
connected
with
it
,
there
had
been
extensive
migration
to
the
south
and
south-west.
considerable
regions
of
chinese
settlement
had
come
into
existence
in
yuennan
and
even
in
annam
and
tongking
,
and
a
series
of
campaigns
under
general
ma
yuan
(
##number##
b.c.-a.d.
##number##
)
now
added
these
regions
to
the
territory
of
the
empire.
these
wars
were
carried
on
with
relatively
small
forces
,
as
previously
in
the
canton
region
,
the
natives
being
unable
to
offer
serious
resistance
owing
to
their
inferiority
in
equipment
and
civilization.
the
hot
climate
,
however
,
to
which
the
chinese
soldiers
were
unused
,
was
hard
for
them
to
endure.
the
hsiung-nu
,
in
spite
of
internal
difficulties
,
had
regained
considerable
influence
in
turkestan
during
the
reign
of
wang
mang.
but
the
king
of
the
city
state
of
yarkand
had
increased
his
power
by
shrewdly
playing
off
chinese
and
hsiung-nu
against
each
other
,
so
that
before
long
he
was
able
to
attack
the
hsiung-nu.
the
small
states
in
turkestan
,
however
,
regarded
the
overlordship
of
the
distant
china
as
preferable
to
that
of
yarkand
or
the
hsiung-nu
both
of
whom
,
being
nearer
,
were
able
to
bring
their
power
more
effectively
into
play.
accordingly
many
of
the
small
states
appealed
for
chinese
aid.
kuang-wu
ti
met
this
appeal
with
a
blank
refusal
,
implying
that
order
had
only
just
been
restored
in
china
and
that
he
now
simply
had
not
the
resources
for
a
campaign
in
turkestan.
thus
,
the
king
of
yarkand
was
able
to
extend
his
power
over
the
remainder
of
the
small
states
of
turkestan
,
since
the
hsiung-nu
had
been
obliged
to
withdraw.
kuang-wu
ti
had
several
frontier
wars
with
the
hsiung-nu
without
any
decisive
result.
but
in
the
years
around
a.d.
##number##
the
hsiung-nu
had
suffered
several
severe
droughts
and
also
great
plagues
of
locusts
,
so
that
they
had
lost
a
large
part
of
their
cattle.
they
were
no
longer
able
to
assert
themselves
in
turkestan
and
at
the
same
time
to
fight
the
chinese
in
the
south
and
the
hsien-pi
and
the
wu-huan
in
the
east.
these
two
peoples
,
apparently
largely
of
mongol
origin
,
had
been
subject
in
the
past
to
hsiung-nu
overlordship.
they
had
spread
steadily
in
the
territories
bordering
manchuria
and
mongolia
,
beyond
the
eastern
frontier
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire.
living
there
in
relative
peace
and
at
the
same
time
in
possession
of
very
fertile
pasturage
,
these
two
peoples
had
grown
in
strength.
and
since
the
great
political
collapse
of
##number##
b.c.
the
hsiung-nu
had
not
only
lost
their
best
pasturage
in
the
north
of
the
provinces
of
shensi
and
shansi
,
but
had
largely
grown
used
to
living
in
co-operation
with
the
chinese.
they
had
become
much
more
accustomed
to
trade
with
china
,
exchanging
animals
for
textiles
and
grain
,
than
to
warfare
,
so
that
in
the
end
they
were
defeated
by
the
hsien-pi
and
wu-huan
,
who
had
held
to
the
older
form
of
purely
warlike
nomad
life.
weakened
by
famine
and
by
the
wars
against
wu-huan
and
hsien-pi
,
the
hsiung-nu
split
into
two
,
one
section
withdrawing
to
the
north.
the
southern
hsiung-nu
were
compelled
to
submit
to
the
chinese
in
order
to
gain
security
from
their
other
enemies.
thus
the
chinese
were
able
to
gain
a
great
success
without
moving
a
finger
:
the
hsiung-nu
,
who
for
centuries
had
shown
themselves
again
and
again
to
be
the
most
dangerous
enemies
of
china
,
were
reduced
to
political
insignificance.
about
a
hundred
years
earlier
the
hsiung-nu
empire
had
suffered
defeat
;
now
half
of
what
remained
of
it
became
part
of
the
chinese
state.
its
place
was
taken
by
the
hsien-pi
and
wu-huan
,
but
at
first
they
were
of
much
less
importance.
in
spite
of
the
partition
,
the
northern
hsiung-nu
attempted
in
the
years
between
a.d.
##number##
and
##number##
to
regain
a
sphere
of
influence
in
turkestan
;
this
seemed
the
easier
for
them
since
the
king
of
yarkand
had
been
captured
and
murdered
,
and
turkestan
was
more
or
less
in
a
state
of
confusion.
the
chinese
did
their
utmost
to
play
off
the
northern
against
the
southern
hsiung-nu
and
to
maintain
a
political
balance
of
power
in
the
west
and
north.
so
long
as
there
were
a
number
of
small
states
in
turkestan
,
of
which
at
least
some
were
friendly
to
china
,
chinese
trade
caravans
suffered
relatively
little
disturbance
on
their
journeys.
independent
states
in
turkestan
had
proved
more
profitable
for
trade
than
when
a
large
army
of
occupation
had
to
be
maintained
there.
when
,
however
,
there
appeared
to
be
the
danger
of
a
new
union
of
the
two
parts
of
the
hsiung-nu
as
a
restoration
of
a
large
empire
also
comprising
all
turkestan
,
the
chinese
trading
monopoly
was
endangered.
any
great
power
would
secure
the
best
goods
for
itself
,
and
there
would
be
no
good
business
remaining
for
china.
for
these
reasons
a
great
chinese
campaign
was
undertaken
against
turkestan
in
a.d.
##number##
under
tou
ku.
mainly
owing
to
the
ability
of
the
chinese
deputy
commander
pan
ch
'ao
,
the
whole
of
turkestan
was
quickly
conquered.
meanwhile
the
emperor
ming
ti
(
a.d.
##number##
)
had
died
,
and
under
the
new
emperor
chang
ti
(
##number##
)
the
"
isolationist
"
party
gained
the
upper
hand
against
the
clique
of
tou
ku
and
pan
ch
'ao
:
the
danger
of
the
restoration
of
a
hsiung-nu
empire
,
the
isolationists
contended
,
no
longer
existed
;
turkestan
should
be
left
to
itself
;
the
small
states
would
favour
trade
with
china
of
their
own
accord.
meanwhile
,
a
considerable
part
of
turkestan
had
fallen
away
from
china
,
for
chang
ti
sent
neither
money
nor
troops
to
hold
the
conquered
territories.
pan
ch
'ao
nevertheless
remained
in
turkestan
(
at
kashgar
and
khotan
)
where
he
held
on
amid
countless
difficulties.
although
he
reported
(
a.d.
##number##
)
that
the
troops
could
feed
themselves
in
turkestan
and
needed
neither
supplies
nor
money
from
home
,
no
reinforcements
of
any
importance
were
sent
;
only
a
few
hundred
or
perhaps
a
thousand
men
,
mostly
released
criminals
,
reached
him.
not
until
a.d.
##number##
did
the
pan
ch
'ao
clique
return
to
power
when
the
mother
of
the
young
emperor
ho
ti
(
##number##
)
took
over
the
government
during
his
minority
:
she
was
a
member
of
the
family
of
tou
ku.
she
was
interested
in
bringing
to
a
successful
conclusion
the
enterprise
which
had
been
started
by
members
of
her
family
and
its
followers.
in
addition
,
it
can
be
shown
that
a
number
of
other
members
of
the
"
war
party
"
had
direct
interests
in
the
west
,
mainly
in
form
of
landed
estates.
accordingly
,
a
campaign
was
started
in
##number##
under
her
brother
against
the
northern
hsiung-nu
,
and
it
decided
the
fate
of
turkestan
in
china
's
favour.
turkestan
remained
firmly
in
chinese
possession
until
the
death
of
pan
ch
'ao
in
##number##
shortly
afterwards
heavy
fighting
broke
out
again
:
the
tanguts
advanced
from
the
south
in
an
attempt
to
cut
off
chinese
access
to
turkestan.
the
chinese
drove
back
the
tanguts
and
maintained
their
hold
on
turkestan
,
though
no
longer
absolutely.
##number##
_economic
situation.
rebellion
of
the
"
yellow
turbans
"
.
collapse
of
the
han
dynasty_
the
economic
results
of
the
turkestan
trade
in
this
period
were
not
so
unfavourable
as
in
the
earlier
han
period.
the
army
of
occupation
was
incomparably
smaller
,
and
under
pan
ch
'ao
's
policy
the
soldiers
were
fed
and
paid
in
turkestan
itself
,
so
that
the
cost
to
china
remained
small.
moreover
,
the
drain
on
the
national
income
was
no
longer
serious
because
,
in
the
intervening
period
,
regular
chinese
settlements
had
been
planted
in
turkestan
including
chinese
merchants
,
so
that
the
trade
no
longer
remained
entirely
in
the
hands
of
foreigners.
in
spite
of
the
economic
consolidation
at
the
beginning
of
the
later
han
dynasty
,
and
in
spite
of
the
more
balanced
trade
,
the
political
situation
within
china
steadily
worsened
from
a.d.
##number##
onwards.
although
the
class
of
great
landowners
was
small
,
a
number
of
cliques
formed
within
it
,
and
their
mutual
struggle
for
power
soon
went
beyond
the
limits
of
court
intrigue.
new
actors
now
came
upon
the
stage
,
namely
the
eunuchs.
with
the
economic
improvement
there
had
been
a
general
increase
in
the
luxury
at
the
court
of
the
han
emperors
,
and
the
court
steadily
increased
in
size.
the
many
hundred
wives
and
concubines
in
the
palace
made
necessary
a
great
army
of
eunuchs.
as
they
had
the
ear
of
the
emperor
and
so
could
influence
him
,
the
eunuchs
formed
an
important
political
factor.
for
a
time
the
main
struggle
was
between
the
group
of
eunuchs
and
the
group
of
scholars.
the
eunuchs
served
a
particular
clique
to
which
some
of
the
emperor
's
wives
belonged.
the
scholars
,
that
is
to
say
the
ministers
,
together
with
members
of
the
ministries
and
the
administrative
staff
,
served
the
interests
of
another
clique.
the
struggles
grew
more
and
more
sanguinary
in
the
middle
of
the
second
century
a.d.
it
soon
proved
that
the
group
with
the
firmest
hold
in
the
provinces
had
the
advantage
,
because
it
was
not
easy
to
control
the
provinces
from
a
distance.
the
result
was
that
,
from
about
a.d.
##number##
,
events
at
court
steadily
lost
importance
,
the
lead
being
taken
by
the
generals
commanding
the
provincial
troops.
it
would
carry
us
too
far
to
give
the
details
of
all
these
struggles.
the
provincial
generals
were
at
first
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
,
lue
pu
,
yuean
shao
,
and
sun
ts
'e
;
later
came
liu
pei.
all
were
striving
to
gain
control
of
the
government
,
and
all
were
engaged
in
mutual
hostilities
from
about
##number##
onwards.
each
general
was
also
trying
to
get
the
emperor
into
his
hands.
several
times
the
last
emperor
of
the
later
han
dynasty
,
hsien
ti
(
##number##
)
,
was
captured
by
one
or
another
of
the
generals.
as
the
successful
general
was
usually
unable
to
maintain
his
hold
on
the
capital
,
he
dragged
the
poor
emperor
with
him
from
place
to
place
until
he
finally
had
to
give
him
up
to
another
general.
the
point
of
this
chase
after
the
emperor
was
that
according
to
the
idea
introduced
earlier
by
wang
mang
the
first
ruler
of
a
new
dynasty
had
to
receive
the
imperial
seals
from
the
last
emperor
of
the
previous
dynasty.
the
last
emperor
must
abdicate
in
proper
form.
accordingly
,
each
general
had
to
get
possession
of
the
emperor
to
begin
with
,
in
order
at
the
proper
time
to
take
over
the
seals.
by
about
a.d.
##number##
the
new
conditions
had
more
or
less
crystallized.
there
remained
only
three
great
parties.
the
most
powerful
was
that
of
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
,
who
controlled
the
north
and
was
able
to
keep
permanent
hold
of
the
emperor.
in
the
west
,
in
the
province
of
szechwan
,
liu
pei
had
established
himself
,
and
in
the
south-east
sun
ts
'e
's
brother.
but
we
must
not
limit
our
view
to
these
generals
'
struggles.
at
this
time
there
were
two
other
series
of
events
of
equal
importance
with
those.
the
incessant
struggles
of
the
cliques
against
each
other
continued
at
the
expense
of
the
people
,
who
had
to
fight
them
and
pay
for
them.
thus
,
after
a.d.
##number##
the
distress
of
the
country
population
grew
beyond
all
limits.
conditions
were
as
disastrous
as
in
the
time
of
wang
mang.
and
once
more
,
as
then
,
a
popular
movement
broke
out
,
that
of
the
so-called
"
yellow
turbans
"
.
this
was
the
first
of
the
two
important
events.
this
popular
movement
had
a
characteristic
which
from
now
on
became
typical
of
all
these
risings
of
the
people.
the
intellectual
leaders
of
the
movement
,
chang
ling
and
others
,
were
members
of
a
particular
religious
sect.
this
sect
was
influenced
by
iranian
mazdaism
on
the
one
side
and
by
certain
ideas
from
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
on
the
other
side
;
and
these
influences
were
superimposed
on
popular
rural
as
well
as
,
perhaps
,
local
tribal
religious
beliefs
and
superstitions.
the
sect
had
roots
along
the
coastal
settlements
of
eastern
china
,
where
it
seems
to
have
gained
the
support
of
the
peasantry
and
their
local
priests.
these
priests
of
the
people
were
opposed
to
the
representatives
of
the
official
religion
,
that
is
to
say
the
officials
drawn
from
the
gentry.
in
small
towns
and
villages
the
temples
of
the
gods
of
the
fruits
of
the
field
,
of
the
soil
,
and
so
on
,
were
administered
by
authorized
local
officials
,
and
these
officials
also
carried
out
the
prescribed
sacrifices.
the
old
temples
of
the
people
were
either
done
away
with
(
we
have
many
edicts
of
the
han
period
concerning
the
abolition
of
popular
forms
of
religious
worship
)
,
or
their
worship
was
converted
into
an
official
cult
:
the
all-powerful
gentry
extended
their
domination
over
religion
as
well
as
all
else.
but
the
peasants
regarded
their
local
unauthorized
priests
as
their
natural
leaders
against
the
gentry
and
against
gentry
forms
of
religion.
one
branch
,
probably
the
main
branch
of
this
movement
,
developed
a
stronghold
in
eastern
szechwan
province
,
where
its
members
succeeded
to
create
a
state
of
their
own
which
retained
its
independence
for
a
while.
it
is
the
only
group
which
developed
real
religious
communities
in
which
men
and
women
participated
,
extensive
welfare
schemes
existed
and
class
differences
were
discouraged.
it
had
a
real
church
organization
with
dioceses
,
communal
friendship
meals
and
a
confession
ritual
;
in
short
,
real
piety
developed
as
it
could
not
develop
in
the
official
religions.
after
the
annihilation
of
this
state
,
remnants
of
the
organization
can
be
traced
through
several
centuries
,
mainly
in
central
and
south
china.
it
may
well
be
that
the
many
"
taoistic
"
traits
which
can
be
found
in
the
religions
of
late
and
present-day
mongolian
and
tibetan
tribes
,
can
be
derived
from
this
movement
of
the
yellow
turbans.
the
rising
of
the
yellow
turbans
began
in
##number##
;
all
parties
,
cliques
and
generals
alike
,
were
equally
afraid
of
the
revolutionaries
,
since
these
were
a
threat
to
the
gentry
as
such
,
and
so
to
all
parties.
consequently
a
combined
army
of
considerable
size
was
got
together
and
sent
against
the
rebels.
the
yellow
turbans
were
beaten.
during
these
struggles
it
became
evident
that
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
with
his
troops
had
become
the
strongest
of
all
the
generals.
his
troops
seem
to
have
consisted
not
of
chinese
soldiers
alone
,
but
also
of
hsiung-nu.
it
is
understandable
that
the
annals
say
nothing
about
this
,
and
it
can
only
be
inferred
from
the
facts.
it
appears
that
in
order
to
reinforce
their
armies
the
generals
recruited
not
only
chinese
but
foreigners.
the
generals
operating
in
the
region
of
the
present-day
peking
had
soldiers
of
the
wu-huan
and
hsien-pi
,
and
even
of
the
ting-ling
;
liu
pei
,
in
the
west
,
made
use
of
tanguts
,
and
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
clearly
went
farthest
of
all
in
this
direction
;
he
seems
to
have
been
responsible
for
settling
nineteen
tribes
of
hsiung-nu
in
the
chinese
province
of
shansi
between
##number##
and
##number##
,
in
return
for
their
armed
aid.
in
this
way
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
gained
permanent
power
in
the
empire
by
means
of
these
troops
,
so
that
immediately
after
his
death
his
son
ts
'ao
p
'ei
,
with
the
support
of
powerful
allied
families
,
was
able
to
force
the
emperor
to
abdicate
and
to
found
a
new
dynasty
,
the
wei
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
.
this
meant
,
however
,
that
a
part
of
china
which
for
several
centuries
had
been
chinese
was
given
up
to
the
hsiung-nu.
this
was
not
,
of
course
,
what
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
had
intended
;
he
had
given
the
hsiung-nu
some
area
of
pasturage
in
shansi
with
the
idea
that
they
should
be
controlled
and
administered
by
the
officials
of
the
surrounding
district.
his
plan
had
been
similar
to
what
the
chinese
had
often
done
with
success
:
aliens
were
admitted
into
the
territory
of
the
empire
in
a
body
,
but
then
the
influence
of
the
surrounding
administrative
centres
was
steadily
extended
over
them
,
until
the
immigrants
completely
lost
their
own
nationality
and
became
chinese.
the
nineteen
tribes
of
hsiung-nu
,
however
,
were
much
too
numerous
,
and
after
the
prolonged
struggles
in
china
the
provincial
administration
proved
much
too
weak
to
be
able
to
carry
out
the
plan.
thus
there
came
into
existence
here
,
within
china
,
a
small
hsiung-nu
realm
ruled
by
several
_shan-yue_.
this
was
the
second
major
development
,
and
it
became
of
the
utmost
importance
to
the
history
of
the
next
four
centuries.
##number##
_literature
and
art_
with
the
development
of
the
new
class
of
the
gentry
in
the
han
period
,
there
was
an
increase
in
the
number
of
those
who
were
anxious
to
participate
in
what
had
been
in
the
past
an
exclusively
aristocratic
possession
--
education.
thus
it
is
by
no
mere
chance
that
in
this
period
many
encyclopaedias
were
compiled.
encyclopaedias
convey
knowledge
in
an
easily
grasped
and
easily
found
form.
the
first
compilation
of
this
sort
dates
from
the
third
century
b.c.
it
was
the
work
of
lue
pu
wei
,
the
merchant
who
was
prime
minister
and
regent
during
the
minority
of
shih
huang-ti.
it
contains
general
information
concerning
ceremonies
,
customs
,
historic
events
,
and
other
things
the
knowledge
of
which
was
part
of
a
general
education.
soon
afterwards
other
encyclopaedias
appeared
,
of
which
the
best
known
is
the
book
of
the
mountains
and
seas
(
_shan
hai
ching_
)
.
this
book
,
arranged
according
to
regions
of
the
world
,
contains
everything
known
at
the
time
about
geography
,
natural
philosophy
,
and
the
animal
and
plant
world
,
and
also
about
popular
myths.
this
tendency
to
systemization
is
shown
also
in
the
historical
works.
the
famous
_shih
chi_
,
one
of
our
main
sources
for
chinese
history
,
is
the
first
historical
work
of
the
modern
type
,
that
is
to
say
,
built
up
on
a
definite
plan
,
and
it
was
also
the
model
for
all
later
official
historiography.
its
author
,
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
ch
'ien
(
born
##number##
b.c.
)
,
and
his
father
,
made
use
of
the
material
in
the
state
archives
and
of
private
documents
,
old
historical
and
philosophical
books
,
inscriptions
,
and
the
results
of
their
own
travels.
the
philosophical
and
historical
books
of
earlier
times
(
with
the
exception
of
those
of
the
nature
of
chronicles
)
consisted
merely
of
a
few
dicta
or
reports
of
particular
events
,
but
the
_shih
chi_
is
a
compendium
of
a
mass
of
source-material.
the
documents
were
abbreviated
,
but
the
text
of
the
extracts
was
altered
as
little
as
possible
,
so
that
the
general
result
retains
in
a
sense
the
value
of
an
original
source.
in
its
arrangement
the
_shih
chi_
became
a
model
for
all
later
historians
:
the
first
part
is
in
the
form
of
annals
,
and
there
follow
tables
concerning
the
occupants
of
official
posts
and
fiefs
,
and
then
biographies
of
various
important
personalities
,
though
the
type
of
the
comprehensive
biography
did
not
appear
till
later.
the
_shih
chi_
also
,
like
later
historical
works
,
contains
many
monographs
dealing
with
particular
fields
of
knowledge
,
such
as
astronomy
,
the
calendar
,
music
,
economics
,
official
dress
at
court
,
and
much
else.
the
whole
type
of
construction
differs
fundamentally
from
such
works
as
those
of
thucydides
or
herodotus.
the
chinese
historical
works
have
the
advantage
that
the
section
of
annals
gives
at
once
the
events
of
a
particular
year
,
the
monographs
describe
the
development
of
a
particular
field
of
knowledge
,
and
the
biographical
section
offers
information
concerning
particular
personalities.
the
mental
attitude
is
that
of
the
gentry
:
shortly
after
the
time
of
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
ch
'ien
an
historical
department
was
founded
,
in
which
members
of
the
gentry
worked
as
historians
upon
the
documents
prepared
by
representatives
of
the
gentry
in
the
various
government
offices.
in
addition
to
encyclopaedias
and
historical
works
,
many
books
of
philosophy
were
written
in
the
han
period
,
but
most
of
them
offer
no
fundamentally
new
ideas.
they
were
the
product
of
the
leisure
of
rich
members
of
the
gentry
,
and
only
three
of
them
are
of
importance.
one
is
the
work
of
tung
chung-shu
,
already
mentioned.
the
second
is
a
book
by
liu
an
called
_huai-nan
tz
[
)
u
]
_.
prince
liu
an
occupied
himself
with
taoism
and
allied
problems
,
gathered
around
him
scholars
of
different
schools
,
and
carried
on
discussions
with
them.
many
of
his
writings
are
lost
,
but
enough
is
extant
to
show
that
he
was
one
of
the
earliest
chinese
alchemists.
the
question
has
not
yet
been
settled
,
but
it
is
probable
that
alchemy
first
appeared
in
china
,
together
with
the
cult
of
the
"
art
"
of
prolonging
life
,
and
was
later
carried
to
the
west
,
where
it
flourished
among
the
arabs
and
in
medieval
europe.
the
third
important
book
of
the
han
period
was
the
_lun
heng_
(
critique
of
opinions
)
of
wang
ch
'ung
,
which
appeared
in
the
first
century
of
the
christian
era.
wang
ch
'ung
advocated
rational
thinking
and
tried
to
pave
the
way
for
a
free
natural
science
,
in
continuation
of
the
beginnings
which
the
natural
philosophers
of
the
later
chou
period
had
made.
the
book
analyses
reports
in
ancient
literature
and
customs
of
daily
life
,
and
shows
how
much
they
were
influenced
by
superstition
and
by
ignorance
of
the
facts
of
nature.
from
this
attitude
a
modern
science
might
have
developed
,
as
in
europe
towards
the
end
of
the
middle
ages
;
but
the
gentry
had
every
reason
to
play
down
this
tendency
which
,
with
its
criticism
of
all
that
was
traditional
,
might
have
proceeded
to
an
attack
on
the
dominance
of
the
gentry
and
their
oppression
especially
of
the
merchants
and
artisans.
it
is
fascinating
to
observe
how
it
was
the
needs
of
the
merchants
and
seafarers
of
asia
minor
and
greece
that
provided
the
stimulus
for
the
growth
of
the
classic
sciences
,
and
how
on
the
contrary
the
growth
of
chinese
science
was
stifled
because
the
gentry
were
so
strongly
hostile
to
commerce
and
navigation
,
though
both
had
always
existed.
there
were
great
literary
innovations
in
the
field
of
poetry.
the
splendour
and
elegance
at
the
new
imperial
court
of
the
han
dynasty
attracted
many
poets
who
sang
the
praises
of
the
emperor
and
his
court
and
were
given
official
posts
and
dignities.
these
praises
were
in
the
form
of
grandiloquent
,
overloaded
poetry
,
full
of
strange
similes
and
allusions
,
but
with
little
real
feeling.
in
contrast
,
the
many
women
singers
and
dancers
at
the
court
,
mostly
slaves
from
southern
china
,
introduced
at
the
court
southern
chinese
forms
of
song
and
poem
,
which
were
soon
adopted
and
elaborated
by
poets.
poems
and
dance
songs
were
composed
which
belonged
to
the
finest
that
chinese
poetry
can
show
--
full
of
natural
feeling
,
simple
in
language
,
moving
in
content.
our
knowledge
of
the
arts
is
drawn
from
two
sources
--
literature
,
and
the
actual
discoveries
in
the
excavations.
thus
we
know
that
most
of
the
painting
was
done
on
silk
,
of
which
plenty
came
into
the
market
through
the
control
of
silk-producing
southern
china.
paper
had
meanwhile
been
invented
in
the
second
century
b.c.
,
by
perfecting
the
techniques
of
making
bark-cloth
and
felt.
unfortunately
nothing
remains
of
the
actual
works
that
were
the
first
examples
of
what
the
chinese
everywhere
were
beginning
to
call
"
art
"
.
"
people
"
,
that
is
to
say
the
gentry
,
painted
as
a
social
pastime
,
just
as
they
assembled
together
for
poetry
,
discussion
,
or
performances
of
song
and
dance
;
they
painted
as
an
aesthetic
pleasure
and
rarely
as
a
means
of
earning.
we
find
philosophic
ideas
or
greetings
,
emotions
,
and
experiences
represented
by
paintings
--
paintings
with
fanciful
or
ideal
landscapes
;
paintings
representing
life
and
environment
of
the
cultured
class
in
idealized
form
,
never
naturalistic
either
in
fact
or
in
intention.
until
recently
it
was
an
indispensable
condition
in
the
chinese
view
that
an
artist
must
be
"
cultured
"
and
be
a
member
of
the
gentry
--
distinguished
,
unoccupied
,
wealthy.
a
man
who
was
paid
for
his
work
,
for
instance
for
a
portrait
for
the
ancestral
cult
,
was
until
late
time
regarded
as
a
craftsman
,
not
as
an
artist.
yet
,
these
"
craftsmen
"
have
produced
in
han
time
and
even
earlier
,
many
works
which
,
in
our
view
,
undoubtedly
belong
to
the
realm
of
art.
in
the
tombs
have
been
found
reliefs
whose
technique
is
generally
intermediate
between
simple
outline
engraving
and
intaglio.
the
lining-in
is
most
frequently
executed
in
scratched
lines.
the
representations
,
mostly
in
strips
placed
one
above
another
,
are
of
lively
historical
scenes
,
scenes
from
the
life
of
the
dead
,
great
ritual
ceremonies
,
or
adventurous
scenes
from
mythology.
bronze
vessels
have
representations
in
inlaid
gold
and
silver
,
mostly
of
animals.
the
most
important
documents
of
the
painting
of
the
han
period
have
also
been
found
in
tombs.
we
see
especially
ladies
and
gentlemen
of
society
,
with
richly
ornamented
,
elegant
,
expensive
clothing
that
is
very
reminiscent
of
the
clothing
customary
to
this
day
in
japan.
there
are
also
artistic
representations
of
human
figures
on
lacquer
caskets.
while
sculpture
was
not
strongly
developed
,
the
architecture
of
the
han
must
have
been
magnificent
and
technically
highly
complex.
sculpture
and
temple
architecture
received
a
great
stimulus
with
the
spread
of
buddhism
in
china.
according
to
our
present
knowledge
,
buddhism
entered
china
from
the
south
coast
and
through
central
asia
at
latest
in
the
first
century
b.c.
;
it
came
with
foreign
merchants
from
india
or
central
asia.
according
to
indian
customs
,
brahmans
,
the
hindu
caste
providing
all
hindu
priests
,
could
not
leave
their
homes.
as
merchants
on
their
trips
which
lasted
often
several
years
,
did
not
want
to
go
without
religious
services
,
they
turned
to
buddhist
priests
as
well
as
to
priests
of
near
eastern
religions.
these
priests
were
not
prevented
from
travelling
and
used
this
opportunity
for
missionary
purposes.
thus
,
for
a
long
time
after
the
first
arrival
of
buddhists
,
the
buddhist
priests
in
china
were
foreigners
who
served
foreign
merchant
colonies.
the
depressed
conditions
of
the
people
in
the
second
century
a.d.
drove
members
of
the
lower
classes
into
their
arms
,
while
the
parts
of
indian
science
which
these
priests
brought
with
them
from
india
aroused
some
interest
in
certain
educated
circles.
buddhism
,
therefore
,
undeniably
exercised
an
influence
at
the
end
of
the
han
dynasty
,
although
no
chinese
were
priests
and
few
,
if
any
,
gentry
members
were
adherents
of
the
religious
teachings.
with
the
end
of
the
han
period
a
further
epoch
of
chinese
history
comes
to
its
close.
the
han
period
was
that
of
the
final
completion
and
consolidation
of
the
social
order
of
the
gentry.
the
period
that
followed
was
that
of
the
conflicts
of
the
chinese
with
the
populations
on
their
northern
borders.
chapter
seven
the
epoch
of
the
first
division
of
china
(
a.d.
##number##
)
(
a
)
the
three
kingdoms
(
##number##
)
##number##
_social
,
intellectual
,
and
economic
problems
during
the
first
division_
the
end
of
the
han
period
was
followed
by
the
three
and
a
half
centuries
of
the
first
division
of
china
into
several
kingdoms
,
each
with
its
own
dynasty.
in
fact
,
once
before
during
the
period
of
the
contending
states
,
china
had
been
divided
into
a
number
of
states
,
but
at
least
in
theory
they
had
been
subject
to
the
chou
dynasty
,
and
none
of
the
contending
states
had
made
the
claim
to
be
the
legitimate
ruler
of
all
china.
in
this
period
of
the
"
first
division
"
several
states
claimed
to
be
legitimate
rulers
,
and
later
chinese
historians
tried
to
decide
which
of
these
had
"
more
right
"
to
this
claim.
at
the
outset
(
##number##
)
there
were
three
kingdoms
(
wei
,
wu
,
shu
han
)
;
then
came
an
unstable
reunion
during
twenty-seven
years
(
##number##
)
under
the
rule
of
the
western
chin.
this
was
followed
by
a
still
sharper
division
between
north
and
south
:
while
a
wave
of
non-chinese
nomad
dynasties
poured
over
the
north
,
in
the
south
one
chinese
clique
after
another
seized
power
,
so
that
dynasty
followed
dynasty
until
finally
,
in
##number##
,
a
united
china
came
again
into
existence
,
adopting
the
culture
of
the
north
and
the
traditions
of
the
gentry.
in
some
ways
,
the
period
from
##number##
to
##number##
can
be
compared
with
the
period
of
the
coincidentally
synchronous
breakdown
of
the
roman
empire
:
in
both
cases
there
was
no
great
increase
in
population
,
although
in
china
perhaps
no
over-all
decrease
in
population
as
in
the
roman
empire
;
decrease
occurred
,
however
,
in
the
population
of
the
great
chinese
cities
,
especially
of
the
capital
;
furthermore
we
witness
,
in
both
empires
,
a
disorganization
of
the
monetary
system
,
i.e.
in
china
the
reversal
to
a
predominance
of
natural
economy
after
some
##number##
years
of
money
economy.
yet
,
this
period
cannot
be
simply
dismissed
as
a
transition
period
,
as
was
usually
done
by
the
older
european
works
on
china.
the
social
order
of
the
gentry
,
whose
birth
and
development
inside
china
we
followed
,
had
for
the
first
time
to
defend
itself
against
views
and
systems
entirely
opposed
to
it
;
for
the
turkish
and
mongol
peoples
who
ruled
northern
china
brought
with
them
their
traditions
of
a
feudal
nobility
with
privileges
of
birth
and
all
that
they
implied.
thus
this
period
,
socially
regarded
,
is
especially
that
of
the
struggle
between
the
chinese
gentry
and
the
northern
nobility
,
the
gentry
being
excluded
at
first
as
a
direct
political
factor
in
the
northern
and
more
important
part
of
china.
in
the
south
the
gentry
continued
in
the
old
style
with
a
constant
struggle
between
cliques
,
the
only
difference
being
that
the
class
assumed
a
sort
of
"
colonial
"
character
through
the
formation
of
gigantic
estates
and
through
association
with
the
merchant
class.
to
throw
light
on
the
scale
of
events
,
we
need
to
have
figures
of
population.
there
are
no
figures
for
the
years
around
a.d.
##number##
,
and
we
must
make
do
with
those
of
##number##
;
but
in
order
to
show
the
relative
strength
of
the
three
states
it
is
the
ratio
between
the
figures
that
matters.
in
##number##
the
regions
which
later
belonged
to
wei
had
roughly
##number##
inhabitants
;
those
later
belonging
to
wu
had
##number##
;
those
which
belonged
later
to
shu
han
had
a
bare
##number##
(
the
figures
take
no
account
of
the
primitive
native
population
,
which
was
not
yet
included
in
the
taxation
lists.
)
the
hsiung-nu
formed
only
a
small
part
of
the
population
,
as
there
were
only
the
nineteen
tribes
which
had
abandoned
one
of
the
parts
,
already
reduced
,
of
the
hsiung-nu
empire.
the
whole
hsiung-nu
empire
may
never
have
counted
more
than
some
##number##
at
the
time
when
the
population
of
what
became
the
wei
territory
totalled
##number##
the
capital
with
its
immediate
environment
had
over
a
million
inhabitants.
the
figure
is
exclusive
of
most
of
the
officials
and
soldiers
,
as
these
were
taxable
in
their
homes
and
so
were
counted
there.
it
is
clear
that
this
was
a
disproportionate
concentration
round
the
capital.
it
was
at
this
time
that
both
south
and
north
china
felt
the
influence
of
buddhism
,
which
until
a.d.
##number##
had
no
more
real
effect
on
china
than
had
,
for
instance
,
the
penetration
of
european
civilization
between
##number##
and
##number##
buddhism
offered
new
notions
,
new
ideals
,
foreign
science
,
and
many
other
elements
of
culture
,
with
which
the
old
chinese
philosophy
and
science
had
to
contend.
at
the
same
time
there
came
with
buddhism
the
first
direct
knowledge
of
the
great
civilized
countries
west
of
china.
until
then
china
had
regarded
herself
as
the
only
existing
civilized
country
,
and
all
other
countries
had
been
regarded
as
barbaric
,
for
a
civilized
country
was
then
taken
to
mean
a
country
with
urban
industrial
crafts
and
agriculture.
in
our
present
period
,
however
,
china
's
relations
with
the
middle
east
and
with
southern
asia
were
so
close
that
the
existence
of
civilized
countries
outside
china
had
to
be
admitted.
consequently
,
when
alien
dynasties
ruled
in
northern
china
and
a
new
high
civilization
came
into
existence
there
,
it
was
impossible
to
speak
of
its
rulers
as
barbarians
any
longer.
even
the
theory
that
the
chinese
emperor
was
the
son
of
heaven
and
enthroned
at
the
centre
of
the
world
was
no
longer
tenable.
thus
a
vast
widening
of
china
's
intellectual
horizon
took
place.
economically
,
our
present
period
witnessed
an
adjustment
in
south
china
between
the
chinese
way
of
life
,
which
had
penetrated
from
the
north
,
and
that
of
the
natives
of
the
south.
large
groups
of
chinese
had
to
turn
over
from
wheat
culture
in
dry
fields
to
rice
culture
in
wet
fields
,
and
from
field
culture
to
market
gardening.
in
north
china
the
conflict
went
on
between
chinese
agriculture
and
the
cattle
breeding
of
central
asia.
was
the
will
of
the
ruler
to
prevail
and
north
china
to
become
a
country
of
pasturage
,
or
was
the
country
to
keep
to
the
agrarian
tradition
of
the
people
under
this
rule
?
the
turkish
and
mongol
conquerors
had
recently
given
up
their
old
supplementary
agriculture
and
had
turned
into
pure
nomads
,
obtaining
the
agricultural
produce
they
needed
by
raiding
or
trade.
the
conquerors
of
north
china
were
now
faced
with
a
different
question
:
if
they
were
to
remain
nomads
,
they
must
either
drive
the
peasants
into
the
south
,
or
make
them
into
slave
herdsmen
,
or
exterminate
them.
there
was
one
more
possibility
:
they
might
install
themselves
as
a
ruling
upper
class
,
as
nobles
over
the
subjugated
native
peasants.
the
same
question
was
faced
much
later
by
the
mongols
,
and
at
first
they
answered
it
differently
from
the
peoples
of
our
present
period.
only
by
attention
to
this
problem
shall
we
be
in
a
position
to
explain
why
the
rule
of
the
turkish
peoples
did
not
last
,
why
these
peoples
were
gradually
absorbed
and
disappeared.
##number##
_status
of
the
two
southern
kingdoms_
when
the
last
emperor
of
the
han
period
had
to
abdicate
in
favour
of
ts
'ao
p
'ei
and
the
wei
dynasty
began
,
china
was
in
no
way
a
unified
realm.
almost
immediately
,
in
##number##
,
two
other
army
commanders
,
who
had
long
been
independent
,
declared
themselves
emperors.
in
the
south-west
of
china
,
in
the
present
province
of
szechwan
,
the
shu
han
dynasty
was
founded
in
this
way
,
and
in
the
south-east
,
in
the
region
of
the
present
nanking
,
the
wu
dynasty.
the
situation
of
the
southern
kingdom
of
shu
han
(
##number##
)
corresponded
more
or
less
to
that
of
the
chungking
regime
in
the
second
world
war.
west
of
it
the
high
tibetan
mountains
towered
up
;
there
was
very
little
reason
to
fear
any
major
attack
from
that
direction.
in
the
north
and
east
the
realm
was
also
protected
by
difficult
mountain
country.
the
south
lay
relatively
open
,
but
at
that
time
there
were
few
chinese
living
there
,
but
only
natives
with
a
relatively
low
civilization.
the
kingdom
could
only
be
seriously
attacked
from
two
corners
--
through
the
north-west
,
where
there
was
a
negotiable
plateau
,
between
the
ch
'in-ling
mountains
in
the
north
and
the
tibetan
mountains
in
the
west
,
a
plateau
inhabited
by
fairly
highly
developed
tibetan
tribes
;
and
secondly
through
the
south-east
corner
,
where
it
would
be
possible
to
penetrate
up
the
yangtze.
there
was
in
fact
incessant
fighting
at
both
these
dangerous
corners.
economically
,
shu
han
was
not
in
a
bad
position.
the
country
had
long
been
part
of
the
chinese
wheat
lands
,
and
had
a
fairly
large
chinese
peasant
population
in
the
well
irrigated
plain
of
ch
'engtu.
there
was
also
a
wealthy
merchant
class
,
supplying
grain
to
the
surrounding
mountain
peoples
and
buying
medicaments
and
other
profitable
tibetan
products.
and
there
were
trade
routes
from
here
through
the
present
province
of
yuennan
to
india.
shu
han
's
difficulty
was
that
its
population
was
not
large
enough
to
be
able
to
stand
against
the
northern
state
of
wei
;
moreover
,
it
was
difficult
to
carry
out
an
offensive
from
shu
han
,
though
the
country
could
defend
itself
well.
the
first
attempt
to
find
a
remedy
was
a
campaign
against
the
native
tribes
of
the
present
yuennan.
the
purpose
of
this
was
to
secure
manpower
for
the
army
and
also
slaves
for
sale
;
for
the
south-west
had
for
centuries
been
a
main
source
for
traffic
in
slaves.
finally
it
was
hoped
to
gain
control
over
the
trade
to
india.
all
these
things
were
intended
to
strengthen
shu
han
internally
,
but
in
spite
of
certain
military
successes
they
produced
no
practical
result
,
as
the
chinese
were
unable
in
the
long
run
to
endure
the
climate
or
to
hold
out
against
the
guerrilla
tactics
of
the
natives.
shu
han
tried
to
buy
the
assistance
of
the
tibetans
and
with
their
aid
to
carry
out
a
decisive
attack
on
wei
,
whose
dynastic
legitimacy
was
not
recognized
by
shu
han.
the
ruler
of
shu
han
claimed
to
be
a
member
of
the
imperial
family
of
the
deposed
han
dynasty
,
and
therefore
to
be
the
rightful
,
legitimate
ruler
over
china.
his
descent
,
however
,
was
a
little
doubtful
,
and
in
any
case
it
depended
on
a
link
far
back
in
the
past.
against
this
the
wei
of
the
north
declared
that
the
last
ruler
of
the
han
dynasty
had
handed
over
to
them
with
all
due
form
the
seals
of
the
state
and
therewith
the
imperial
prerogative.
the
controversy
was
of
no
great
practical
importance
,
but
it
played
a
big
part
in
the
chinese
confucianist
school
until
the
twelfth
century
,
and
contributed
largely
to
a
revision
of
the
old
conceptions
of
legitimacy.
the
political
plans
of
shu
han
were
well
considered
and
far-seeing.
they
were
evolved
by
the
premier
,
a
man
from
shantung
named
chu-ko
liang
;
for
the
ruler
died
in
##number##
and
his
successor
was
still
a
child.
but
chu-ko
liang
lived
only
for
a
further
eight
years
,
and
after
his
death
in
##number##
the
decline
of
shu
han
began.
its
political
leaders
no
longer
had
a
sense
of
what
was
possible.
thus
wei
inflicted
several
defeats
on
shu
han
,
and
finally
subjugated
it
in
##number##
the
situation
of
the
state
of
wu
was
much
less
favourable
than
that
of
shu
han
,
though
this
second
southern
kingdom
lasted
from
##number##
to
##number##
its
country
consisted
of
marshy
,
water-logged
plains
,
or
mountains
with
narrow
valleys.
here
tai
peoples
had
long
cultivated
their
rice
,
while
in
the
mountains
yao
tribes
lived
by
hunting
and
by
simple
agriculture.
peasants
immigrating
from
the
north
found
that
their
wheat
and
pulse
did
not
thrive
here
,
and
slowly
they
had
to
gain
familiarity
with
rice
cultivation.
they
were
also
compelled
to
give
up
their
sheep
and
cattle
and
in
their
place
to
breed
pigs
and
water
buffaloes
,
as
was
done
by
the
former
inhabitants
of
the
country.
the
lower
class
of
the
population
was
mainly
non-chinese
;
above
it
was
an
upper
class
of
chinese
,
at
first
relatively
small
,
consisting
of
officials
,
soldiers
,
and
merchants
in
a
few
towns
and
administrative
centres.
the
country
was
poor
,
and
its
only
important
economic
asset
was
the
trade
in
metals
,
timber
,
and
other
southern
products
;
soon
there
came
also
a
growing
overseas
trade
with
india
and
the
middle
east
,
bringing
revenues
to
the
state
in
so
far
as
the
goods
were
re-exported
from
wu
to
the
north.
wu
never
attempted
to
conquer
the
whole
of
china
,
but
endeavoured
to
consolidate
its
own
difficult
territory
with
a
view
to
building
up
a
state
on
a
firm
foundation.
in
general
,
wu
played
mainly
a
passive
part
in
the
incessant
struggles
between
the
three
kingdoms
,
though
it
was
active
in
diplomacy.
the
wu
kingdom
entered
into
relations
with
a
man
who
in
##number##
had
gained
control
of
the
present
south
manchuria
and
shortly
afterwards
assumed
the
title
of
king.
this
new
ruler
of
"
yen
"
,
as
he
called
his
kingdom
,
had
determined
to
attack
the
wei
dynasty
,
and
hoped
,
by
putting
pressure
on
it
in
association
with
wu
,
to
overrun
wei
from
north
and
south.
wei
answered
this
plan
very
effectively
by
recourse
to
diplomacy
and
it
began
by
making
wu
believe
that
wu
had
reason
to
fear
an
attack
from
its
western
neighbour
shu
han.
a
mission
was
also
dispatched
from
wei
to
negotiate
with
japan.
japan
was
then
emerging
from
its
stone
age
and
introducing
metals
;
there
were
countless
small
principalities
and
states
,
of
which
the
state
of
yamato
,
then
ruled
by
a
queen
,
was
the
most
powerful.
yamato
had
certain
interests
in
korea
,
where
it
already
ruled
a
small
coastal
strip
in
the
east.
wei
offered
yamato
the
prospect
of
gaining
the
whole
of
korea
if
it
would
turn
against
the
state
of
yen
in
south
manchuria.
wu
,
too
,
had
turned
to
japan
,
but
the
negotiations
came
to
nothing
,
since
wu
,
as
an
ally
of
yen
,
had
nothing
to
offer.
the
queen
of
yamato
accordingly
sent
a
mission
to
wei
;
she
had
already
decided
in
favour
of
that
state.
thus
wei
was
able
to
embark
on
war
against
yen
,
which
it
annihilated
in
##number##
this
wrecked
wu
's
diplomatic
projects
,
and
no
more
was
heard
of
any
ambitious
plans
of
the
kingdom
of
wu.
the
two
southern
states
had
a
common
characteristic
:
both
were
condottiere
states
,
not
built
up
from
their
own
population
but
conquered
by
generals
from
the
north
and
ruled
for
a
time
by
those
generals
and
their
northern
troops.
natives
gradually
entered
these
northern
armies
and
reduced
their
percentage
of
northerners
,
but
a
gulf
remained
between
the
native
population
,
including
its
gentry
,
and
the
alien
military
rulers.
this
reduced
the
striking
power
of
the
southern
states.
on
the
other
hand
,
this
period
had
its
positive
element.
for
the
first
time
there
was
an
emperor
in
south
china
,
with
all
the
organization
that
implied.
a
capital
full
of
officials
,
eunuchs
,
and
all
the
satellites
of
an
imperial
court
provided
incentives
to
economic
advance
,
because
it
represented
a
huge
market.
the
peasants
around
it
were
able
to
increase
their
sales
and
grew
prosperous.
the
increased
demand
resulted
in
an
increase
of
tillage
and
a
thriving
trade.
soon
the
transport
problem
had
to
be
faced
,
as
had
happened
long
ago
in
the
north
,
and
new
means
of
transport
,
especially
ships
,
were
provided
,
and
new
trade
routes
opened
which
were
to
last
far
longer
than
the
three
kingdoms
;
on
the
other
hand
,
the
costs
of
transport
involved
fresh
taxation
burdens
for
the
population.
the
skilled
staff
needed
for
the
business
of
administration
came
into
the
new
capital
from
the
surrounding
districts
,
for
the
conquerors
and
new
rulers
of
the
territory
of
the
two
southern
dynasties
had
brought
with
them
from
the
north
only
uneducated
soldiers
and
almost
equally
uneducated
officers.
the
influx
of
scholars
and
administrators
into
the
chief
cities
produced
cultural
and
economic
centres
in
the
south
,
a
circumstance
of
great
importance
to
china
's
later
development.
##number##
_the
northern
state
of
wei_
the
situation
in
the
north
,
in
the
state
of
wei
(
##number##
)
was
anything
but
rosy.
wei
ruled
what
at
that
time
were
the
most
important
and
richest
regions
of
china
,
the
plain
of
shensi
in
the
west
and
the
great
plain
east
of
loyang
,
the
two
most
thickly
populated
areas
of
china.
but
the
events
at
the
end
of
the
han
period
had
inflicted
great
economic
injury
on
the
country.
the
southern
and
south-western
parts
of
the
han
empire
had
been
lost
,
and
though
parts
of
central
asia
still
gave
allegiance
to
wei
,
these
,
as
in
the
past
,
were
economically
more
of
a
burden
than
an
asset
,
because
they
called
for
incessant
expenditure.
at
least
the
trade
caravans
were
able
to
travel
undisturbed
from
and
to
china
through
turkestan.
moreover
,
the
wei
kingdom
,
although
much
smaller
than
the
empire
of
the
han
,
maintained
a
completely
staffed
court
at
great
expense
,
because
the
rulers
,
claiming
to
rule
the
whole
of
china
,
felt
bound
to
display
more
magnificence
than
the
rulers
of
the
southern
dynasties.
they
had
also
to
reward
the
nineteen
tribes
of
the
hsiung-nu
in
the
north
for
their
military
aid
,
not
only
with
cessions
of
land
but
with
payments
of
money.
finally
,
they
would
not
disarm
but
maintained
great
armies
for
the
continual
fighting
against
the
southern
states.
the
wei
dynasty
did
not
succeed
,
however
,
in
closely
subordinating
the
various
army
commanders
to
the
central
government.
thus
the
commanders
,
in
collusion
with
groups
of
the
gentry
,
were
able
to
enrich
themselves
and
to
secure
regional
power.
the
inadequate
strength
of
the
central
government
of
wei
was
further
undermined
by
the
rivalries
among
the
dominant
gentry.
the
imperial
family
(
ts
'ao
pei
,
who
reigned
from
##number##
to
##number##
,
had
taken
as
emperor
the
name
of
wen
ti
)
was
descended
from
one
of
the
groups
of
great
landowners
that
had
formed
in
the
later
han
period.
the
nucleus
of
that
group
was
a
family
named
ts
'ui
,
of
which
there
is
mention
from
the
han
period
onward
and
which
maintained
its
power
down
to
the
tenth
century
;
but
it
remained
in
the
background
and
at
first
held
entirely
aloof
from
direct
intervention
in
high
policy.
another
family
belonging
to
this
group
was
the
hsia-hou
family
which
was
closely
united
to
the
family
of
wen
ti
by
adoption
;
and
very
soon
there
was
also
the
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
family.
quite
naturally
wen
ti
,
as
soon
as
he
came
into
power
,
made
provision
for
the
members
of
these
powerful
families
,
for
only
thanks
to
their
support
had
he
been
able
to
ascend
the
throne
and
to
maintain
his
hold
on
the
throne.
thus
we
find
many
members
of
the
hsia-hou
and
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
families
in
government
positions.
the
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
family
especially
showed
great
activity
,
and
at
the
end
of
wen
ti
's
reign
their
power
had
so
grown
that
a
certain
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
i
was
in
control
of
the
government
,
while
the
new
emperor
ming
ti
(
##number##
)
was
completely
powerless.
this
virtually
sealed
the
fate
of
the
wei
dynasty
,
so
far
as
the
dynastic
family
was
concerned.
the
next
emperor
was
installed
and
deposed
by
the
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
family
;
dissensions
arose
within
the
ruling
family
,
leading
to
members
of
the
family
assassinating
one
another.
in
##number##
a
member
of
the
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
family
declared
himself
king
;
when
he
died
and
was
succeeded
by
his
son
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
yen
,
the
latter
,
in
##number##
,
staged
a
formal
act
of
renunciation
of
the
throne
of
the
wei
dynasty
and
made
himself
the
first
ruler
of
the
new
chin
dynasty.
there
is
nothing
to
gain
by
detailing
all
the
intrigues
that
led
up
to
this
event
:
they
all
took
place
in
the
immediate
environment
of
the
court
and
in
no
way
affected
the
people
,
except
that
every
item
of
expenditure
,
including
all
the
bribery
,
had
to
come
out
of
the
taxes
paid
by
the
people.
with
such
a
situation
at
court
,
with
the
bad
economic
situation
in
the
country
,
and
with
the
continual
fighting
against
the
two
southern
states
,
there
could
be
no
question
of
any
far-reaching
foreign
policy.
parts
of
eastern
turkestan
still
showed
some
measure
of
allegiance
to
wei
,
but
only
because
at
the
time
it
had
no
stronger
opponent.
the
hsiung-nu
beyond
the
frontier
were
suffering
from
a
period
of
depression
which
was
at
the
same
time
a
period
of
reconstruction.
they
were
beginning
slowly
to
form
together
with
mongol
elements
a
new
unit
,
the
juan-juan
,
but
at
this
time
were
still
politically
inactive.
the
nineteen
tribes
within
north
china
held
more
and
more
closely
together
as
militarily
organized
nomads
,
but
did
not
yet
represent
a
military
power
and
remained
loyal
to
the
wei.
the
only
important
element
of
trouble
seems
to
have
been
furnished
by
the
hsien-pi
tribes
,
who
had
joined
with
wu-huan
tribes
and
apparently
also
with
vestiges
of
the
hsiung-nu
in
eastern
mongolia
,
and
who
made
numerous
raids
over
the
frontier
into
the
wei
empire.
the
state
of
yen
,
in
southern
manchuria
,
had
already
been
destroyed
by
wei
in
##number##
thanks
to
wei
's
good
relations
with
japan.
loose
diplomatic
relations
were
maintained
with
japan
in
the
period
that
followed
;
in
that
period
many
elements
of
chinese
civilization
found
their
way
into
japan
and
there
,
together
with
settlers
from
many
parts
of
china
,
helped
to
transform
the
culture
of
ancient
japan.
(
b
)
the
western
chin
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
_internal
situation
in
the
chin
empire_
the
change
of
dynasty
in
the
state
of
wei
did
not
bring
any
turn
in
china
's
internal
history.
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
yen
,
who
as
emperor
was
called
wu
ti
(
##number##
)
,
had
come
to
the
throne
with
the
aid
of
his
clique
and
his
extraordinarily
large
and
widely
ramified
family.
to
these
he
had
to
give
offices
as
reward.
there
began
at
court
once
more
the
same
spectacle
as
in
the
past
,
except
that
princes
of
the
new
imperial
family
now
played
a
greater
part
than
under
the
wei
dynasty
,
whose
ruling
house
had
consisted
of
a
small
family.
it
was
now
customary
,
in
spite
of
the
abolition
of
the
feudal
system
,
for
the
imperial
princes
to
receive
large
regions
to
administer
,
the
fiscal
revenues
of
which
represented
their
income.
the
princes
were
not
,
however
,
to
exercise
full
authority
in
the
style
of
the
former
feudal
lords
:
their
courts
were
full
of
imperial
control
officials.
in
the
event
of
war
it
was
their
duty
to
come
forward
,
like
other
governors
,
with
an
army
in
support
of
the
central
government.
the
various
chin
princes
succeeded
,
however
,
in
making
other
governors
,
beyond
the
frontiers
of
their
regions
,
dependent
on
them.
also
,
they
collected
armies
of
their
own
independently
of
the
central
government
and
used
those
armies
to
pursue
personal
policies.
the
members
of
the
families
allied
with
the
ruling
house
,
for
their
part
,
did
all
they
could
to
extend
their
own
power.
thus
the
first
ruler
of
the
dynasty
was
tossed
to
and
fro
between
the
conflicting
interests
and
was
himself
powerless.
but
though
intrigue
was
piled
on
intrigue
,
the
ruler
who
,
of
course
,
himself
had
come
to
the
head
of
the
state
by
means
of
intrigues
,
was
more
watchful
than
the
rulers
of
the
wei
dynasty
had
been
,
and
by
shrewd
counter-measures
he
repeatedly
succeeded
in
playing
off
one
party
against
another
,
so
that
the
dynasty
remained
in
power.
numerous
widespread
and
furious
risings
nevertheless
took
place
,
usually
led
by
princes.
thus
during
this
period
the
history
of
the
dynasty
was
of
an
extraordinarily
dismal
character.
in
spite
of
this
,
the
chin
troops
succeeded
in
overthrowing
the
second
southern
state
,
that
of
wu
(
a.d.
##number##
)
,
and
in
so
restoring
the
unity
of
the
empire
,
the
shu
han
realm
having
been
already
conquered
by
the
wei.
after
the
destruction
of
wu
there
remained
no
external
enemy
that
represented
a
potential
danger
,
so
that
a
general
disarmament
was
decreed
(
##number##
)
in
order
to
restore
a
healthy
economic
and
financial
situation.
this
disarmament
applied
,
of
course
,
to
the
troops
directly
under
the
orders
of
the
dynasty
,
namely
the
troops
of
the
court
and
the
capital
and
the
imperial
troops
in
the
provinces.
disarmament
could
not
,
however
,
be
carried
out
in
the
princes
'
regions
,
as
the
princes
declared
that
they
needed
personal
guards.
the
dismissal
of
the
troops
was
accompanied
by
a
decree
ordering
the
surrender
of
arms.
it
may
be
assumed
that
the
government
proposed
to
mint
money
with
the
metal
of
the
weapons
surrendered
,
for
coin
(
the
old
coin
of
the
wei
dynasty
)
had
become
very
scarce
;
as
we
indicated
previously
,
money
had
largely
been
replaced
by
goods
so
that
,
for
instance
,
grain
and
silks
were
used
for
the
payment
of
salaries.
china
,
from
_c_.
##number##
a.d.
on
until
the
eighth
century
,
remained
in
a
period
of
such
partial
"
natural
economy
"
.
naturally
the
decree
for
the
surrender
of
weapons
remained
a
dead-letter.
the
discharged
soldiers
kept
their
weapons
at
first
and
then
preferred
to
sell
them.
a
large
part
of
them
was
acquired
by
the
hsiung-nu
and
the
hsien-pi
in
the
north
of
china
;
apparently
they
usually
gave
up
land
in
return.
in
this
way
many
chinese
soldiers
,
though
not
all
by
any
means
,
went
as
peasants
to
the
regions
in
the
north
of
china
and
beyond
the
frontier.
they
were
glad
to
do
so
,
for
the
hsiung-nu
and
the
hsien-pi
had
not
the
efficient
administration
and
rigid
tax
collection
of
the
chinese
;
and
above
all
,
they
had
no
great
landowners
who
could
have
organized
the
collection
of
taxes.
for
their
part
,
the
hsiung-nu
and
the
hsien-pi
had
no
reason
to
regret
this
immigration
of
peasants
,
who
could
provide
them
with
the
farm
produce
they
needed.
and
at
the
same
time
they
were
receiving
from
them
large
quantities
of
the
most
modern
weapons.
this
ineffective
disarmament
was
undoubtedly
the
most
pregnant
event
of
the
period
of
the
western
chin
dynasty.
the
measure
was
intended
to
save
the
cost
of
maintaining
the
soldiers
and
to
bring
them
back
to
the
land
as
peasants
(
and
taxpayers
)
;
but
the
discharged
men
were
not
given
land
by
the
government.
the
disarmament
achieved
nothing
,
not
even
the
desired
increase
in
the
money
in
circulation
;
what
did
happen
was
that
the
central
government
lost
all
practical
power
,
while
the
military
strength
both
of
the
dangerous
princes
within
the
country
and
also
of
the
frontier
people
was
increased.
the
results
of
these
mistaken
measures
became
evident
at
once
and
compelled
the
government
to
arm
anew.
##number##
_effect
on
the
frontier
peoples_
four
groups
of
frontier
peoples
drew
more
or
less
advantage
from
the
demobilization
law
--
the
people
of
the
toba
,
the
tibetans
,
and
the
hsien-pi
in
the
north
,
and
the
nineteen
tribes
of
the
hsiung-nu
within
the
frontiers
of
the
empire.
in
the
course
of
time
all
sorts
of
complicated
relations
developed
among
those
ascending
peoples
as
well
as
between
them
and
the
chinese.
the
toba
(
t
'o-pa
)
formed
a
small
group
in
the
north
of
the
present
province
of
shansi
,
north
of
the
city
of
tat
'ungfu
,
and
they
were
about
to
develop
their
small
state.
they
were
primarily
of
turkish
origin
,
but
had
absorbed
many
tribes
of
the
older
hsiung-nu
and
the
hsien-pi.
in
considering
the
ethnical
relationships
of
all
these
northern
peoples
we
must
rid
ourselves
of
our
present-day
notions
of
national
unity.
among
the
toba
there
were
many
turkish
tribes
,
but
also
mongols
,
and
probably
a
tungus
tribe
,
as
well
as
perhaps
others
whom
we
cannot
yet
analyse.
these
tribes
may
even
have
spoken
different
languages
,
much
as
later
not
only
mongol
but
also
turkish
was
spoken
in
the
mongol
empire.
the
political
units
they
formed
were
tribal
unions
,
not
national
states.
such
a
union
or
federation
can
be
conceived
of
,
structurally
,
as
a
cone.
at
the
top
point
of
the
cone
there
was
the
person
of
the
ruler
of
the
federation.
he
was
a
member
of
the
leading
family
or
clan
of
the
leading
tribe
(
the
two
top
layers
of
the
cone
)
.
if
we
speak
of
the
toba
as
of
turkish
stock
,
we
mean
that
according
to
our
present
knowledge
,
this
leading
tribe
(
_a_
)
spoke
a
language
belonging
to
the
turkish
language
family
and
(
_b_
)
exhibited
a
pattern
of
culture
which
belonged
to
the
type
called
above
in
chapter
one
as
"
north-western
culture
"
.
the
next
layer
of
the
cone
represented
the
"
inner
circle
of
tribes
"
,
i.e.
such
tribes
as
had
joined
with
the
leading
tribe
at
an
early
moment.
the
leading
family
of
the
leading
tribe
often
took
their
wives
from
the
leading
families
of
the
"
inner
tribes
"
,
and
these
leaders
served
as
advisors
and
councillors
to
the
leader
of
the
federation.
the
next
lower
layer
consisted
of
the
"
outer
tribes
"
,
i.e.
tribes
which
had
joined
the
federation
only
later
,
often
under
strong
pressure
;
their
number
was
always
much
larger
than
the
number
of
the
"
inner
tribes
"
,
but
their
political
influence
was
much
weaker.
every
layer
below
that
of
the
"
outer
tribes
"
was
regarded
as
inferior
and
more
or
less
"
unfree
"
.
there
was
many
a
tribe
which
,
as
a
tribe
,
had
to
serve
a
free
tribe
;
and
there
were
others
who
,
as
tribes
,
had
to
serve
the
whole
federation.
in
addition
,
there
were
individuals
who
had
quit
or
had
been
forced
to
quit
their
tribe
or
their
home
and
had
joined
the
federation
leader
as
his
personal
"
bondsmen
"
;
further
,
there
were
individual
slaves
and
,
finally
,
there
were
the
large
masses
of
agriculturists
who
had
been
conquered
by
the
federation.
when
such
a
federation
was
dissolved
,
by
defeat
or
inner
dissent
,
individual
tribes
or
groups
of
tribes
could
join
a
new
federation
or
could
resume
independent
life.
typically
,
such
federations
exhibited
two
tendencies.
in
the
case
of
the
hsiung-nu
we
indicated
already
previously
that
the
leader
of
the
federation
repeatedly
attempted
to
build
up
a
kind
of
bureaucratic
system
,
using
his
bondsmen
as
a
nucleus.
a
second
tendency
was
to
replace
the
original
tribal
leaders
by
members
of
the
family
of
the
federation
leader.
if
this
initial
step
,
usually
first
taken
when
"
outer
tribes
"
were
incorporated
,
was
successful
,
a
reorganization
was
attempted
:
instead
of
using
tribal
units
in
war
,
military
units
on
the
basis
of
"
groups
of
hundred
"
,
"
groups
of
thousand
"
,
etc.
,
were
created
and
the
original
tribes
were
dissolved
into
military
regiments.
in
the
course
of
time
,
and
especially
at
the
time
of
the
dissolution
of
a
federation
,
these
military
units
had
gained
social
coherence
and
appeared
to
be
tribes
again
;
we
are
probably
correct
in
assuming
that
all
"
tribes
"
which
we
find
from
this
time
on
were
already
"
secondary
"
tribes
of
this
type.
a
secondary
tribe
often
took
its
name
from
its
leader
,
but
it
could
also
revive
an
earlier
"
primary
tribe
"
name.
the
toba
represented
a
good
example
for
this
"
cone
"
structure
of
pastoral
society.
also
the
hsiung-nu
of
this
time
seem
to
have
had
a
similar
structure.
incidentally
,
we
will
from
now
on
call
the
hsiung-nu
"
huns
"
because
chinese
sources
begin
to
call
them
"
hu
"
,
a
term
which
also
had
a
more
general
meaning
(
all
non-chinese
in
the
north
and
west
of
china
)
as
well
as
a
more
special
meaning
(
non-chinese
in
central
asia
and
india
)
.
the
tibetans
fell
apart
into
two
sub-groups
,
the
ch
'iang
and
the
ti.
both
names
appeared
repeatedly
as
political
conceptions
,
but
the
tibetans
,
like
all
other
state-forming
groups
of
peoples
,
sheltered
in
their
realms
countless
alien
elements.
in
the
course
of
the
third
and
second
centuries
b.c.
the
group
of
the
ti
,
mainly
living
in
the
territory
of
the
present
szechwan
,
had
mixed
extensively
with
remains
of
the
yueeh-chih
;
the
others
,
the
ch
'iang
,
were
northern
tibetans
or
so-called
tanguts
;
that
is
to
say
,
they
contained
turkish
and
mongol
elements.
in
a.d.
##number##
there
began
a
great
rising
of
the
ti
,
whose
leader
ch
'i
wan-nien
took
on
the
title
emperor.
the
ch
'iang
rose
with
them
,
but
it
was
not
until
later
,
from
##number##
,
that
they
pursued
an
independent
policy.
the
ti
state
,
however
,
though
it
had
a
second
emperor
,
very
soon
lost
importance
,
so
that
we
shall
be
occupied
solely
with
the
ch
'iang.
as
the
tribal
structure
of
tibetan
groups
was
always
weak
and
as
leadership
developed
among
them
only
in
times
of
war
,
their
states
always
show
a
military
rather
than
a
tribal
structure
,
and
the
continuation
of
these
states
depended
strongly
upon
the
personal
qualities
of
their
leaders.
incidentally
,
tibetans
fundamentally
were
sheep-breeders
and
not
horse-breeders
and
,
therefore
,
they
always
showed
inclination
to
incorporate
infantry
into
their
armies.
thus
,
tibetan
states
differed
strongly
from
the
aristocratically
organized
"
turkish
"
states
as
well
as
from
the
tribal
,
non-aristocratic
"
mongol
"
states
of
that
period.
the
hsien-pi
,
according
to
our
present
knowledge
,
were
under
"
mongol
"
leadership
,
i.e.
we
believe
that
the
language
of
the
leading
group
belonged
to
the
family
of
mongolian
languages
and
that
their
culture
belonged
to
the
type
described
above
as
"
northern
culture
"
.
they
had
,
in
addition
,
a
strong
admixture
of
hunnic
tribes.
throughout
the
period
during
which
they
played
a
part
in
history
,
they
never
succeeded
in
forming
any
great
political
unit
,
in
strong
contrast
to
the
huns
,
who
excelled
in
state
formation.
the
separate
groups
of
the
hsien-pi
pursued
a
policy
of
their
own
;
very
frequently
hsien-pi
fought
each
other
,
and
they
never
submitted
to
a
common
leadership.
thus
their
history
is
entirely
that
of
small
groups.
as
early
as
the
wei
period
there
had
been
small-scale
conflicts
with
the
hsien-pi
tribes
,
and
at
times
the
tribes
had
some
success.
the
campaigns
of
the
hsien-pi
against
north
china
now
increased
,
and
in
the
course
of
them
the
various
tribes
formed
firmer
groupings
,
among
which
the
mu-jung
tribes
played
a
leading
part.
in
##number##
,
the
year
after
the
demobilization
law
,
this
group
marched
south
into
china
,
and
occupied
the
region
round
peking.
after
fierce
fighting
,
in
which
the
mu-jung
section
suffered
heavy
losses
,
a
treaty
was
signed
in
##number##
,
under
which
the
mu-jung
tribe
of
the
hsien-pi
recognized
chinese
overlordship.
the
mu-jung
were
driven
to
this
step
mainly
because
they
had
been
continually
attacked
from
southern
manchuria
by
another
hsien-pi
tribe
,
the
yue-wen
,
the
tribe
most
closely
related
to
them.
the
mu-jung
made
use
of
the
period
of
their
so-called
subjection
to
organize
their
community
in
north
china.
south
of
the
toba
were
the
nineteen
tribes
of
the
hsiung-nu
or
huns
,
as
we
are
now
calling
them.
their
leader
in
a.d.
##number##
,
liu
yuean
,
was
one
of
the
principal
personages
of
this
period.
his
name
is
purely
chinese
,
but
he
was
descended
from
the
hun
_shan-yue_
,
from
the
family
and
line
of
mao
tun.
his
membership
of
that
long-famous
noble
line
and
old
ruling
family
of
huns
gave
him
a
prestige
which
he
increased
by
his
great
organizing
ability.
##number##
_struggles
for
the
throne_
we
shall
return
to
liu
yuean
later
;
we
must
now
cast
another
glance
at
the
official
court
of
the
chin.
in
that
court
a
family
named
yang
had
become
very
powerful
,
a
daughter
of
this
family
having
become
empress.
when
,
however
,
the
emperor
died
,
the
wife
of
the
new
emperor
hui
ti
(
##number##
)
secured
the
assassination
of
the
old
empress
yang
and
of
her
whole
family.
thus
began
the
rule
at
court
of
the
chia
family.
in
##number##
the
chia
family
got
rid
of
the
heir
to
the
throne
,
to
whom
they
objected
,
assassinating
this
prince
and
another
one.
this
event
became
the
signal
for
large-scale
activity
on
the
part
of
the
princes
,
each
of
whom
was
supported
by
particular
groups
of
families.
the
princes
had
not
complied
with
the
disarmament
law
of
##number##
and
so
had
become
militarily
supreme.
the
generals
newly
appointed
in
the
course
of
the
imperial
rearmament
at
once
entered
into
alliance
with
the
princes
,
and
thus
were
quite
unreliable
as
officers
of
the
government.
both
the
generals
and
the
princes
entered
into
agreements
with
the
frontier
peoples
to
assure
their
aid
in
the
struggle
for
power.
the
most
popular
of
these
auxiliaries
were
the
hsien-pi
,
who
were
fighting
for
one
of
the
princes
whose
territory
lay
in
the
east.
since
the
toba
were
the
natural
enemies
of
the
hsien-pi
,
who
were
continually
contesting
their
hold
on
their
territory
,
the
toba
were
always
on
the
opposite
side
to
that
supported
by
the
hsien-pi
,
so
that
they
now
supported
generals
who
were
ostensibly
loyal
to
the
government.
the
huns
,
too
,
negotiated
with
several
generals
and
princes
and
received
tempting
offers.
above
all
,
all
the
frontier
peoples
were
now
militarily
well
equipped
,
continually
receiving
new
war
material
from
the
chinese
who
from
time
to
time
were
co-operating
with
them.
in
a.d.
##number##
prince
lun
assassinated
the
empress
chia
and
removed
her
group.
in
##number##
he
made
himself
emperor
,
but
in
the
same
year
he
was
killed
by
the
prince
of
ch
'i.
this
prince
was
killed
in
##number##
by
the
prince
of
ch
'ang-sha
,
who
in
turned
was
killed
in
##number##
by
the
prince
of
tung-hai.
the
prince
of
ho-chien
rose
in
##number##
and
was
killed
in
##number##
;
the
prince
of
ch
'engtu
rose
in
##number##
,
conquered
the
capital
in
##number##
,
and
then
,
in
##number##
,
was
himself
removed.
i
mention
all
these
names
and
dates
only
to
show
the
disunion
within
the
ruling
groups.
##number##
_migration
of
chinese_
all
these
struggles
raged
round
the
capital
,
for
each
of
the
princes
wanted
to
secure
full
power
and
to
become
emperor.
thus
the
border
regions
remained
relatively
undisturbed.
their
population
suffered
much
less
from
the
warfare
than
the
unfortunate
people
in
the
neighbourhood
of
the
central
government.
for
this
reason
there
took
place
a
mass
migration
of
chinese
from
the
centre
of
the
empire
to
its
periphery.
this
process
,
together
with
the
shifting
of
the
frontier
peoples
,
is
one
of
the
most
important
events
of
that
epoch.
a
great
number
of
chinese
migrated
especially
into
the
present
province
of
kansu
,
where
a
governor
who
had
originally
been
sent
there
to
fight
the
hsien-pi
had
created
a
sort
of
paradise
by
his
good
administration
and
maintenance
of
peace.
the
territory
ruled
by
this
chinese
,
first
as
governor
and
then
in
increasing
independence
,
was
surrounded
by
hsien-pi
,
tibetans
,
and
other
peoples
,
but
thanks
to
the
great
immigration
of
chinese
and
to
its
situation
on
the
main
caravan
route
to
turkestan
,
it
was
able
to
hold
its
own
,
to
expand
,
and
to
become
prosperous.
other
groups
of
chinese
peasants
migrated
southward
into
the
territories
of
the
former
state
of
wu.
a
chinese
prince
of
the
house
of
the
chin
was
ruling
there
,
in
the
present
nanking.
his
purpose
was
to
organize
that
territory
,
and
then
to
intervene
in
the
struggles
of
the
other
princes.
we
shall
meet
him
again
at
the
beginning
of
the
hun
rule
over
north
china
in
##number##
,
as
founder
and
emperor
of
the
first
south
chinese
dynasty
,
which
was
at
once
involved
in
the
usual
internal
and
external
struggles.
for
the
moment
,
however
,
the
southern
region
was
relatively
at
peace
,
and
was
accordingly
attracting
settlers.
finally
,
many
chinese
migrated
northward
,
into
the
territories
of
the
frontier
peoples
,
not
only
of
the
hsien-pi
but
especially
of
the
huns.
these
alien
peoples
,
although
in
the
official
chinese
view
they
were
still
barbarians
,
at
least
maintained
peace
in
the
territories
they
ruled
,
and
they
left
in
peace
the
peasants
and
craftsmen
who
came
to
them
,
even
while
their
own
armies
were
involved
in
fighting
inside
china.
not
only
peasants
and
craftsmen
came
to
the
north
but
more
and
more
educated
persons.
members
of
families
of
the
gentry
that
had
suffered
from
the
fighting
,
people
who
had
lost
their
influence
in
china
,
were
welcomed
by
the
huns
and
appointed
teachers
and
political
advisers
of
the
hun
nobility.
##number##
_victory
of
the
huns.
the
hun
han
dynasty
(
later
renamed
the
earlier
chao
dynasty_
)
with
its
self-confidence
thus
increased
,
the
hun
council
of
nobles
declared
that
in
future
the
huns
should
no
longer
fight
now
for
one
and
now
for
another
chinese
general
or
prince.
they
had
promised
loyalty
to
the
chinese
emperor
,
but
not
to
any
prince.
no
one
doubted
that
the
chinese
emperor
was
a
complete
nonentity
and
no
longer
played
any
part
in
the
struggle
for
power.
it
was
evident
that
the
murders
would
continue
until
one
of
the
generals
or
princes
overcame
the
rest
and
made
himself
emperor.
why
should
not
the
huns
have
the
same
right
?
why
should
not
they
join
in
this
struggle
for
the
chinese
imperial
throne
?
there
were
two
arguments
against
this
course
,
one
of
which
was
already
out
of
date.
the
chinese
had
for
many
centuries
set
down
the
huns
as
uncultured
barbarians
;
but
the
inferiority
complex
thus
engendered
in
the
huns
had
virtually
been
overcome
,
because
in
the
course
of
time
their
upper
class
had
deliberately
acquired
a
chinese
education
and
so
ranked
culturally
with
the
chinese.
thus
the
ruler
liu
yuean
,
for
example
,
had
enjoyed
a
good
chinese
education
and
was
able
to
read
all
the
classical
texts.
the
second
argument
was
provided
by
the
rigid
conceptions
of
legitimacy
to
which
the
turkish-hunnic
aristocratic
society
adhered.
the
huns
asked
themselves
:
"
have
we
,
as
aliens
,
any
right
to
become
emperors
and
rulers
in
china
,
when
we
are
not
descended
from
an
old
chinese
family
?
"
on
this
point
liu
yuean
and
his
advisers
found
a
good
answer.
they
called
liu
yuean
's
dynasty
the
"
han
dynasty
"
,
and
so
linked
it
with
the
most
famous
of
all
the
chinese
dynasties
,
pointing
to
the
pact
which
their
ancestor
mao
tun
had
concluded
five
hundred
years
earlier
with
the
first
emperor
of
the
han
dynasty
and
which
had
described
the
two
states
as
"
brethren
"
.
they
further
recalled
the
fact
that
the
rulers
of
the
huns
were
closely
related
to
the
chinese
ruling
family
,
because
mao
tun
and
his
successors
had
married
chinese
princesses.
finally
,
liu
yuean
's
chinese
family
name
,
liu
,
had
also
been
the
family
name
of
the
rulers
of
the
han
dynasty.
accordingly
the
hun
lius
came
forward
not
as
aliens
but
as
the
rightful
successors
in
continuation
of
the
han
dynasty
,
as
legitimate
heirs
to
the
chinese
imperial
throne
on
the
strength
of
relationship
and
of
treaties.
thus
the
hun
liu
yuean
had
no
intention
of
restoring
the
old
empire
of
mao
tun
,
the
empire
of
the
nomads
;
he
intended
to
become
emperor
of
china
,
emperor
of
a
country
of
farmers.
in
this
lay
the
fundamental
difference
between
the
earlier
hun
empire
and
this
new
one.
the
question
whether
the
huns
should
join
in
the
struggle
for
the
chinese
imperial
throne
was
therefore
decided
among
the
huns
themselves
in
##number##
in
the
affirmative
,
by
the
founding
of
the
"
hun
han
dynasty
"
.
all
that
remained
was
the
practical
question
of
how
to
hold
out
with
their
small
army
of
##number##
men
if
serious
opposition
should
be
offered
to
the
"
barbarians
"
.
meanwhile
liu
yuean
provided
himself
with
court
ceremonial
on
the
chinese
model
,
in
a
capital
which
,
after
several
changes
,
was
established
at
p
'ing-ch
'eng
in
southern
shansi.
he
attracted
more
and
more
of
the
chinese
gentry
,
who
were
glad
to
come
to
this
still
rather
barbaric
but
well-organized
court.
in
##number##
the
first
attack
was
made
on
the
chinese
capital
,
loyang.
liu
yuean
died
in
the
following
year
,
and
in
##number##
,
under
his
successor
liu
ts
'ung
(
##number##
)
,
the
attack
was
renewed
and
loyang
fell.
the
chin
emperor
,
huai
ti
,
was
captured
and
kept
a
prisoner
in
p
'ing-ch
'eng
until
in
##number##
a
conspiracy
in
his
favour
was
brought
to
light
in
the
hun
empire
,
and
he
and
all
his
supporters
were
killed.
meanwhile
the
chinese
clique
of
the
chin
dynasty
had
hastened
to
make
a
prince
emperor
in
the
second
capital
,
ch
'ang-an
(
min
ti
,
##number##
)
while
the
princes
'
struggles
for
the
throne
continued.
nobody
troubled
about
the
fate
of
the
unfortunate
emperor
in
his
capital.
he
received
no
reinforcements
,
so
that
he
was
helpless
in
face
of
the
next
attack
of
the
huns
,
and
in
##number##
he
was
compelled
to
surrender
like
his
predecessor.
now
the
hun
han
dynasty
held
both
capitals
,
which
meant
virtually
the
whole
of
the
western
part
of
north
china
,
and
the
so-called
"
western
chin
dynasty
"
thus
came
to
its
end.
its
princes
and
generals
and
many
of
its
gentry
became
landless
and
homeless
and
had
to
flee
into
the
south.
(
c
)
the
alien
empires
in
north
china
,
down
to
the
toba
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
_the
later
chao
dynasty
in
eastern
north
china
(
hun_
;
##number##
)
at
this
time
the
eastern
part
of
north
china
was
entirely
in
the
hands
of
shih
lo
,
a
former
follower
of
liu
yuean.
shih
lo
had
escaped
from
slavery
in
china
and
had
risen
to
be
a
military
leader
among
detribalized
huns.
in
##number##
he
had
not
only
undertaken
a
great
campaign
right
across
china
to
the
south
,
but
had
slaughtered
more
than
##number##
chinese
,
including
forty-eight
princes
of
the
chin
dynasty
,
who
had
formed
a
vast
burial
procession
for
a
prince.
this
achievement
added
considerably
to
shih
lo
's
power
,
and
his
relations
with
liu
ts
'ung
,
already
tense
,
became
still
more
so.
liu
yuean
had
tried
to
organize
the
hun
state
on
the
chinese
model
,
intending
in
this
way
to
gain
efficient
control
of
china
;
shih
lo
rejected
chinese
methods
,
and
held
to
the
old
warrior-nomad
tradition
,
making
raids
with
the
aid
of
nomad
fighters.
he
did
not
contemplate
holding
the
territories
of
central
and
southern
china
which
he
had
conquered
;
he
withdrew
,
and
in
the
two
years
##number##
he
contented
himself
with
bringing
considerable
expanses
in
north-eastern
china
,
especially
territories
of
the
hsien-pi
,
under
his
direct
rule
,
as
a
base
for
further
raids.
many
huns
in
liu
ts
'ung
's
dominion
found
shih
lo
's
method
of
rule
more
to
their
taste
than
living
in
a
state
ruled
by
officials
,
and
they
went
over
to
shih
lo
and
joined
him
in
breaking
entirely
with
liu
ts
'ung.
there
was
a
further
motive
for
this
:
in
states
founded
by
nomads
,
with
a
federation
of
tribes
as
their
basis
,
the
personal
qualities
of
the
ruler
played
an
important
part.
the
chiefs
of
the
various
tribes
would
not
give
unqualified
allegiance
to
the
son
of
a
dead
ruler
unless
the
son
was
a
strong
personality
or
gave
promise
of
becoming
one.
failing
that
,
there
would
be
independence
movements.
liu
ts
'ung
did
not
possess
the
indisputable
charisma
of
his
predecessor
liu
yuean
;
and
the
huns
looked
with
contempt
on
his
court
splendour
,
which
could
only
have
been
justified
if
he
had
conquered
all
china.
liu
ts
'ung
had
no
such
ambition
;
nor
had
his
successor
liu
yao
(
##number##
)
,
who
gave
the
hun
han
dynasty
retroactively
,
from
its
start
with
liu
yuean
,
the
new
name
of
"
earlier
chao
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
many
tribes
then
went
over
to
shih
lo
,
and
the
remainder
of
liu
yao
's
empire
was
reduced
to
a
precarious
existence.
in
##number##
the
whole
of
it
was
annexed
by
shih
lo.
although
shih
lo
had
long
been
much
more
powerful
than
the
emperors
of
the
"
earlier
chao
dynasty
"
,
until
their
removal
he
had
not
ventured
to
assume
the
title
of
emperor.
the
reason
for
this
seems
to
have
lain
in
the
conceptions
of
nobility
held
by
the
turkish
peoples
in
general
and
the
huns
in
particular
,
according
to
which
only
those
could
become
_shan-yue_
(
or
,
later
,
emperor
)
who
could
show
descent
from
the
tu-ku
tribe
the
rightful
_shan-yue_
stock.
in
accordance
with
this
conception
,
all
later
hun
dynasties
deliberately
disowned
shih
lo.
for
shih
lo
,
after
his
destruction
of
liu
yao
,
no
longer
hesitated
:
ex-slave
as
he
was
,
and
descended
from
one
of
the
non-noble
stocks
of
the
huns
,
he
made
himself
emperor
of
the
"
later
chao
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
shih
lo
was
a
forceful
army
commander
,
but
he
was
a
man
without
statesmanship
,
and
without
the
culture
of
his
day.
he
had
no
chinese
education
;
he
hated
the
chinese
and
would
have
been
glad
to
make
north
china
a
grazing
ground
for
his
nomad
tribes
of
huns.
accordingly
he
had
no
desire
to
rule
all
china.
the
part
already
subjugated
,
embracing
the
whole
of
north
china
with
the
exception
of
the
present
province
of
kansu
,
sufficed
for
his
purpose.
the
governor
of
that
province
was
a
loyal
subject
of
the
chinese
chin
dynasty
,
a
man
famous
for
his
good
administration
,
and
himself
a
chinese.
after
the
execution
of
the
chin
emperor
huai
ti
by
the
huns
in
##number##
,
he
regarded
himself
as
no
longer
bound
to
the
central
government
;
he
made
himself
independent
and
founded
the
"
earlier
liang
dynasty
"
,
which
was
to
last
until
##number##
this
mainly
chinese
realm
was
not
very
large
,
although
it
had
admitted
a
broad
stream
of
chinese
emigrants
from
the
dissolving
chin
empire
;
but
economically
the
liang
realm
was
very
prosperous
,
so
that
it
was
able
to
extend
its
influence
as
far
as
turkestan.
during
the
earlier
struggles
turkestan
had
been
virtually
in
isolation
,
but
now
new
contacts
began
to
be
established.
many
traders
from
turkestan
set
up
branches
in
liang.
in
the
capital
there
were
whole
quarters
inhabited
only
by
aliens
from
western
and
eastern
turkestan
and
from
india.
with
the
traders
came
buddhist
monks
;
trade
and
buddhism
seemed
to
be
closely
associated
everywhere.
in
the
trading
centres
monasteries
were
installed
in
the
form
of
blocks
of
houses
within
strong
walls
that
successfully
resisted
many
an
attack.
consequently
the
buddhists
were
able
to
serve
as
bankers
for
the
merchants
,
who
deposited
their
money
in
the
monasteries
,
which
made
a
charge
for
its
custody
;
the
merchants
also
warehoused
their
goods
in
the
monasteries.
sometimes
the
process
was
reversed
,
a
trade
centre
being
formed
around
an
existing
monastery.
in
this
case
the
monastery
also
served
as
a
hostel
for
the
merchants.
economically
this
chinese
state
in
kansu
was
much
more
like
a
turkestan
city
state
that
lived
by
commerce
than
the
agrarian
states
of
the
far
east
,
although
agriculture
was
also
pursued
under
the
earlier
liang.
from
this
trip
to
the
remote
west
we
will
return
first
to
the
hun
capital.
from
##number##
onward
shih
lo
possessed
a
wide
empire
,
but
an
unstable
one.
he
himself
felt
at
all
times
insecure
,
because
the
huns
regarded
him
,
on
account
of
his
humble
origin
,
as
a
"
revolutionary
"
.
he
exterminated
every
member
of
the
liu
family
,
that
is
to
say
the
old
_shan-yue_
family
,
of
whom
he
could
get
hold
,
in
order
to
remove
any
possible
pretender
to
the
throne
;
but
he
could
not
count
on
the
loyalty
of
the
hun
and
other
turkish
tribes
under
his
rule.
during
this
period
not
a
few
huns
went
over
to
the
small
realm
of
the
toba
;
other
hun
tribes
withdrew
entirely
from
the
political
scene
and
lived
with
their
herds
as
nomad
tribes
in
shansi
and
in
the
ordos
region.
the
general
insecurity
undermined
the
strength
of
shih
lo
's
empire.
he
died
in
##number##
,
and
there
came
to
the
throne
,
after
a
short
interregnum
,
another
personality
of
a
certain
greatness
,
shih
hu
(
##number##
)
.
he
transferred
the
capital
to
the
city
of
yeh
,
in
northern
honan
,
where
the
rulers
of
the
wei
dynasty
had
reigned.
there
are
many
accounts
of
the
magnificence
of
the
court
of
yeh.
foreigners
,
especially
buddhist
monks
,
played
a
greater
part
there
than
chinese.
on
the
one
hand
,
it
was
not
easy
for
shih
hu
to
gain
the
active
support
of
the
educated
chinese
gentry
after
the
murders
of
shih
lo
and
,
on
the
other
hand
,
shih
hu
seems
to
have
understood
that
foreigners
without
family
and
without
other
relations
to
the
native
population
,
but
with
special
skills
,
are
the
most
reliable
and
loyal
servants
of
a
ruler.
indeed
,
his
administration
seems
to
have
been
good
,
but
the
regime
remained
completely
parasitic
,
with
no
support
of
the
masses
or
the
gentry.
after
shih
hu
's
death
there
were
fearful
combats
between
his
sons
;
ultimately
a
member
of
an
entirely
different
family
of
hun
origin
seized
power
,
but
was
destroyed
in
##number##
by
the
hsien-pi
,
bringing
to
an
end
the
later
chao
dynasty.
##number##
_earlier
yen
dynasty
in
the
north-east
(
proto-mongol
;
##number##
)
,
and
the
earlier
ch
'in
dynasty
in
all
north
china
(
tibetan
;
351-394_
)
in
the
north
,
proto-mongol
hsien-pi
tribes
had
again
made
themselves
independent
;
in
the
past
they
had
been
subjects
of
liu
yuean
and
then
of
shih
lo.
a
man
belonging
to
one
of
these
tribes
,
the
tribe
of
the
mu-jung
,
became
the
leader
of
a
league
of
tribes
,
and
in
##number##
founded
the
state
of
yen.
this
proto-mongol
state
of
the
mu-jung
,
which
the
historians
call
the
"
earlier
yen
"
state
,
conquered
parts
of
southern
manchuria
and
also
the
state
of
kao-li
in
korea
,
and
there
began
then
an
immigration
of
hsien-pi
into
korea
,
which
became
noticeable
at
a
later
date.
the
conquest
of
korea
,
which
was
still
,
as
in
the
past
,
a
japanese
market
and
was
very
wealthy
,
enormously
strengthened
the
state
of
yen.
not
until
a
little
later
,
when
japan
's
trade
relations
were
diverted
to
central
china
,
did
korea
's
importance
begin
to
diminish.
although
this
"
earlier
yen
dynasty
"
of
the
mu-jung
officially
entered
on
the
heritage
of
the
huns
,
and
its
regime
was
therefore
dated
only
from
##number##
(
until
##number##
)
,
it
failed
either
to
subjugate
the
whole
realm
of
the
"
later
chao
"
or
effectively
to
strengthen
the
state
it
had
acquired.
this
old
hun
territory
had
suffered
economically
from
the
anti-agrarian
nomad
tendency
of
the
last
of
the
hun
emperors
;
and
unremunerative
wars
against
the
chinese
in
the
south
had
done
nothing
to
improve
its
position.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
realm
of
the
toba
was
dangerously
gaining
strength
on
the
flank
of
the
new
empire.
but
the
most
dangerous
enemy
was
in
the
west
,
on
former
hun
soil
,
in
the
province
of
shensi
--
tibetans
,
who
finally
came
forward
once
more
with
claims
to
dominance.
these
were
tibetans
of
the
p
'u
family
,
which
later
changed
its
name
to
fu.
the
head
of
the
family
had
worked
his
way
up
as
a
leader
of
tibetan
auxiliaries
under
the
"
later
chao
"
,
gaining
more
and
more
power
and
following.
when
under
that
dynasty
the
death
of
shih
hu
marked
the
beginning
of
general
dissolution
,
he
gathered
his
tibetans
around
him
in
the
west
,
declared
himself
independent
of
the
huns
,
and
made
himself
emperor
of
the
"
earlier
ch
'in
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
he
died
in
##number##
,
and
was
followed
after
a
short
interregnum
by
fu
chien
(
##number##
)
,
who
was
unquestionably
one
of
the
most
important
figures
of
the
fourth
century.
this
tibetan
empire
ultimately
defeated
the
"
earlier
yen
dynasty
"
and
annexed
the
realm
of
the
mu-jung.
thus
the
mu-jung
hsien-pi
came
under
the
dominion
of
the
tibetans
;
they
were
distributed
among
a
number
of
places
as
garrisons
of
mounted
troops.
the
empire
of
the
tibetans
was
organized
quite
differently
from
the
empires
of
the
huns
and
the
hsien-pi
tribes.
the
tibetan
organization
was
purely
military
and
had
nothing
to
do
with
tribal
structure.
this
had
its
advantages
,
for
the
leader
of
such
a
formation
had
no
need
to
take
account
of
tribal
chieftains
;
he
was
answerable
to
no
one
and
possessed
considerable
personal
power.
nor
was
there
any
need
for
him
to
be
of
noble
rank
or
descended
from
an
old
family.
the
tibetan
ruler
fu
chien
organized
all
his
troops
,
including
the
non-tibetans
,
on
this
system
,
without
regard
to
tribal
membership.
fu
chien
's
state
showed
another
innovation
:
the
armies
of
the
huns
and
the
hsien-pi
had
consisted
entirely
of
cavalry
,
for
the
nomads
of
the
north
were
,
of
course
,
horsemen
;
to
fight
on
foot
was
in
their
eyes
not
only
contrary
to
custom
but
contemptible.
so
long
as
a
state
consisted
only
of
a
league
of
tribes
,
it
was
simply
out
of
the
question
to
transform
part
of
the
army
into
infantry.
fu
chien
,
however
,
with
his
military
organization
that
paid
no
attention
to
the
tribal
element
,
created
an
infantry
in
addition
to
the
great
cavalry
units
,
recruiting
for
it
large
numbers
of
chinese.
the
infantry
proved
extremely
valuable
,
especially
in
the
fighting
in
the
plains
of
north
china
and
in
laying
siege
to
fortified
towns.
fu
chien
thus
very
quickly
achieved
military
predominance
over
the
neighbouring
states.
as
we
have
seen
already
,
he
annexed
the
"
earlier
yen
"
realm
of
the
proto-mongols
(
##number##
)
,
but
he
also
annihilated
the
chinese
"
earlier
liang
"
realm
(
##number##
)
and
in
the
same
year
the
small
turkish
toba
realm.
this
made
him
supreme
over
all
north
china
and
stronger
than
any
alien
ruler
before
him.
he
had
in
his
possession
both
the
ancient
capitals
,
ch
'ang-an
and
loyang
;
the
whole
of
the
rich
agricultural
regions
of
north
china
belonged
to
him
;
he
also
controlled
the
routes
to
turkestan.
he
himself
had
a
chinese
education
,
and
he
attracted
chinese
to
his
court
;
he
protected
the
buddhists
;
and
he
tried
in
every
way
to
make
the
whole
country
culturally
chinese.
as
soon
as
fu
chien
had
all
north
china
in
his
power
,
as
liu
yuean
and
his
huns
had
done
before
him
,
he
resolved
,
like
liu
yuean
,
to
make
every
effort
to
gain
the
mastery
over
all
china
,
to
become
emperor
of
china.
liu
yuean
's
successors
had
not
had
the
capacity
for
which
such
a
venture
called
;
fu
chien
was
to
fail
in
it
for
other
reasons.
yet
,
from
a
military
point
of
view
,
his
chances
were
not
bad.
he
had
far
more
soldiers
under
his
command
than
the
chinese
"
eastern
chin
dynasty
"
which
ruled
the
south
,
and
his
troops
were
undoubtedly
better.
in
the
time
of
the
founder
of
the
tibetan
dynasty
the
southern
empire
had
been
utterly
defeated
by
his
troops
(
##number##
)
,
and
the
south
chinese
were
no
stronger
now.
against
them
the
north
had
these
assets
:
the
possession
of
the
best
northern
tillage
,
the
control
of
the
trade
routes
,
and
"
chinese
"
culture
and
administration.
at
the
time
,
however
,
these
represented
only
potentialities
and
not
tangible
realities.
it
would
have
taken
ten
to
twenty
years
to
restore
the
capacities
of
the
north
after
its
devastation
in
many
wars
,
to
reorganize
commerce
,
and
to
set
up
a
really
reliable
administration
,
and
thus
to
interlock
the
various
elements
and
consolidate
the
various
tribes.
but
as
early
as
##number##
fu
chien
started
his
great
campaign
against
the
south
,
with
an
army
of
something
like
a
million
men.
at
first
the
advance
went
well.
the
horsemen
from
the
north
,
however
,
were
men
of
the
mountain
country
,
and
in
the
soggy
plains
of
the
yangtze
region
,
cut
up
by
hundreds
of
water-courses
and
canals
,
they
suffered
from
climatic
and
natural
conditions
to
which
they
were
unaccustomed.
their
main
strength
was
still
in
cavalry
;
and
they
came
to
grief.
the
supplies
and
reinforcements
for
the
vast
army
failed
to
arrive
in
time
;
units
did
not
reach
the
appointed
places
at
the
appointed
dates.
the
southern
troops
under
the
supreme
command
of
hsieh
hsuean
,
far
inferior
in
numbers
and
militarily
of
no
great
efficiency
,
made
surprise
attacks
on
isolated
units
before
these
were
in
regular
formation.
some
they
defeated
,
others
they
bribed
;
they
spread
false
reports.
fu
chien
's
army
was
seized
with
widespread
panic
,
so
that
he
was
compelled
to
retreat
in
haste.
as
he
did
so
it
became
evident
that
his
empire
had
no
inner
stability
:
in
a
very
short
time
it
fell
into
fragments.
the
south
chinese
had
played
no
direct
part
in
this
,
for
in
spite
of
their
victory
they
were
not
strong
enough
to
advance
far
to
the
north.
##number##
_the
fragmentation
of
north
china_
the
first
to
fall
away
from
the
tibetan
ruler
was
a
noble
of
the
mu-jung
,
a
member
of
the
ruling
family
of
the
"
earlier
yen
dynasty
"
,
who
withdrew
during
the
actual
fighting
to
pursue
a
policy
of
his
own.
with
the
vestiges
of
the
hsien-pi
who
followed
him
,
mostly
cavalry
,
he
fought
his
way
northward
into
the
old
homeland
of
the
hsien-pi
and
there
,
in
central
hopei
,
founded
the
"
later
yen
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
,
himself
reigning
for
twelve
years.
in
the
remaining
thirteen
years
of
the
existence
of
that
dynasty
there
were
no
fewer
than
five
rulers
,
the
last
of
them
a
member
of
another
family.
the
history
of
this
hsien-pi
dynasty
,
as
of
its
predecessor
,
is
an
unedifying
succession
of
intrigues
;
no
serious
effort
was
made
to
build
up
a
true
state.
in
the
same
year
##number##
there
was
founded
,
under
several
other
mu-jung
princes
of
the
ruling
family
of
the
"
earlier
yen
dynasty
"
,
the
"
western
yen
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
its
nucleus
was
nothing
more
than
a
detachment
of
troops
of
the
hsien-pi
which
had
been
thrown
by
fu
chien
into
the
west
of
his
empire
,
in
shensi
,
in
the
neighbourhood
of
the
old
capital
ch
'ang-an.
there
its
commanders
,
on
learning
the
news
of
fu
chien
's
collapse
,
declared
their
independence.
in
western
china
,
however
,
far
removed
from
all
liaison
with
the
main
body
of
the
hsien-pi
,
they
were
unable
to
establish
themselves
,
and
when
they
tried
to
fight
their
way
to
the
north-east
they
were
dispersed
,
so
that
they
failed
entirely
to
form
an
actual
state.
there
was
a
third
attempt
in
##number##
to
form
a
state
in
north
china.
a
tibetan
who
had
joined
fu
chien
with
his
followers
declared
himself
independent
when
fu
chien
came
back
,
a
beaten
man
,
to
shensi.
he
caused
fu
chien
and
almost
the
whole
of
his
family
to
be
assassinated
,
occupied
the
capital
,
ch
'ang-an
,
and
actually
entered
into
the
heritage
of
fu
chien.
this
tibetan
dynasty
is
known
as
the
"
later
ch
'in
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
it
was
certainly
the
strongest
of
those
founded
in
##number##
,
but
it
still
failed
to
dominate
any
considerable
part
of
china
and
remained
of
local
importance
,
mainly
confined
to
the
present
province
of
shensi.
fu
chien
's
empire
nominally
had
three
further
rulers
,
but
they
did
not
exert
the
slightest
influence
on
events.
with
the
collapse
of
the
state
founded
by
fu
chien
,
the
tribes
of
hsien-pi
who
had
left
their
homeland
in
the
third
century
and
migrated
to
the
ordos
region
proceeded
to
form
their
own
state
:
a
man
of
the
hsien-pi
tribe
of
the
ch
'i-fu
founded
the
so-called
"
western
ch
'in
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
like
the
other
hsien-pi
states
,
this
one
was
of
weak
construction
,
resting
on
the
military
strength
of
a
few
tribes
and
failing
to
attain
a
really
secure
basis.
its
territory
lay
in
the
east
of
the
present
province
of
kansu
,
and
so
controlled
the
eastern
end
of
the
western
asian
caravan
route
,
which
might
have
been
a
source
of
wealth
if
the
ch
'i-fu
had
succeeded
in
attracting
commerce
by
discreet
treatment
and
in
imposing
taxation
on
it.
instead
of
this
,
the
bulk
of
the
long-distance
traffic
passed
through
the
ordos
region
,
a
little
farther
north
,
avoiding
the
ch
'i-fu
state
,
which
seemed
to
the
merchants
to
be
too
insecure.
the
ch
'i-fu
depended
mainly
on
cattle-breeding
in
the
remote
mountain
country
in
the
south
of
their
territory
,
a
region
that
gave
them
relative
security
from
attack
;
on
the
other
hand
,
this
made
them
unable
to
exercise
any
influence
on
the
course
of
political
events
in
western
china.
mention
must
be
made
of
one
more
state
that
rose
from
the
ruins
of
fu
chien
's
empire.
it
lay
in
the
far
west
of
china
,
in
the
western
part
of
the
present
province
of
kansu
,
and
was
really
a
continuation
of
the
chinese
"
earlier
liang
"
realm
,
which
had
been
annexed
ten
years
earlier
(
##number##
)
by
fu
chien.
a
year
before
his
great
march
to
the
south
,
fu
chien
had
sent
the
tibetan
lue
kuang
into
the
"
earlier
liang
"
region
in
order
to
gain
influence
over
turkestan.
as
mentioned
previously
,
after
the
great
hun
rulers
fu
chien
was
the
first
to
make
a
deliberate
attempt
to
secure
cultural
and
political
overlordship
over
the
whole
of
china.
although
himself
a
tibetan
,
he
never
succumbed
to
the
temptation
of
pursuing
a
"
tibetan
"
policy
;
like
an
entirely
legitimate
ruler
of
china
,
he
was
concerned
to
prevent
the
northern
peoples
along
the
frontier
from
uniting
with
the
tibetan
peoples
of
the
west
for
political
ends.
the
possession
of
turkestan
would
avert
that
danger
,
which
had
shown
signs
of
becoming
imminent
of
late
:
some
tribes
of
the
hsien-pi
had
migrated
as
far
as
the
high
mountains
of
tibet
and
had
imposed
themselves
as
a
ruling
class
on
the
still
very
primitive
tibetans
living
there.
from
this
symbiosis
there
began
to
be
formed
a
new
people
,
the
so-called
t
'u-yue-hun
,
a
hybridization
of
mongol
and
tibetan
stock
with
a
slight
turkish
admixture.
lue
kuang
had
considerable
success
in
turkestan
;
he
had
brought
considerable
portions
of
eastern
turkestan
under
fu
chien
's
sovereignty
and
administered
those
regions
almost
independently.
when
the
news
came
of
fu
chien
's
end
,
he
declared
himself
an
independent
ruler
,
of
the
"
later
liang
"
dynasty
(
##number##
)
.
strictly
speaking
,
this
was
simply
a
trading
state
,
like
the
city-states
of
turkestan
:
its
basis
was
the
transit
traffic
that
brought
it
prosperity.
for
commerce
brought
good
profit
to
the
small
states
that
lay
right
across
the
caravan
route
,
whereas
it
was
of
doubtful
benefit
,
as
we
know
,
to
agrarian
china
as
a
whole
,
because
the
luxury
goods
which
it
supplied
to
the
court
were
paid
for
out
of
the
production
of
the
general
population.
this
"
later
liang
"
realm
was
inhabited
not
only
by
a
few
tibetans
and
many
chinese
,
but
also
by
hsien-pi
and
huns.
these
heterogeneous
elements
with
their
divergent
cultures
failed
in
the
long
run
to
hold
together
in
this
long
but
extremely
narrow
strip
of
territory
,
which
was
almost
incapable
of
military
defence.
as
early
as
##number##
a
group
of
huns
in
the
central
section
of
the
country
made
themselves
independent
,
assuming
the
name
of
the
"
northern
liang
"
(
##number##
)
.
these
huns
quickly
conquered
other
parts
of
the
"
later
liang
"
realm
,
which
then
fell
entirely
to
pieces.
chinese
again
founded
a
state
,
"
west
liang
"
(
##number##
)
in
western
kansu
,
and
the
hsien-pi
founded
"
south
liang
"
(
##number##
)
in
eastern
kansu.
thus
the
"
later
liang
"
fell
into
three
parts
,
more
or
less
differing
ethnically
,
though
they
could
not
be
described
as
ethnically
unadulterated
states.
##number##
_sociological
analysis
of
the
two
great
alien
empires_
the
two
great
empires
of
north
china
at
the
time
of
its
division
had
been
founded
by
non-chinese
--
the
first
by
the
hun
liu
yuean
,
the
second
by
the
tibetan
fu
chien.
both
rulers
went
to
work
on
the
same
principle
of
trying
to
build
up
truly
"
chinese
"
empires
,
but
the
traditions
of
huns
and
tibetans
differed
,
and
the
two
experiments
turned
out
differently.
both
failed
,
but
not
for
the
same
reasons
and
not
with
the
same
results.
the
hun
liu
yuean
was
the
ruler
of
a
league
of
feudal
tribes
,
which
was
expected
to
take
its
place
as
an
upper
class
above
the
unchanged
chinese
agricultural
population
with
its
system
of
officials
and
gentry.
but
liu
yuean
's
successors
were
national
reactionaries
who
stood
for
the
maintenance
of
the
nomad
life
against
that
new
plan
of
transition
to
a
feudal
class
of
urban
nobles
ruling
an
agrarian
population.
liu
yuean
's
more
far-seeing
policy
was
abandoned
,
with
the
result
that
the
huns
were
no
longer
in
a
position
to
rule
an
immense
agrarian
territory
,
and
the
empire
soon
disintegrated.
for
the
various
hun
tribes
this
failure
meant
falling
back
into
political
insignificance
,
but
they
were
able
to
maintain
their
national
character
and
existence.
fu
chien
,
as
a
tibetan
,
was
a
militarist
and
soldier
,
in
accordance
with
the
past
of
the
tibetans.
under
him
were
grouped
tibetans
without
tribal
chieftains
;
the
great
mass
of
chinese
;
and
dispersed
remnants
of
tribes
of
huns
,
hsien-pi
,
and
others.
his
organization
was
militaristic
and
,
outside
the
military
sphere
,
a
militaristic
bureaucracy.
the
chinese
gentry
,
so
far
as
they
still
existed
,
preferred
to
work
with
him
rather
than
with
the
feudalist
huns.
these
gentry
probably
supported
fu
chien
's
southern
campaign
,
for
,
in
consequence
of
the
wide
ramifications
of
their
families
,
it
was
to
their
interest
that
china
should
form
a
single
economic
unit.
they
were
,
of
course
,
equally
ready
to
work
with
another
group
,
one
of
southern
chinese
,
to
attain
the
same
end
by
other
means
,
if
those
means
should
prove
more
advantageous
:
thus
the
gentry
were
not
a
reliable
asset
,
but
were
always
ready
to
break
faith.
among
other
things
,
fu
chien
's
southern
campaign
was
wrecked
by
that
faithlessness.
when
an
essentially
military
state
suffers
military
defeat
,
it
can
only
go
to
pieces.
this
explains
the
disintegration
of
that
great
empire
within
a
single
year
into
so
many
diminutive
states
,
as
already
described.
##number##
_sociological
analysis
of
the
petty
states_
the
states
that
took
the
place
of
fu
chien
's
empire
,
those
many
diminutive
states
(
the
chinese
speak
of
the
period
of
the
sixteen
kingdoms
)
,
may
be
divided
from
the
economic
point
of
view
into
two
groups
--
trading
states
and
warrior
states
;
sociologically
they
also
fall
into
two
groups
,
tribal
states
and
military
states.
the
small
states
in
the
west
,
in
kansu
(
the
later
liang
and
the
western
,
northern
,
and
southern
liang
)
,
were
trading
states
:
they
lived
on
the
earnings
of
transit
trade
with
turkestan.
the
eastern
states
were
warrior
states
,
in
which
an
army
commander
ruled
by
means
of
an
armed
group
of
non-chinese
and
exploited
an
agricultural
population.
it
is
only
logical
that
such
states
should
be
short-lived
,
as
in
fact
they
all
were.
sociologically
regarded
,
during
this
period
only
the
southern
and
northern
liang
were
still
tribal
states.
in
addition
to
these
came
the
young
toba
realm
,
which
began
in
##number##
but
of
which
mention
has
not
yet
been
made.
the
basis
of
that
state
was
the
tribe
,
not
the
family
or
the
individual
;
after
its
political
disintegration
the
separate
tribes
remained
in
existence.
the
other
states
of
the
east
,
however
,
were
military
states
,
made
up
of
individuals
with
no
tribal
allegiance
but
subject
to
a
military
commandant.
but
where
there
is
no
tribal
association
,
after
the
political
downfall
of
a
state
founded
by
ethnical
groups
,
those
groups
sooner
or
later
disappear
as
such.
we
see
this
in
the
years
immediately
following
fu
chien
's
collapse
:
the
tibetan
ethnical
group
to
which
he
himself
belonged
disappeared
entirely
from
the
historical
scene.
the
two
tibetan
groups
that
outlasted
him
,
also
forming
military
states
and
not
tribal
states
,
similarly
came
to
an
end
shortly
afterwards
for
all
time.
the
hsien-pi
groups
in
the
various
fragments
of
the
empire
,
with
the
exception
of
the
petty
states
in
kansu
,
also
continued
,
only
as
tribal
fragments
led
by
a
few
old
ruling
families.
they
,
too
,
after
brief
and
undistinguished
military
rule
,
came
to
an
end
;
they
disappeared
so
completely
that
thereafter
we
no
longer
find
the
term
hsien-pi
in
history.
not
that
they
had
been
exterminated.
when
the
social
structure
and
its
corresponding
economic
form
fall
to
pieces
,
there
remain
only
two
alternatives
for
its
individuals.
either
they
must
go
over
to
a
new
form
,
which
in
china
could
only
mean
that
they
became
chinese
;
many
hsien-pi
in
this
way
became
chinese
in
the
decades
following
##number##
or
,
they
could
retain
their
old
way
of
living
in
association
with
another
stock
of
similar
formation
;
this
,
too
,
happened
in
many
cases.
both
these
courses
,
however
,
meant
the
end
of
the
hsien-pi
as
an
independent
ethnical
unit.
we
must
keep
this
process
and
its
reasons
in
view
if
we
are
to
understand
how
a
great
people
can
disappear
once
and
for
all.
the
huns
,
too
,
so
powerful
in
the
past
,
were
suddenly
scarcely
to
be
found
any
longer.
among
the
many
petty
states
there
were
many
hsien-pi
kingdoms
,
but
only
a
single
,
quite
small
hun
state
,
that
of
the
northern
liang.
the
disappearance
of
the
huns
was
,
however
,
only
apparent
;
at
this
time
they
remained
in
the
ordos
region
and
in
shansi
as
separate
nomad
tribes
with
no
integrating
political
organization
;
their
time
had
still
to
come.
##number##
_spread
of
buddhism_
according
to
the
prevalent
chinese
view
,
nothing
of
importance
was
achieved
during
this
period
in
north
china
in
the
intellectual
sphere
;
there
was
no
culture
in
the
north
,
only
in
the
south.
this
is
natural
:
for
a
confucian
this
period
,
the
fourth
century
,
was
one
of
degeneracy
in
north
china
,
for
no
one
came
into
prominence
as
a
celebrated
confucian.
nothing
else
could
be
expected
,
for
in
the
north
the
gentry
,
which
had
been
the
class
that
maintained
confucianism
since
the
han
period
,
had
largely
been
destroyed
;
from
political
leadership
especially
it
had
been
shut
out
during
the
periods
of
alien
rule.
nor
could
we
expect
to
find
taoists
in
the
true
sense
,
that
is
to
say
followers
of
the
teaching
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
,
for
these
,
too
,
had
been
dependent
since
the
han
period
on
the
gentry.
until
the
fourth
century
,
these
two
had
remained
the
dominant
philosophies.
what
could
take
their
place
?
the
alien
rulers
had
left
little
behind
them.
most
of
them
had
been
unable
to
write
chinese
,
and
in
so
far
as
they
were
warriors
they
had
no
interest
in
literature
or
in
political
philosophy
,
for
they
were
men
of
action.
few
songs
and
poems
of
theirs
remain
extant
in
translations
from
their
language
into
chinese
,
but
these
preserve
a
strong
alien
flavour
in
their
mental
attitude
and
in
their
diction.
they
are
the
songs
of
fighting
men
,
songs
that
were
sung
on
horseback
,
songs
of
war
and
its
sufferings.
these
songs
have
nothing
of
the
excessive
formalism
and
aestheticism
of
the
chinese
,
but
give
expression
to
simple
emotions
in
unpolished
language
with
a
direct
appeal.
the
epic
of
the
turkish
peoples
had
clearly
been
developed
already
,
and
in
north
china
it
produced
a
rudimentary
ballad
literature
,
to
which
four
hundred
years
later
no
less
attention
was
paid
than
to
the
emotional
world
of
contemporary
songs.
the
actual
literature
,
however
,
and
the
philosophy
of
this
period
are
buddhist.
how
can
we
explain
that
buddhism
had
gained
such
influence
?
it
will
be
remembered
that
buddhism
came
to
china
overland
and
by
sea
in
the
han
epoch.
the
missionary
monks
who
came
from
abroad
with
the
foreign
merchants
found
little
approval
among
the
chinese
gentry.
they
were
regarded
as
second-rate
persons
belonging
,
according
to
chinese
notions
,
to
an
inferior
social
class.
thus
the
monks
had
to
turn
to
the
middle
and
lower
classes
in
china.
among
these
they
found
widespread
acceptance
,
not
of
their
profound
philosophic
ideas
,
but
of
their
doctrine
of
the
after
life.
this
doctrine
was
in
a
certain
sense
revolutionary
:
it
declared
that
all
the
high
officials
and
superiors
who
treated
the
people
so
unjustly
and
who
so
exploited
them
,
would
in
their
next
reincarnation
be
born
in
poor
circumstances
or
into
inferior
rank
and
would
have
to
suffer
punishment
for
all
their
ill
deeds.
the
poor
who
had
to
suffer
undeserved
evils
would
be
born
in
their
next
life
into
high
rank
and
would
have
a
good
time.
this
doctrine
brought
a
ray
of
light
,
a
promise
,
to
the
country
people
who
had
suffered
so
much
since
the
later
han
period
of
the
second
century
a.d.
their
situation
remained
unaltered
down
to
the
fourth
century
;
and
under
their
alien
rulers
the
chinese
country
population
became
buddhist.
the
merchants
made
use
of
the
buddhist
monasteries
as
banks
and
warehouses.
thus
they
,
too
,
were
well
inclined
towards
buddhism
and
gave
money
and
land
for
its
temples.
the
temples
were
able
to
settle
peasants
on
this
land
as
their
tenants.
in
those
times
a
temple
was
a
more
reliable
landlord
than
an
individual
alien
,
and
the
poorer
peasants
readily
became
temple
tenants
;
this
increased
their
inclination
towards
buddhism.
the
indian
,
sogdian
,
and
turkestani
monks
were
readily
allowed
to
settle
by
the
alien
rulers
of
china
,
who
had
no
national
prejudice
against
other
aliens.
the
monks
were
educated
men
and
brought
some
useful
knowledge
from
abroad.
educated
chinese
were
scarcely
to
be
found
,
for
the
gentry
retired
to
their
estates
,
which
they
protected
as
well
as
they
could
from
their
alien
ruler.
so
long
as
the
gentry
had
no
prospect
of
regaining
control
of
the
threads
of
political
life
that
extended
throughout
china
,
they
were
not
prepared
to
provide
a
class
of
officials
and
scholars
for
the
anti-confucian
foreigners
,
who
showed
interest
only
in
fighting
and
trading.
thus
educated
persons
were
needed
at
the
courts
of
the
alien
rulers
,
and
buddhists
were
therefore
engaged.
these
foreign
buddhists
had
all
the
important
buddhist
writings
translated
into
chinese
,
and
so
made
use
of
their
influence
at
court
for
religious
propaganda.
this
does
not
mean
that
every
text
was
translated
from
indian
languages
;
especially
in
the
later
period
many
works
appeared
which
came
not
from
india
but
from
sogdia
or
turkestan
,
or
had
even
been
written
in
china
by
sogdians
or
other
natives
of
turkestan
,
and
were
then
translated
into
chinese.
in
turkestan
,
khotan
in
particular
became
a
centre
of
buddhist
culture.
buddhism
was
influenced
by
vestiges
of
indigenous
cults
,
so
that
khotan
developed
a
special
religious
atmosphere
of
its
own
;
deities
were
honoured
there
(
for
instance
,
the
king
of
heaven
of
the
northerners
)
to
whom
little
regard
was
paid
elsewhere.
this
"
khotan
buddhism
"
had
special
influence
on
the
buddhist
turkish
peoples.
big
translation
bureaux
were
set
up
for
the
preparation
of
these
translations
into
chinese
,
in
which
many
copyists
simultaneously
took
down
from
dictation
a
translation
made
by
a
"
master
"
with
the
aid
of
a
few
native
helpers.
the
translations
were
not
literal
,
but
were
paraphrases
,
most
of
them
greatly
reduced
in
length
,
glosses
were
introduced
when
the
translator
thought
fit
for
political
or
doctrinal
reasons
,
or
when
he
thought
that
in
this
way
he
could
better
adapt
the
texts
to
chinese
feeling.
buddhism
,
quite
apart
from
the
special
case
of
"
khotan
buddhism
"
,
underwent
extensive
modification
on
its
way
across
central
asia.
its
main
indian
form
(
hinayana
)
was
a
purely
individualistic
religion
of
salvation
without
a
god
--
related
in
this
respect
to
genuine
taoism
--
and
based
on
a
concept
of
two
classes
of
people
:
the
monks
who
could
achieve
salvation
and
,
secondly
,
the
masses
who
fed
the
monks
but
could
not
achieve
salvation.
this
religion
did
not
gain
a
footing
in
china
;
only
traces
of
it
can
be
found
in
some
buddhistic
sects
in
china.
mahayana
buddhism
,
on
the
other
hand
,
developed
into
a
true
popular
religion
of
salvation.
it
did
not
interfere
with
the
indigenous
deities
and
did
not
discountenance
life
in
human
society
;
it
did
not
recommend
nirvana
at
once
,
but
placed
before
it
a
here-after
with
all
the
joys
worth
striving
for.
in
this
form
buddhism
was
certain
of
success
in
asia.
on
its
way
from
india
to
china
it
divided
into
countless
separate
streams
,
each
characterized
by
a
particular
book.
every
nuance
,
from
profound
philosophical
treatises
to
the
most
superficial
little
tracts
written
for
the
simplest
of
souls
,
and
even
a
good
deal
of
turkestan
shamanism
and
tibetan
belief
in
magic
,
found
their
way
into
buddhist
writings
,
so
that
some
buddhist
monks
practiced
central
asian
shamanism.
in
spite
of
buddhism
,
the
old
religion
of
the
peasants
retained
its
vitality.
local
diviners
,
chinese
shamans
(
_wu_
)
,
sorcerers
,
continued
their
practices
,
although
from
now
on
they
sometimes
used
buddhist
phraseology.
often
,
this
popular
religion
is
called
"
taoism
"
,
because
a
systematization
of
the
popular
pantheon
was
attempted
,
and
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
and
other
taoists
played
a
role
in
this
pantheon.
philosophic
taoism
continued
in
this
time
,
aside
from
the
church-taoism
of
chang
ling
and
,
naturally
,
all
kinds
of
contacts
between
these
three
currents
occurred.
the
chinese
state
cult
,
the
cult
of
heaven
saturated
with
confucianism
,
was
another
living
form
of
religion.
the
alien
rulers
,
in
turn
,
had
brought
their
own
mixture
of
worship
of
heaven
and
shamanism.
their
worship
of
heaven
was
their
official
"
representative
"
religion
;
their
shamanism
the
private
religion
of
the
individual
in
his
daily
life.
the
alien
rulers
,
accordingly
,
showed
interest
in
the
chinese
shamans
as
well
as
in
the
shamanistic
aspects
of
mahayana
buddhism.
not
infrequently
competitions
were
arranged
by
the
rulers
between
priests
of
the
different
religious
systems
,
and
the
rulers
often
competed
for
the
possession
of
monks
who
were
particularly
skilled
in
magic
or
soothsaying.
but
what
was
the
position
of
the
"
official
"
religion
?
were
the
aliens
to
hold
to
their
own
worship
of
heaven
,
or
were
they
to
take
over
the
official
chinese
cult
,
or
what
else
?
this
problem
posed
itself
already
in
the
fourth
century
,
but
it
was
left
unsolved.
(
d
)
the
toba
empire
in
north
china
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
_the
rise
of
the
toba
state_
on
the
collapse
of
fu
chien
's
empire
one
more
state
made
its
appearance
;
it
has
not
yet
been
dealt
with
,
although
it
was
the
most
important
one.
this
was
the
empire
of
the
toba
,
in
the
north
of
the
present
province
of
shansi.
fu
chien
had
brought
down
the
small
old
toba
state
in
##number##
,
but
had
not
entirely
destroyed
it.
its
territory
was
partitioned
,
and
part
was
placed
under
the
administration
of
a
hun
:
in
view
of
the
old
rivalry
between
toba
and
huns
,
this
seemed
to
fu
chien
to
be
the
best
way
of
preventing
any
revival
of
the
toba.
however
,
a
descendant
of
the
old
ruling
family
of
the
toba
succeeded
,
with
the
aid
of
related
families
,
in
regaining
power
and
forming
a
small
new
kingdom.
very
soon
many
tribes
which
still
lived
in
north
china
and
which
had
not
been
broken
up
into
military
units
,
joined
him.
of
these
there
were
ultimately
##number##
,
including
many
hun
tribes
from
shansi
and
also
many
hsien-pi
tribes.
thus
the
question
who
the
toba
were
is
not
easy
to
answer.
the
leading
tribe
itself
had
migrated
southward
in
the
third
century
from
the
frontier
territory
between
northern
mongolia
and
northern
manchuria.
after
this
migration
the
first
toba
state
,
the
so-called
tai
state
,
was
formed
(
##number##
)
;
not
much
is
known
about
it.
the
tribes
that
,
from
##number##
after
the
break-up
of
the
tibetan
empire
,
grouped
themselves
round
this
ruling
tribe
,
were
both
turkish
and
mongol
;
but
from
the
culture
and
language
of
the
toba
we
think
it
must
be
inferred
that
the
ruling
tribe
itself
as
well
as
the
majority
of
the
other
tribes
were
turkish
;
in
any
case
,
the
turkish
element
seems
to
have
been
stronger
than
the
mongolian.
thus
the
new
toba
kingdom
was
a
tribal
state
,
not
a
military
state.
but
the
tribes
were
no
longer
the
same
as
in
the
time
of
liu
yuean
a
hundred
years
earlier.
their
total
population
must
have
been
quite
small
;
we
must
assume
that
they
were
but
the
remains
of
##number##
tribes
rather
than
##number##
full-sized
tribes.
only
part
of
them
were
still
living
the
old
nomad
life
;
others
had
become
used
to
living
alongside
chinese
peasants
and
had
assumed
leadership
among
the
peasants.
these
toba
now
faced
a
difficult
situation.
the
country
was
arid
and
mountainous
and
did
not
yield
much
agricultural
produce.
for
the
many
people
who
had
come
into
the
toba
state
from
all
parts
of
the
former
empire
of
fu
chien
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
needs
of
a
capital
and
a
court
which
since
the
time
of
liu
yuean
had
been
regarded
as
the
indispensable
entourage
of
a
ruler
who
claimed
imperial
rank
,
the
local
production
of
the
chinese
peasants
was
not
enough.
all
the
government
officials
,
who
were
chinese
,
and
all
the
slaves
and
eunuchs
needed
grain
to
eat.
attempts
were
made
to
settle
more
chinese
peasants
round
the
new
capital
,
but
without
success
;
something
had
to
be
done.
it
appeared
necessary
to
embark
on
a
campaign
to
conquer
the
fertile
plain
of
eastern
china.
in
the
course
of
a
number
of
battles
the
hsien-pi
of
the
"
later
yen
"
were
annihilated
and
eastern
china
conquered
(
##number##
)
.
now
a
new
question
arose
:
what
should
be
done
with
all
those
people
?
nomads
used
to
enslave
their
prisoners
and
use
them
for
watching
their
flocks.
some
tribal
chieftains
had
adopted
the
practice
of
establishing
captives
on
their
tribal
territory
as
peasants.
there
was
an
opportunity
now
to
subject
the
millions
of
chinese
captives
to
servitude
to
the
various
tribal
chieftains
in
the
usual
way.
but
those
captives
who
were
peasants
could
not
be
taken
away
from
their
fields
without
robbing
the
country
of
its
food
;
therefore
it
would
have
been
necessary
to
spread
the
tribes
over
the
whole
of
eastern
china
,
and
this
would
have
added
immensely
to
the
strength
of
the
various
tribes
and
would
have
greatly
weakened
the
central
power.
furthermore
almost
all
chinese
officials
at
the
court
had
come
originally
from
the
territories
just
conquered.
they
had
come
from
there
about
a
hundred
years
earlier
and
still
had
all
their
relatives
in
the
east.
if
the
eastern
territories
had
been
placed
under
the
rule
of
separate
tribes
,
and
the
tribes
had
been
distributed
in
this
way
,
the
gentry
in
those
territories
would
have
been
destroyed
and
reduced
to
the
position
of
enslaved
peasants.
the
chinese
officials
accordingly
persuaded
the
toba
emperor
not
to
place
the
new
territories
under
the
tribes
,
but
to
leave
them
to
be
administered
by
officials
of
the
central
administration.
these
officials
must
have
a
firm
footing
in
their
territory
,
for
only
they
could
extract
from
the
peasants
the
grain
required
for
the
support
of
the
capital.
consequently
the
toba
government
did
not
enslave
the
chinese
in
the
eastern
territory
,
but
made
the
local
gentry
into
government
officials
,
instructing
them
to
collect
as
much
grain
as
possible
for
the
capital.
this
chinese
local
gentry
worked
in
close
collaboration
with
the
chinese
officials
at
court
,
a
fact
which
determined
the
whole
fate
of
the
toba
empire.
the
hsien-pi
of
the
newly
conquered
east
no
longer
belonged
to
any
tribe
,
but
only
to
military
units.
they
were
transferred
as
soldiers
to
the
toba
court
and
placed
directly
under
the
government
,
which
was
thus
notably
strengthened
,
especially
as
the
millions
of
peasants
under
their
chinese
officials
were
also
directly
responsible
to
the
central
administration.
the
government
now
proceeded
to
convert
also
its
own
toba
tribes
into
military
formations.
the
tribal
men
of
noble
rank
were
brought
to
the
court
as
military
officers
,
and
so
were
separated
from
the
common
tribesmen
and
the
slaves
who
had
to
remain
with
the
herds.
this
change
,
which
robbed
the
tribes
of
all
means
of
independent
action
,
was
not
carried
out
without
bloodshed.
there
were
revolts
of
tribal
chieftains
which
were
ruthlessly
suppressed.
the
central
government
had
triumphed
,
but
it
realized
that
more
reliance
could
be
placed
on
chinese
than
on
its
own
people
,
who
were
used
to
independence.
thus
the
toba
were
glad
to
employ
more
and
more
chinese
,
and
the
chinese
pressed
more
and
more
into
the
administration.
in
this
process
the
differing
social
organizations
of
toba
and
chinese
played
an
important
part.
the
chinese
have
patriarchal
families
with
often
hundreds
of
members.
when
a
member
of
a
family
obtains
a
good
position
,
he
is
obliged
to
make
provision
for
the
other
members
of
his
family
and
to
secure
good
positions
for
them
too
;
and
not
only
the
members
of
his
own
family
but
those
of
allied
families
and
of
families
related
to
it
by
marriage.
in
contrast
the
toba
had
a
patriarchal
nuclear
family
system
;
as
nomad
warriors
with
no
fixed
abode
,
they
were
unable
to
form
extended
family
groups.
among
them
the
individual
was
much
more
independent
;
each
one
tried
to
do
his
best
for
himself.
no
toba
thought
of
collecting
a
large
clique
around
himself
;
everybody
should
be
the
artificer
of
his
own
fortune.
thus
,
when
a
chinese
obtained
an
official
post
,
he
was
followed
by
countless
others
;
but
when
a
toba
had
a
position
he
remained
alone
,
and
so
the
sinification
of
the
toba
empire
went
on
incessantly.
##number##
_the
hun
kingdom
of
the
hsia
(
407-431_
)
at
the
rebuilding
of
the
toba
empire
,
however
,
a
good
many
hun
tribes
withdrew
westward
into
the
ordos
region
beyond
the
reach
of
the
toba
,
and
there
they
formed
the
hun
"
hsia
"
kingdom.
its
ruler
,
ho-lien
p
'o-p
'o
,
belonged
to
the
family
of
mao
tun
and
originally
,
like
liu
yuean
,
bore
the
sinified
family
name
liu
;
but
he
altered
this
to
a
hun
name
,
taking
the
family
name
of
ho-lien.
this
one
fact
alone
demonstrates
that
the
hsia
rejected
chinese
culture
and
were
nationalistic
hun.
thus
there
were
now
two
realms
in
north
china
,
one
undergoing
progressive
sinification
,
the
other
falling
back
to
the
old
traditions
of
the
huns.
##number##
_rise
of
the
toba
to
a
great
power_
the
present
province
of
szechwan
,
in
the
west
,
had
belonged
to
fu
chien
's
empire.
at
the
break-up
of
the
tibetan
state
that
province
passed
to
the
southern
chinese
empire
and
gave
the
southern
chinese
access
,
though
it
was
very
difficult
access
,
to
the
caravan
route
leading
to
turkestan.
the
small
states
in
kansu
,
which
dominated
the
route
,
now
passed
on
the
traffic
along
two
routes
,
one
northward
to
the
toba
and
the
other
alien
states
in
north
china
,
the
other
through
north-west
szechwan
to
south
china.
in
this
way
the
kansu
states
were
strengthened
both
economically
and
politically
,
for
they
were
able
to
direct
the
commerce
either
to
the
northern
states
or
to
south
china
as
suited
them.
when
the
south
chinese
saw
the
break-up
of
fu
chien
's
empire
into
numberless
fragments
,
liu
yue
,
who
was
then
all-powerful
at
the
south
chinese
court
,
made
an
attempt
to
conquer
the
whole
of
western
china.
a
great
army
was
sent
from
south
china
into
the
province
of
shensi
,
where
the
tibetan
empire
of
the
"
later
ch
'in
"
was
situated.
the
ch
'in
appealed
to
the
toba
for
help
,
but
the
toba
were
themselves
too
hotly
engaged
to
be
able
to
spare
troops.
they
also
considered
that
south
china
would
be
unable
to
maintain
these
conquests
,
and
that
they
themselves
would
find
them
later
an
easy
prey.
thus
in
##number##
the
state
of
"
later
ch
'in
"
received
a
mortal
blow
from
the
south
chinese
army.
large
numbers
of
the
upper
class
fled
to
the
toba.
as
had
been
foreseen
,
the
south
chinese
were
unable
to
maintain
their
hold
over
the
conquered
territory
,
and
it
was
annexed
with
ease
by
the
hun
ho-lien
p
'o-p
'o.
but
why
not
by
the
toba
?
towards
the
end
of
the
fourth
century
,
vestiges
of
hun
,
hsien-pi
,
and
other
tribes
had
united
in
mongolia
to
form
the
new
people
of
the
juan-juan
(
also
called
ju-juan
or
jou-jan
)
.
scholars
disagree
as
to
whether
the
juan-juan
were
turks
or
mongols
;
european
investigators
believe
them
to
have
been
identical
with
the
avars
who
appeared
in
the
near
east
in
##number##
and
later
in
europe
,
and
are
inclined
,
on
the
strength
of
a
few
vestiges
of
their
language
,
to
regard
them
as
mongols.
investigations
concerning
the
various
tribes
,
however
,
show
that
among
the
juan-juan
there
were
both
mongol
and
turkish
tribes
,
and
that
the
question
cannot
be
decided
in
favour
of
either
group.
some
of
the
tribes
belonging
to
the
juan-juan
had
formerly
lived
in
china.
others
had
lived
farther
north
or
west
and
came
into
the
history
of
the
far
east
now
for
the
first
time.
this
juan-juan
people
threatened
the
toba
in
the
rear
,
from
the
north.
it
made
raids
into
the
toba
empire
for
the
same
reasons
for
which
the
huns
in
the
past
had
raided
agrarian
china
;
for
agriculture
had
made
considerable
progress
in
the
toba
empire.
consequently
,
before
the
toba
could
attempt
to
expand
southward
,
the
juan-juan
peril
must
be
removed.
this
was
done
in
the
end
,
after
a
long
series
of
hard
and
not
always
successful
struggles.
that
was
why
the
toba
had
played
no
part
in
the
fighting
against
south
china
,
and
had
been
unable
to
take
immediate
advantage
of
that
fighting.
after
##number##
the
juan-juan
peril
no
longer
existed
,
and
in
the
years
that
followed
the
whole
of
the
small
states
of
the
west
were
destroyed
,
one
after
another
,
by
the
toba
--
the
"
hsia
kingdom
"
in
##number##
,
bringing
down
with
it
the
"
western
ch
'in
"
,
and
the
"
northern
liang
"
in
##number##
the
non-chinese
elements
of
the
population
of
those
countries
were
moved
northward
and
served
the
toba
as
soldiers
;
the
chinese
also
,
especially
the
remains
of
the
kansu
"
western
liang
"
state
(
conquered
in
##number##
)
,
were
enslaved
,
and
some
of
them
transferred
to
the
north.
here
again
,
however
,
the
influence
of
the
chinese
gentry
made
itself
felt
after
a
short
time.
as
we
know
,
the
chinese
of
"
western
liang
"
in
kansu
had
originally
migrated
there
from
eastern
china.
their
eastern
relatives
who
had
come
under
toba
rule
through
the
conquest
of
eastern
china
and
who
through
their
family
connections
with
chinese
officials
of
the
toba
empire
had
found
safety
,
brought
their
influence
to
bear
on
behalf
of
the
chinese
of
kansu
,
so
that
several
families
regained
office
and
social
standing.
[
illustration
:
map
##number##
:
the
toba
empire
(
_about
a.d.
500_
)
]
their
expansion
into
kansu
gave
the
toba
control
of
the
commerce
with
turkestan
,
and
there
are
many
mentions
of
tribute
missions
to
the
toba
court
in
the
years
that
followed
,
some
even
from
india.
the
toba
also
spread
in
the
east.
and
finally
there
was
fighting
with
south
china
(
##number##
)
,
which
brought
to
the
toba
empire
a
large
part
of
the
province
of
honan
with
the
old
capital
,
loyang.
thus
about
##number##
the
toba
must
be
described
as
the
most
powerful
state
in
the
far
east
,
ruling
the
whole
of
north
china.
##number##
_economic
and
social
conditions_
the
internal
changes
of
which
there
had
only
been
indications
in
the
first
period
of
the
toba
empire
now
proceeded
at
an
accelerated
pace.
there
were
many
different
factors
at
work.
the
whole
of
the
civil
administration
had
gradually
passed
into
chinese
hands
,
the
toba
retaining
only
the
military
administration.
but
the
wars
in
the
south
called
for
the
services
of
specialists
in
fortification
and
in
infantry
warfare
,
who
were
only
to
be
found
among
the
chinese.
the
growing
influence
of
the
chinese
was
further
promoted
by
the
fact
that
many
toba
families
were
exterminated
in
the
revolts
of
the
tribal
chieftains
,
and
others
were
wiped
out
in
the
many
battles.
thus
the
toba
lost
ground
also
in
the
military
administration.
the
wars
down
to
a.d.
##number##
had
been
large-scale
wars
of
conquest
,
lightning
campaigns
that
had
brought
in
a
great
deal
of
booty.
with
their
loot
the
toba
developed
great
magnificence
and
luxury.
the
campaigns
that
followed
were
hard
and
long-drawn-out
struggles
,
especially
against
south
china
,
where
there
was
no
booty
,
because
the
enemy
retired
so
slowly
that
they
could
take
everything
with
them.
the
toba
therefore
began
to
be
impoverished
,
because
plunder
was
the
main
source
of
their
wealth.
in
addition
to
this
,
their
herds
gradually
deteriorated
,
for
less
and
less
use
was
made
of
them
;
for
instance
,
horses
were
little
required
for
the
campaign
against
south
china
,
and
there
was
next
to
no
fighting
in
the
north.
in
contrast
with
the
impoverishment
of
the
toba
,
the
chinese
gentry
grew
not
only
more
powerful
but
more
wealthy.
the
toba
seem
to
have
tried
to
prevent
this
development
by
introducing
the
famous
"
land
equalization
system
"
(
_chuen-t
'ien_
)
,
one
of
their
most
important
innovations.
the
direct
purposes
of
this
measure
were
to
resettle
uprooted
farm
population
;
to
prevent
further
migrations
of
farmers
;
and
to
raise
production
and
taxes.
the
founder
of
this
system
was
li
an-shih
,
member
of
a
toba
family
and
later
husband
of
an
imperial
princess.
the
plan
was
basically
accepted
in
##number##
,
put
into
action
in
##number##
,
and
remained
the
land
law
until
_c_.
##number##
every
man
and
every
woman
had
a
right
to
receive
a
certain
amount
of
land
for
lifetime.
after
their
death
,
the
land
was
redistributed.
in
addition
to
this
"
personal
land
"
there
was
so-called
"
mulberry
land
"
on
which
farmers
could
plant
mulberries
for
silk
production
;
but
they
also
could
plant
other
crops
under
the
trees.
this
land
could
be
inherited
from
father
to
son
and
was
not
redistributed.
incidentally
we
know
many
similar
regulations
for
trees
in
the
near
east
and
central
asia.
as
the
tax
was
levied
upon
the
personal
land
in
form
of
grain
,
and
on
the
tree
land
in
form
of
silk
,
this
regulation
stimulated
the
cultivation
of
diversified
crops
on
the
tree
land
which
then
was
not
taxable.
the
basic
idea
behind
this
law
was
,
that
all
land
belonged
to
the
state
,
a
concept
for
which
the
toba
could
point
to
the
ancient
chou
but
which
also
fitted
well
for
a
dynasty
of
conquest.
the
new
"
_chuen-t
'ien_
"
system
required
a
complete
land
and
population
survey
which
was
done
in
the
next
years.
we
know
from
much
later
census
fragments
that
the
government
tried
to
enforce
this
equalization
law
,
but
did
not
always
succeed
;
we
read
statements
such
as
"
x
has
so
and
so
much
land
;
he
has
a
claim
on
so
and
so
much
land
and
,
therefore
,
has
to
get
so
and
so
much
"
;
but
there
are
no
records
that
x
ever
received
the
land
due
to
him.
one
consequence
of
the
new
land
law
was
a
legal
fixation
of
the
social
classes.
already
during
han
time
(
and
perhaps
even
earlier
)
a
distinction
had
been
made
between
"
free
burghers
"
(
_liang-min_
)
and
"
commoners
"
(
_ch
'ien-min_
)
.
this
distinction
had
continued
as
informal
tradition
until
,
now
,
it
became
a
legal
concept.
only
"
burghers
"
,
i.e.
gentry
and
free
farmers
,
were
real
citizens
with
all
rights
of
a
free
man.
the
"
commoners
"
were
completely
or
partly
unfree
and
fell
under
several
heads.
ranking
as
the
lowest
class
were
the
real
slaves
(
_nu_
)
,
divided
into
state
and
private
slaves.
by
law
,
slaves
were
regarded
as
pieces
of
property
,
not
as
members
of
human
society.
they
were
,
however
,
forced
to
marry
and
thus
,
as
a
class
,
were
probably
reproducing
at
a
rate
similar
to
that
of
the
normal
population
,
while
slaves
in
europe
reproduced
at
a
lower
rate
than
the
population.
the
next
higher
class
were
serfs
(
_fan-hu_
)
,
hereditary
state
servants
,
usually
descendants
of
state
slaves.
they
were
obliged
to
work
three
months
during
the
year
for
the
state
and
were
paid
for
this
service.
they
were
not
registered
in
their
place
of
residence
but
under
the
control
of
the
ministry
of
agriculture
which
distributed
them
to
other
offices
,
but
did
not
use
them
for
farm
work.
similar
in
status
to
them
were
the
private
bondsmen
(
_pu-ch
'ue_
)
,
hereditarily
attached
to
gentry
families.
these
serfs
received
only
##number##
per
cent
of
the
land
which
a
free
burgher
received
under
the
land
law.
higher
than
these
were
the
service
families
(
_tsa-hu_
)
,
who
were
registered
in
their
place
of
residence
,
but
had
to
perform
certain
services
;
here
we
find
"
tomb
families
"
who
cared
for
the
imperial
tombs
,
"
shepherd
families
"
,
postal
families
,
kiln
families
,
soothsayer
families
,
medical
families
,
and
musician
families.
each
of
these
categories
of
commoners
had
its
own
laws
;
each
had
to
marry
within
the
category.
no
intermarriage
or
adoption
was
allowed.
it
is
interesting
to
observe
that
a
similar
fixation
of
the
social
status
of
citizens
occurred
in
the
roman
empire
from
_c_.
a.d.
##number##
on.
thus
in
the
years
between
##number##
and
##number##
there
were
great
changes
not
only
in
the
economic
but
in
the
social
sphere.
the
toba
declined
in
number
and
influence.
many
of
them
married
into
rich
families
of
the
chinese
gentry
and
regarded
themselves
as
no
longer
belonging
to
the
toba.
in
the
course
of
time
the
court
was
completely
sinified.
the
chinese
at
the
court
now
formed
the
leading
element
,
and
they
tried
to
persuade
the
emperor
to
claim
dominion
over
all
china
,
at
least
in
theory
,
by
installing
his
capital
in
loyang
,
the
old
centre
of
china.
this
transfer
had
the
advantage
for
them
personally
that
the
territories
in
which
their
properties
were
situated
were
close
to
that
capital
,
so
that
the
grain
they
produced
found
a
ready
market.
and
it
was
indeed
no
longer
possible
to
rule
the
great
toba
empire
,
now
covering
the
whole
of
north
china
from
north
shansi.
the
administrative
staff
was
so
great
that
the
transport
system
was
no
longer
able
to
bring
in
sufficient
food.
for
the
present
capital
did
not
lie
on
a
navigable
river
,
and
all
the
grain
had
to
be
carted
,
an
expensive
and
unsafe
mode
of
transport.
ultimately
,
in
##number##
,
the
chinese
gentry
officials
secured
the
transfer
of
the
capital
to
loyang.
in
the
years
##number##
to
##number##
the
toba
emperor
wen
ti
(
##number##
)
took
further
decisive
steps
required
by
the
stage
reached
in
internal
development.
all
aliens
were
prohibited
from
using
their
own
language
in
public
life.
chinese
became
the
official
language.
chinese
clothing
and
customs
also
became
general.
the
system
of
administration
which
had
largely
followed
a
pattern
developed
by
the
wei
dynasty
in
the
early
third
century
,
was
changed
and
took
a
form
which
became
the
model
for
the
t
'ang
dynasty
in
the
seventh
century.
it
is
important
to
note
that
in
this
period
,
for
the
first
time
,
an
office
for
religious
affairs
was
created
which
dealt
mainly
with
buddhistic
monasteries.
while
after
the
toba
period
such
an
office
for
religious
affairs
disappeared
again
,
this
idea
was
taken
up
later
by
japan
when
japan
accepted
a
chinese-type
of
administration.
[
illustration
:
##number##
sun
ch
'uean
,
ruler
of
wu.
_from
a
painting
by
yen
li-pen
(
c_.
##number##
)
.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
general
view
of
the
buddhist
cave-temples
of
yuen-kang.
in
the
foreground
,
the
present
village
;
in
the
background
,
the
rampart.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
]
owing
to
his
bringing
up
,
the
emperor
no
longer
regarded
himself
as
toba
but
as
chinese
;
he
adopted
the
chinese
culture
,
acting
as
he
was
bound
to
do
if
he
meant
to
be
no
longer
an
alien
ruler
in
north
china.
already
he
regarded
himself
as
emperor
of
all
china
,
so
that
the
south
chinese
empire
was
looked
upon
as
a
rebel
state
that
had
to
be
conquered.
while
,
however
,
he
succeeded
in
everything
else
,
the
campaign
against
the
south
failed
except
for
some
local
successes.
the
transfer
of
the
capital
to
loyang
was
a
blow
to
the
toba
nobles.
their
herds
became
valueless
,
for
animal
products
could
not
be
carried
over
the
long
distance
to
the
new
capital.
in
loyang
the
toba
nobles
found
themselves
parted
from
their
tribes
,
living
in
an
unaccustomed
climate
and
with
nothing
to
do
,
for
all
important
posts
were
occupied
by
chinese.
the
government
refused
to
allow
them
to
return
to
the
north.
those
who
did
not
become
chinese
by
finding
their
way
into
chinese
families
grew
visibly
poorer
and
poorer.
##number##
_victory
and
retreat
of
buddhism_
what
we
said
in
regard
to
the
religious
position
of
the
other
alien
peoples
applied
also
to
the
toba.
as
soon
,
however
,
as
their
empire
grew
,
they
,
too
,
needed
an
"
official
"
religion
of
their
own.
for
a
few
years
they
had
continued
their
old
sacrifices
to
heaven
;
then
another
course
opened
to
them.
the
toba
,
together
with
many
chinese
living
in
the
toba
empire
,
were
all
captured
by
buddhism
,
and
especially
by
its
shamanist
element.
one
element
in
their
preference
of
buddhism
was
certainly
the
fact
that
buddhism
accepted
all
foreigners
alike
--
both
the
toba
and
the
chinese
were
"
foreign
"
converts
to
an
essentially
indian
religion
;
whereas
the
confucianist
chinese
always
made
the
non-chinese
feel
that
in
spite
of
all
their
attempts
they
were
still
"
barbarians
"
and
that
only
real
chinese
could
be
real
confucianists.
secondly
,
it
can
be
assumed
that
the
toba
rulers
by
fostering
buddhism
intended
to
break
the
power
of
the
chinese
gentry.
a
few
centuries
later
,
buddhism
was
accepted
by
the
tibetan
kings
to
break
the
power
of
the
native
nobility
,
by
the
japanese
to
break
the
power
of
a
federation
of
noble
clans
,
and
still
later
by
the
burmese
kings
for
the
same
reason.
the
acceptance
of
buddhism
by
rulers
in
the
far
east
always
meant
also
an
attempt
to
create
a
more
autocratic
,
absolutistic
regime.
mahayana
buddhism
,
as
an
ideal
,
desired
a
society
without
clear-cut
classes
under
one
enlightened
ruler
;
in
such
a
society
all
believers
could
strive
to
attain
the
ultimate
goal
of
salvation.
throughout
the
early
period
of
buddhism
in
the
far
east
,
the
question
had
been
discussed
what
should
be
the
relations
between
the
buddhist
monks
and
the
emperor
,
whether
they
were
subject
to
him
or
not.
this
was
connected
,
of
course
,
with
the
fact
that
to
the
early
fourth
century
the
buddhist
monks
were
foreigners
who
,
in
the
view
prevalent
in
the
far
east
,
owed
only
a
limited
allegiance
to
the
ruler
of
the
land.
the
buddhist
monks
at
the
toba
court
now
submitted
to
the
emperor
,
regarding
him
as
a
reincarnation
of
buddha.
thus
the
emperor
became
protector
of
buddhism
and
a
sort
of
god.
this
combination
was
a
good
substitute
for
the
old
chinese
theory
that
the
emperor
was
the
son
of
heaven
;
it
increased
the
prestige
and
the
splendour
of
the
dynasty.
at
the
same
time
the
old
shamanism
was
legitimized
under
a
buddhist
reinterpretation.
thus
buddhism
became
a
sort
of
official
religion.
the
emperor
appointed
a
buddhist
monk
as
head
of
the
buddhist
state
church
,
and
through
this
"
pope
"
he
conveyed
endowments
on
a
large
scale
to
the
church.
t
'an-yao
,
head
of
the
state
church
since
##number##
,
induced
the
state
to
attach
state
slaves
,
i.e.
enslaved
family
members
of
criminals
,
and
their
families
to
state
temples.
they
were
supposed
to
work
on
temple
land
and
to
produce
for
the
upkeep
of
the
temples
and
monasteries.
thus
,
the
institution
of
"
temple
slaves
"
was
created
,
an
institution
which
existed
in
south
asia
and
burma
for
a
long
time
,
and
which
greatly
strengthened
the
economic
position
of
buddhism.
like
all
turkish
peoples
,
the
toba
possessed
a
myth
according
to
which
their
ancestors
came
into
the
world
from
a
sacred
grotto.
the
buddhists
took
advantage
of
this
conception
to
construct
,
with
money
from
the
emperor
,
the
vast
and
famous
cave-temple
of
yuen-kang
,
in
northern
shansi.
if
we
come
from
the
bare
plains
into
the
green
river
valley
,
we
may
see
to
this
day
hundreds
of
caves
cut
out
of
the
steep
cliffs
of
the
river
bank.
here
monks
lived
in
their
cells
,
worshipping
the
deities
of
whom
they
had
thousands
of
busts
and
reliefs
sculptured
in
stone
,
some
of
more
than
life-size
,
some
diminutive.
the
majestic
impression
made
today
by
the
figures
does
not
correspond
to
their
original
effect
,
for
they
were
covered
with
a
layer
of
coloured
stucco.
we
know
only
few
names
of
the
artists
and
craftsmen
who
made
these
objects.
probably
some
at
least
were
foreigners
from
turkestan
,
for
in
spite
of
the
predominantly
chinese
character
of
these
sculptures
,
some
of
them
are
reminiscent
of
works
in
turkestan
and
even
in
the
near
east.
in
the
past
the
influences
of
the
near
east
on
the
far
east
--
influences
traced
back
in
the
last
resort
to
greece
--
were
greatly
exaggerated
;
it
was
believed
that
greek
art
,
carried
through
alexander
's
campaign
as
far
as
the
present
afghanistan
,
degenerated
there
in
the
hands
of
indian
imitators
(
the
so-called
gandhara
art
)
and
ultimately
passed
on
in
more
and
more
distorted
forms
through
turkestan
to
china.
actually
,
however
,
some
eight
hundred
years
lay
between
alexander
's
campaign
and
the
toba
period
sculptures
at
yuen-kang
and
,
owing
to
the
different
cultural
development
,
the
contents
of
the
greek
and
the
toba-period
art
were
entirely
different.
we
may
say
,
therefore
,
that
suggestions
came
from
the
centre
of
the
greco-bactrian
culture
(
in
the
present
afghanistan
)
and
were
worked
out
by
the
toba
artists
;
old
forms
were
filled
with
a
new
content
,
and
the
elements
in
the
reliefs
of
yuen-kang
that
seem
to
us
to
be
non-chinese
were
the
result
of
this
synthesis
of
western
inspiration
and
turkish
initiative.
it
is
interesting
to
observe
that
all
steppe
rulers
showed
special
interest
in
sculpture
and
,
as
a
rule
,
in
architecture
;
after
the
toba
period
,
sculpture
flourished
in
china
in
the
t
'ang
period
,
the
period
of
strong
cultural
influence
from
turkish
peoples
,
and
there
was
a
further
advance
of
sculpture
and
of
the
cave-dwellers
'
worship
in
the
period
of
the
"
five
dynasties
"
(
##number##
;
three
of
these
dynasties
were
turkish
)
and
in
the
mongol
period.
but
not
all
buddhists
joined
the
"
church
"
,
just
as
not
all
taoists
had
joined
the
church
of
chang
ling
's
taoism.
some
buddhists
remained
in
the
small
towns
and
villages
and
suffered
oppression
from
the
central
church.
these
village
buddhist
monks
soon
became
instigators
of
a
considerable
series
of
attempts
at
revolution.
their
buddhism
was
of
the
so-called
"
maitreya
school
"
,
which
promised
the
appearance
on
earth
of
a
new
buddha
who
would
do
away
with
all
suffering
and
introduce
a
golden
age.
the
chinese
peasantry
,
exploited
by
the
gentry
,
came
to
the
support
of
these
monks
whose
messianism
gave
the
poor
a
hope
in
this
world.
the
nomad
tribes
also
,
abandoned
by
their
nobles
in
the
capital
and
wandering
in
poverty
with
their
now
worthless
herds
,
joined
these
monks.
we
know
of
many
revolts
of
hun
and
toba
tribes
in
this
period
,
revolts
that
had
a
religious
appearance
but
in
reality
were
simply
the
result
of
the
extreme
impoverishment
of
these
remaining
tribes.
in
addition
to
these
conflicts
between
state
and
popular
buddhism
,
clashes
between
buddhists
and
representatives
of
organized
taoism
occurred.
such
fights
,
however
,
reflected
more
the
power
struggle
between
cliques
than
between
religious
groups.
the
most
famous
incident
was
the
action
against
the
buddhists
in
##number##
which
brought
destruction
to
many
temples
and
monasteries
and
death
to
many
monks.
here
,
a
mighty
chinese
gentry
faction
under
the
leadership
of
the
ts
'ui
family
had
united
with
the
taoist
leader
k
'ou
ch
'ien-chih
against
another
faction
under
the
leadership
of
the
crown
prince.
with
the
growing
influence
of
the
chinese
gentry
,
however
,
confucianism
gained
ground
again
,
until
with
the
transfer
of
the
capital
to
loyang
it
gained
a
complete
victory
,
taking
the
place
of
buddhism
and
becoming
once
more
as
in
the
past
the
official
religion
of
the
state.
this
process
shows
us
once
more
how
closely
the
social
order
of
the
gentry
was
associated
with
confucianism.
(
e
)
succession
states
of
the
toba
(
a.d.
##number##
)
:
northern
ch
'i
dynasty
,
northern
chou
dynasty
##number##
_reasons
for
the
splitting
of
the
toba
empire_
events
now
pursued
their
logical
course.
the
contrast
between
the
central
power
,
now
become
entirely
chinese
,
and
the
remains
of
the
tribes
who
were
with
their
herds
mainly
in
shansi
and
the
ordos
region
and
were
hopelessly
impoverished
,
grew
more
and
more
acute.
from
##number##
onward
the
risings
became
more
and
more
formidable.
a
few
toba
who
still
remained
with
their
old
tribes
placed
themselves
at
the
head
of
the
rebels
and
conquered
not
only
the
whole
of
shansi
but
also
the
capital
,
where
there
was
a
great
massacre
of
chinese
and
pro-chinese
toba.
the
rebels
were
driven
back
;
in
this
a
man
of
the
kao
family
distinguished
himself
,
and
all
the
chinese
and
pro-chinese
gathered
round
him.
the
kao
family
,
which
may
have
been
originally
a
hsien-pi
family
,
had
its
estates
in
eastern
china
and
so
was
closely
associated
with
the
eastern
chinese
gentry
,
who
were
the
actual
rulers
of
the
toba
state.
in
##number##
this
group
took
the
impotent
emperor
of
their
own
creation
to
the
city
of
yeh
in
the
east
,
where
he
reigned
_de
jure_
for
a
further
sixteen
years.
then
he
was
deposed
,
and
kao
yang
made
himself
the
first
emperor
of
the
northern
ch
'i
dynasty
(
##number##
)
.
the
national
toba
group
,
on
the
other
hand
,
found
another
man
of
the
imperial
family
and
established
him
in
the
west.
after
a
short
time
this
puppet
was
removed
from
the
throne
and
a
man
of
the
yue-wen
family
made
himself
emperor
,
founding
the
"
northern
chou
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
the
hsien-pi
family
of
yue-wen
was
a
branch
of
the
hsien-pi
,
but
was
closely
connected
with
the
huns
and
probably
of
turkish
origin.
all
the
still
existing
remains
of
toba
tribes
who
had
eluded
sinification
moved
into
this
western
empire.
the
splitting
of
the
toba
empire
into
these
two
separate
realms
was
the
result
of
the
policy
embarked
on
at
the
foundation
of
the
empire.
once
the
tribal
chieftains
and
nobles
had
been
separated
from
their
tribes
and
organized
militarily
,
it
was
inevitable
that
the
two
elements
should
have
different
social
destinies.
the
nobles
could
not
hold
their
own
against
the
chinese
;
if
they
were
not
actually
eliminated
in
one
way
or
another
,
they
disappeared
into
chinese
families.
the
rest
,
the
people
of
the
tribe
,
became
destitute
and
were
driven
to
revolt.
the
northern
peoples
had
been
unable
to
perpetuate
either
their
tribal
or
their
military
organization
,
and
the
toba
had
been
equally
unsuccessful
in
their
attempt
to
perpetuate
the
two
forms
of
organization
alongside
each
other.
these
social
processes
are
of
particular
importance
because
the
ethnical
disappearance
of
the
northern
peoples
in
china
had
nothing
to
do
with
any
racial
inferiority
or
with
any
particular
power
of
assimilation
;
it
was
a
natural
process
resulting
from
the
different
economic
,
social
,
and
cultural
organizations
of
the
northern
peoples
and
the
chinese.
##number##
_appearance
of
the
(
goek
)
turks_
the
toba
had
liberated
themselves
early
in
the
fifth
century
from
the
juan-juan
peril.
none
of
the
fighting
that
followed
was
of
any
great
importance.
the
toba
resorted
to
the
old
means
of
defence
against
nomads
--
they
built
great
walls.
apart
from
that
,
after
their
move
southward
to
loyang
,
their
new
capital
,
they
were
no
longer
greatly
interested
in
their
northern
territories.
when
the
toba
empire
split
into
the
ch
'i
and
the
northern
chou
,
the
remaining
juan-juan
entered
into
treaties
first
with
one
realm
and
then
with
the
other
:
each
realm
wanted
to
secure
the
help
of
the
juan-juan
against
the
other.
meanwhile
there
came
unexpectedly
to
the
fore
in
the
north
a
people
grouped
round
a
nucleus
tribe
of
huns
,
the
tribal
union
of
the
"
t
'u-chueeh
"
,
that
is
to
say
the
goek
turks
,
who
began
to
pursue
a
policy
of
their
own
under
their
khan.
in
##number##
they
sent
a
mission
to
the
western
empire
,
then
in
the
making
,
of
the
northern
chou
,
and
created
the
first
bonds
with
it
,
following
which
the
northern
chou
became
allies
of
the
turks.
the
eastern
empire
,
ch
'i
,
accordingly
made
terms
with
the
juan-juan
,
but
in
##number##
the
latter
suffered
a
crushing
defeat
at
the
hands
of
the
turks
,
their
former
vassals.
the
remains
of
the
juan-juan
either
fled
to
the
ch
'i
state
or
went
reluctantly
into
the
land
of
the
chou.
soon
there
was
friction
between
the
juan-juan
and
the
ch
'i
,
and
in
##number##
the
juan-juan
in
that
state
were
annihilated.
in
response
to
pressure
from
the
turks
,
the
juan-juan
in
the
western
empire
of
the
northern
chou
were
delivered
up
to
them
and
killed
in
the
same
year.
the
juan-juan
then
disappeared
from
the
history
of
the
far
east.
they
broke
up
into
their
several
tribes
,
some
of
which
were
admitted
into
the
turks
'
tribal
league.
a
few
years
later
the
turks
also
annihilated
the
ephtalites
,
who
had
been
allied
with
the
juan-juan
;
this
made
the
turks
the
dominant
power
in
central
asia.
the
ephtalites
(
yeh-ta
,
haytal
)
were
a
mixed
group
which
contained
elements
of
the
old
yueeh-chih
and
spoke
an
indo-european
language.
some
scholars
regard
them
as
a
branch
of
the
tocharians
of
central
asia.
one
menace
to
the
northern
states
of
china
had
disappeared
--
that
of
the
juan-juan.
their
place
was
taken
by
a
much
more
dangerous
power
,
the
turks.
##number##
_the
northern
ch
'i
dynasty
;
the
northern
chou
dynasty_
in
consequence
of
this
development
the
main
task
of
the
northern
chou
state
consisted
in
the
attempt
to
come
to
some
settlement
with
its
powerful
turkish
neighbours
,
and
meanwhile
to
gain
what
it
could
from
shrewd
negotiations
with
its
other
neighbours.
by
means
of
intrigues
and
diplomacy
it
intervened
with
some
success
in
the
struggles
in
south
china.
one
of
the
pretenders
to
the
throne
was
given
protection
;
he
was
installed
in
the
present
hankow
as
a
quasi-feudal
lord
depending
on
chou
,
and
there
he
founded
the
"
later
liang
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
in
this
way
chou
had
brought
the
bulk
of
south
china
under
its
control
without
itself
making
any
real
contribution
to
that
result.
unlike
the
chinese
state
of
ch
'i
,
chou
followed
the
old
toba
tradition.
old
customs
were
revived
,
such
as
the
old
sacrifice
to
heaven
and
the
lifting
of
the
emperor
on
to
a
carpet
at
his
accession
to
the
throne
;
family
names
that
had
been
sinified
were
turned
into
toba
names
again
,
and
even
chinese
were
given
toba
names
;
but
in
spite
of
this
the
inner
cohesion
had
been
destroyed.
after
two
centuries
it
was
no
longer
possible
to
go
back
to
the
old
nomad
,
tribal
life.
there
were
also
too
many
chinese
in
the
country
,
with
whom
close
bonds
had
been
forged
which
,
in
spite
of
all
attempts
,
could
not
be
broken.
consequently
there
was
no
choice
but
to
organize
a
state
essentially
similar
to
that
of
the
great
toba
empire.
there
is
just
as
little
of
importance
that
can
be
said
of
the
internal
politics
of
the
ch
'i
dynasty.
the
rulers
of
that
dynasty
were
thoroughly
repulsive
figures
,
with
no
positive
achievements
of
any
sort
to
their
credit.
confucianism
had
been
restored
in
accordance
with
the
chinese
character
of
the
state.
it
was
a
bad
time
for
buddhists
,
and
especially
for
the
followers
of
the
popularized
taoism.
in
spite
of
this
,
about
a.d.
##number##
great
new
buddhist
cave-temples
were
created
in
lung-men
,
near
loyang
,
in
imitation
of
the
famous
temples
of
yuen-kang.
the
fighting
with
the
western
empire
,
the
northern
chou
state
,
still
continued
,
and
ch
'i
was
seldom
successful.
in
##number##
chou
made
preparations
for
a
decisive
blow
against
ch
'i
,
but
suffered
defeat
because
the
turks
,
who
had
promised
aid
,
gave
none
and
shortly
afterwards
began
campaigns
of
their
own
against
ch
'i.
in
##number##
ch
'i
had
some
success
in
the
west
against
chou
,
but
then
it
lost
parts
of
its
territory
to
the
south
chinese
empire
,
and
finally
in
##number##
it
was
defeated
by
chou
in
a
great
counter-offensive.
thus
for
some
three
years
all
north
china
was
once
more
under
a
single
rule
,
though
of
nothing
approaching
the
strength
of
the
toba
at
the
height
of
their
power.
for
in
all
these
campaigns
the
turks
had
played
an
important
part
,
and
at
the
end
they
annexed
further
territory
in
the
north
of
ch
'i
,
so
that
their
power
extended
far
into
the
east.
meanwhile
intrigue
followed
intrigue
at
the
court
of
chou
;
the
mutual
assassinations
within
the
ruling
group
were
as
incessant
as
in
the
last
years
of
the
great
toba
empire
,
until
the
real
power
passed
from
the
emperor
and
his
toba
entourage
to
a
chinese
family
,
the
yang.
yang
chien
's
daughter
was
the
wife
of
a
chou
emperor
;
his
son
was
married
to
a
girl
of
the
hun
family
tu-ku
;
her
sister
was
the
wife
of
the
father
of
the
chou
emperor.
amid
this
tangled
relationship
in
the
imperial
house
it
is
not
surprising
that
yang
chien
should
attain
great
power.
the
tu-ku
were
a
very
old
family
of
the
hun
nobility
;
originally
the
name
belonged
to
the
hun
house
from
which
the
_shan-yue_
had
to
be
descended.
this
family
still
observed
the
traditions
of
the
hun
rulers
,
and
relationship
with
it
was
regarded
as
an
honour
even
by
the
chinese.
through
their
centuries
of
association
with
aristocratically
organized
foreign
peoples
,
some
of
the
notions
of
nobility
had
taken
root
among
the
chinese
gentry
;
to
be
related
with
old
ruling
houses
was
a
welcome
means
of
evidencing
or
securing
a
position
of
special
distinction
among
the
gentry.
yang
chien
gained
useful
prestige
from
his
family
connections.
after
the
leading
chinese
cliques
had
regained
predominance
in
the
chou
empire
,
much
as
had
happened
before
in
the
toba
empire
,
yang
chien
's
position
was
strong
enough
to
enable
him
to
massacre
the
members
of
the
imperial
family
and
then
,
in
##number##
,
to
declare
himself
emperor.
thus
began
the
sui
dynasty
,
the
first
dynasty
that
was
once
more
to
rule
all
china.
but
what
had
happened
to
the
toba
?
with
the
ending
of
the
chou
empire
they
disappeared
for
all
time
,
just
as
the
juan-juan
had
done
a
little
earlier.
so
far
as
the
tribes
did
not
entirely
disintegrate
,
the
people
of
the
tribes
seem
during
the
last
years
of
toba
and
chou
to
have
joined
turkish
and
other
tribes.
in
any
case
,
nothing
more
is
heard
of
them
as
a
people
,
and
they
themselves
lived
on
under
the
name
of
the
tribe
that
led
the
new
tribal
league.
most
of
the
toba
nobility
,
on
the
other
hand
,
became
chinese.
this
process
can
be
closely
followed
in
the
chinese
annals.
the
tribes
that
had
disintegrated
in
the
time
of
the
toba
empire
broke
up
into
families
of
which
some
adopted
the
name
of
the
tribe
as
their
family
name
,
while
others
chose
chinese
family
names.
during
the
centuries
that
followed
,
in
some
cases
indeed
down
to
modern
times
,
these
families
continue
to
appear
,
often
playing
an
important
part
in
chinese
history.
(
f
)
the
southern
empires
##number##
_economic
and
social
situation
in
the
south_
during
the
##number##
years
of
alien
rule
in
north
china
,
the
picture
of
south
china
also
was
full
of
change.
when
in
##number##
the
huns
had
destroyed
the
chinese
chin
dynasty
in
the
north
,
a
chin
prince
who
normally
would
not
have
become
heir
to
the
throne
declared
himself
,
under
the
name
yuean
ti
,
the
first
emperor
of
the
"
eastern
chin
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
the
capital
of
this
new
southern
empire
adjoined
the
present
nanking.
countless
members
of
the
chinese
gentry
had
fled
from
the
huns
at
that
time
and
had
come
into
the
southern
empire.
they
had
not
done
so
out
of
loyalty
to
the
chinese
dynasty
or
out
of
national
feeling
,
but
because
they
saw
little
prospect
of
attaining
rank
and
influence
at
the
courts
of
the
alien
rulers
,
and
because
it
was
to
be
feared
that
the
aliens
would
turn
the
fields
into
pasturage
,
and
also
that
they
would
make
an
end
of
the
economic
and
monetary
system
which
the
gentry
had
evolved
for
their
own
benefit.
but
the
south
was
,
of
course
,
not
uninhabited.
there
were
already
two
groups
living
there
--
the
old
autochthonous
population
,
consisting
of
yao
,
tai
and
yueeh
,
and
the
earlier
chinese
immigrants
from
the
north
,
who
had
mainly
arrived
in
the
time
of
the
three
kingdoms
,
at
the
beginning
of
the
third
century
a.d.
the
countless
new
immigrants
now
came
into
sharp
conflict
with
the
old-established
earlier
immigrants.
each
group
looked
down
on
the
other
and
abused
it.
the
two
immigrant
groups
in
particular
not
only
spoke
different
dialects
but
had
developed
differently
in
respect
to
manners
and
customs.
a
look
for
example
at
formosa
in
the
years
after
##number##
will
certainly
help
in
an
understanding
of
this
situation
:
analogous
tensions
developed
between
the
new
refugees
,
the
old
chinese
immigrants
,
and
the
native
formosan
population.
but
let
us
return
to
the
southern
empires.
the
two
immigrant
groups
also
differed
economically
and
socially
:
the
old
immigrants
were
firmly
established
on
the
large
properties
they
had
acquired
,
and
dominated
their
tenants
,
who
were
largely
autochthones
;
or
they
had
engaged
in
large-scale
commerce.
in
any
case
,
they
possessed
capital
,
and
more
capital
than
was
usually
possessed
by
the
gentry
of
the
north.
some
of
the
new
immigrants
,
on
the
other
hand
,
were
military
people.
they
came
with
empty
hands
,
and
they
had
no
land.
they
hoped
that
the
government
would
give
them
positions
in
the
military
administration
and
so
provide
them
with
means
;
they
tried
to
gain
possession
of
the
government
and
to
exclude
the
old
settlers
as
far
as
possible.
the
tension
was
increased
by
the
effect
of
the
influx
of
chinese
in
bringing
more
land
into
cultivation
,
thus
producing
a
boom
period
such
as
is
produced
by
the
opening
up
of
colonial
land.
everyone
was
in
a
hurry
to
grab
as
much
land
as
possible.
there
was
yet
a
further
difference
between
the
two
groups
of
chinese
:
the
old
settlers
had
long
lost
touch
with
the
remainder
of
their
families
in
the
north.
they
had
become
south
chinese
,
and
all
their
interests
lay
in
the
south.
the
new
immigrants
had
left
part
of
their
families
in
the
north
under
alien
rule.
their
interests
still
lay
to
some
extent
in
the
north.
they
were
working
for
the
reconquest
of
the
north
by
military
means
;
at
times
individuals
or
groups
returned
to
the
north
,
while
others
persuaded
the
rest
of
their
relatives
to
come
south.
it
would
be
wrong
to
suppose
that
there
was
no
inter-communication
between
the
two
parts
into
which
china
had
fallen.
as
soon
as
the
chinese
gentry
were
able
to
regain
any
footing
in
the
territories
under
alien
rule
,
the
official
relations
,
often
those
of
belligerency
,
proceeded
alongside
unofficial
intercourse
between
individual
families
and
family
groupings
,
and
these
latter
were
,
as
a
rule
,
in
no
way
belligerent.
the
lower
stratum
in
the
south
consisted
mainly
of
the
remains
of
the
original
non-chinese
population
,
particularly
in
border
and
southern
territories
which
had
been
newly
annexed
from
time
to
time.
in
the
centre
of
the
southern
state
the
way
of
life
of
the
non-chinese
was
very
quickly
assimilated
to
that
of
the
chinese
,
so
that
the
aborigines
were
soon
indistinguishable
from
chinese.
the
remaining
part
of
the
lower
class
consisted
of
impoverished
chinese
peasants.
this
whole
lower
section
of
the
population
rarely
took
any
active
and
visible
part
in
politics
,
except
at
times
in
the
form
of
great
popular
risings.
until
the
third
century
,
the
south
had
been
of
no
great
economic
importance
,
in
spite
of
the
good
climate
and
the
extraordinary
fertility
of
the
yangtze
valley.
the
country
had
been
too
thinly
settled
,
and
the
indigenous
population
had
not
become
adapted
to
organized
trade.
after
the
move
southward
of
the
chin
dynasty
the
many
immigrants
had
made
the
country
of
the
lower
yangtze
more
thickly
populated
,
but
not
over-populated.
the
top-heavy
court
with
more
than
the
necessary
number
of
officials
(
because
there
was
still
hope
for
a
reconquest
of
the
north
which
would
mean
many
new
jobs
for
administrators
)
was
a
great
consumer
;
prices
went
up
and
stimulated
local
rice
production.
the
estates
of
the
southern
gentry
yielded
more
than
before
,
and
naturally
much
more
than
the
small
properties
of
the
gentry
in
the
north
where
,
moreover
,
the
climate
is
far
less
favourable.
thus
the
southern
landowners
were
able
to
acquire
great
wealth
,
which
ultimately
made
itself
felt
in
the
capital.
one
very
important
development
was
characteristic
in
this
period
in
the
south
,
although
it
also
occurred
in
the
north.
already
in
pre-han
times
,
some
rulers
had
gardens
with
fruit
trees.
the
han
emperors
had
large
hunting
parks
which
were
systematically
stocked
with
rare
animals
;
they
also
had
gardens
and
hot-houses
for
the
production
of
vegetables
for
the
court.
these
"
gardens
"
(
_yuean_
)
were
often
called
"
manors
"
(
_pieh-yeh_
)
and
consisted
of
fruit
plantations
with
luxurious
buildings.
we
hear
soon
of
water-cooled
houses
for
the
gentry
,
of
artificial
ponds
for
pleasure
and
fish
breeding
,
artificial
water-courses
,
artificial
mountains
,
bamboo
groves
,
and
parks
with
parrots
,
ducks
,
and
large
animals.
here
,
the
wealthy
gentry
of
both
north
and
south
,
relaxed
from
government
work
,
surrounded
by
their
friends
and
by
women.
these
manors
grew
up
in
the
hills
,
on
the
"
village
commons
"
where
formerly
the
villagers
had
collected
their
firewood
and
had
grazed
their
animals.
thus
,
the
village
commons
begin
to
disappear.
the
original
farm
land
was
taxed
,
because
it
produced
one
of
the
two
products
subject
to
taxation
,
namely
grain
or
mulberry
leaves
for
silk
production.
but
the
village
common
had
been
and
remained
tax-free
because
it
did
not
produce
taxable
things.
while
land-holdings
on
the
farmland
were
legally
restricted
in
their
size
,
the
"
gardens
"
were
unrestricted.
around
a.d.
##number##
the
ruler
allowed
high
officials
to
have
manors
of
three
hundred
mou
size
,
while
in
the
north
a
family
consisting
of
husband
and
wife
and
children
below
fifteen
years
of
age
were
allowed
a
farm
of
sixty
mou
only
;
but
we
hear
of
manors
which
were
many
times
larger
than
the
allowed
size
of
three
hundred.
these
manors
began
to
play
an
important
economic
role
,
too
:
they
were
cultivated
by
tenants
and
produced
fishes
,
vegetables
,
fruit
and
bamboo
for
the
market
,
thus
they
gave
more
income
than
ordinary
rice
or
wheat
land.
with
the
creation
of
manors
the
total
amount
of
land
under
cultivation
increased
,
though
not
the
amount
of
grain-producing
land.
we
gain
the
impression
that
from
_c_.
the
third
century
a.d.
on
to
the
eleventh
century
the
intensity
of
cultivation
was
generally
lower
than
in
the
period
before.
the
period
from
_c_.
a.d.
##number##
on
also
seems
to
be
the
time
of
the
second
change
in
chinese
dietary
habits.
the
first
change
occurred
probably
between
##number##
and
##number##
b.c.
when
the
meat-eating
chinese
reduced
their
meat
intake
greatly
,
gave
up
eating
beef
and
mutton
and
changed
over
to
some
pork
and
dog
meat.
this
first
change
was
the
result
of
increase
of
population
and
decrease
of
available
land
for
pasturage.
cattle
breeding
in
china
was
then
reduced
to
the
minimum
of
one
cow
or
water-buffalo
per
farm
for
ploughing.
wheat
was
the
main
staple
for
the
masses
of
the
people.
between
a.d.
##number##
and
##number##
rice
became
the
main
staple
in
the
southern
states
although
,
theoretically
,
wheat
could
have
been
grown
and
some
wheat
probably
was
grown
in
the
south.
the
vitamin
and
protein
deficiencies
which
this
change
from
wheat
to
rice
brought
forth
,
were
made
up
by
higher
consumption
of
vegetables
,
especially
beans
,
and
partially
also
by
eating
of
fish
and
sea
food.
in
the
north
,
rice
became
the
staple
food
of
the
upper
class
,
while
wheat
remained
the
main
food
of
the
lower
classes.
however
,
new
forms
of
preparation
of
wheat
,
such
as
dumplings
of
different
types
,
were
introduced.
the
foreign
rulers
consumed
more
meat
and
milk
products.
chinese
had
given
up
the
use
of
milk
products
at
the
time
of
the
first
change
,
and
took
to
them
to
some
extent
only
in
periods
of
foreign
rule.
##number##
_struggles
between
cliques
under
the
eastern
chin
dynasty_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
the
officials
immigrating
from
the
north
regarded
the
south
as
colonial
country
,
and
so
as
more
or
less
uncivilized.
they
went
into
its
provinces
in
order
to
get
rich
as
quickly
as
possible
,
and
they
had
no
desire
to
live
there
for
long
:
they
had
the
same
dislike
of
a
provincial
existence
as
had
the
families
of
the
big
landowners.
thus
as
a
rule
the
bulk
of
the
families
remained
in
the
capital
,
close
to
the
court.
thither
the
products
accumulated
in
the
provinces
were
sent
,
and
they
found
a
ready
sale
,
as
the
capital
was
also
a
great
and
long-established
trading
centre
with
a
rich
merchant
class.
thus
in
the
capital
there
was
every
conceivable
luxury
and
every
refinement
of
civilization.
the
people
of
the
gentry
class
,
who
were
maintained
in
the
capital
by
relatives
serving
in
the
provinces
as
governors
or
senior
officers
,
themselves
held
offices
at
court
,
though
these
gave
them
little
to
do.
they
had
time
at
their
disposal
,
and
made
use
of
it
--
in
much
worse
intrigues
than
ever
before
,
but
also
in
music
and
poetry
and
in
the
social
life
of
the
harems.
there
is
no
question
at
all
that
the
highest
refinement
of
the
civilization
of
the
far
east
between
the
fourth
and
the
sixth
century
was
to
be
found
in
south
china
,
but
the
accompaniments
of
this
over-refinement
were
terrible.
we
cannot
enter
into
all
the
intrigues
recorded
at
this
time.
the
details
are
,
indeed
,
historically
unimportant.
they
were
concerned
only
with
the
affairs
of
the
court
and
its
entourage.
not
a
single
ruler
of
the
eastern
chin
dynasty
possessed
personal
or
political
qualities
of
any
importance.
the
rulers
'
power
was
extremely
limited
because
,
with
the
exception
of
the
founder
of
the
state
,
yuean
ti
,
who
had
come
rather
earlier
,
they
belonged
to
the
group
of
the
new
immigrants
,
and
so
had
no
firm
footing
and
were
therefore
caught
at
once
in
the
net
of
the
newly
re-grouping
gentry
class.
the
emperor
yuean
ti
lived
to
see
the
first
great
rising.
this
rising
(
under
wang
tun
)
started
in
the
region
of
the
present
hankow
,
a
region
that
today
is
one
of
the
most
important
in
china
;
it
was
already
a
centre
of
special
activity.
to
it
lead
all
the
trade
routes
from
the
western
provinces
of
szechwan
and
kweichow
and
from
the
central
provinces
of
hupei
,
hunan
,
and
kiangsi.
normally
the
traffic
from
those
provinces
comes
down
the
yangtze
,
and
thus
in
practice
this
region
is
united
with
that
of
the
lower
yangtze
,
the
environment
of
nanking
,
so
that
hankow
might
just
as
well
have
been
the
capital
as
nanking.
for
this
reason
,
in
the
period
with
which
we
are
now
concerned
the
region
of
the
present
hankow
was
several
times
the
place
of
origin
of
great
risings
whose
aim
was
to
gain
control
of
the
whole
of
the
southern
empire.
wang
tun
had
grown
rich
and
powerful
in
this
region
;
he
also
had
near
relatives
at
the
imperial
court
;
so
he
was
able
to
march
against
the
capital.
the
emperor
in
his
weakness
was
ready
to
abdicate
but
died
before
that
stage
was
reached.
his
son
,
however
,
defeated
wang
tun
with
the
aid
of
general
yue
liang
(
a.d.
##number##
)
.
yue
liang
was
the
empress
's
brother
;
he
,
too
,
came
from
a
northern
family.
yuean
ti
's
successor
also
died
early
,
and
the
young
son
of
yue
liang
's
sister
came
to
the
throne
as
emperor
ch
'eng
(
##number##
)
;
his
mother
ruled
as
regent
,
but
yue
liang
carried
on
the
actual
business
of
government.
against
this
clique
rose
su
chuen
,
another
member
of
the
northern
gentry
,
who
had
made
himself
leader
of
a
bandit
gang
in
a.d.
##number##
but
had
then
been
given
a
military
command
by
the
dynasty.
in
##number##
he
captured
the
capital
and
kidnapped
the
emperor
,
but
then
fell
before
the
counterthrust
of
the
yue
liang
party.
the
domination
of
yue
liang
's
clique
continued
after
the
death
of
the
twenty-one-years-old
emperor.
his
twenty-year-old
brother
was
set
in
his
place
;
he
,
too
,
died
two
years
later
,
and
his
two-year-old
son
became
emperor
(
mu
ti
,
##number##
)
.
meanwhile
this
clique
was
reinforced
by
the
very
important
huan
family.
this
family
came
from
the
same
city
as
the
imperial
house
and
was
a
very
old
gentry
family
of
that
city.
one
of
the
family
attained
a
high
post
through
personal
friendship
with
yue
liang
:
on
his
death
his
son
huan
wen
came
into
special
prominence
as
military
commander.
huan
wen
,
like
wang
tun
and
others
before
him
,
tried
to
secure
a
firm
foundation
for
his
power
,
once
more
in
the
west.
in
##number##
he
reconquered
szechwan
and
deposed
the
local
dynasty.
following
this
,
huan
wen
and
the
yue
family
undertook
several
joint
campaigns
against
northern
states
--
the
first
reaction
of
the
south
against
the
north
,
which
in
the
past
had
always
been
the
aggressor.
the
first
fighting
took
place
directly
to
the
north
,
where
the
collapse
of
the
"
later
chao
"
seemed
to
make
intervention
easy.
the
main
objective
was
the
regaining
of
the
regions
of
eastern
honan
,
northern
anhui
and
kiangsu
,
in
which
were
the
family
seats
of
huan
's
and
the
emperor
's
families
,
as
well
as
that
of
the
hsieh
family
which
also
formed
an
important
group
in
the
court
clique.
the
purpose
of
the
northern
campaigns
was
not
,
of
course
,
merely
to
defend
private
interests
of
court
cliques
:
the
northern
frontier
was
the
weak
spot
of
the
southern
empire
,
for
its
plains
could
easily
be
overrun.
it
was
then
observed
that
the
new
"
earlier
ch
'in
"
state
was
trying
to
spread
from
the
north-west
eastwards
into
this
plain
,
and
ch
'in
was
attacked
in
an
attempt
to
gain
a
more
favourable
frontier
territory.
these
expeditions
brought
no
important
practical
benefit
to
the
south
;
and
they
were
not
embarked
on
with
full
force
,
because
there
was
only
the
one
court
clique
at
the
back
of
them
,
and
that
not
whole-heartedly
,
since
it
was
too
much
taken
up
with
the
politics
of
the
court.
huan
wen
's
power
steadily
grew
in
the
period
that
followed.
he
sent
his
brothers
and
relatives
to
administer
the
regions
along
the
upper
yangtze
;
those
fertile
regions
were
the
basis
of
his
power.
in
##number##
he
deposed
the
reigning
emperor
and
appointed
in
his
place
a
frail
old
prince
who
died
a
year
later
,
as
required
,
and
was
replaced
by
a
child.
the
time
had
now
come
when
huan
wen
might
have
ascended
the
throne
himself
,
but
he
died.
none
of
his
family
could
assemble
as
much
power
as
huan
wen
had
done.
the
equality
of
strength
of
the
huan
and
the
hsieh
saved
the
dynasty
for
a
time.
in
##number##
came
the
great
assault
of
the
tibetan
fu
chien
against
the
south.
as
we
know
,
the
defence
was
carried
out
more
by
the
methods
of
diplomacy
and
intrigue
than
by
military
means
,
and
it
led
to
the
disaster
in
the
north
already
described.
the
successes
of
the
southern
state
especially
strengthened
the
hsieh
family
,
whose
generals
had
come
to
the
fore.
the
emperor
(
hsiao
wu
ti
,
##number##
)
,
who
had
come
to
the
throne
as
a
child
,
played
no
part
in
events
at
any
time
during
his
reign.
he
occupied
himself
occasionally
with
buddhism
,
and
otherwise
only
with
women
and
wine.
he
was
followed
by
his
five-year-old
son.
at
this
time
there
were
some
changes
in
the
court
clique.
in
the
huan
family
huan
hsuean
,
a
son
of
huan
wen
,
came
especially
into
prominence.
he
parted
from
the
hsieh
family
,
which
had
been
closest
to
the
emperor
,
and
united
with
the
wang
(
the
empress
's
)
and
yin
families.
the
wang
,
an
old
shansi
family
,
had
already
provided
two
empresses
,
and
was
therefore
strongly
represented
at
court.
the
yin
had
worked
at
first
with
the
hsieh
,
especially
as
the
two
families
came
from
the
same
region
,
but
afterwards
the
yin
went
over
to
huan
hsuean.
at
first
this
new
clique
had
success
,
but
later
one
of
its
generals
,
liu
lao-chih
,
went
over
to
the
hsieh
clique
,
and
its
power
declined.
wang
kung
was
killed
,
and
yin
chung-k
'an
fell
away
from
huan
hsuean
and
was
killed
by
him
in
##number##
huan
hsuean
himself
,
however
,
held
his
own
in
the
regions
loyal
to
him.
liu
lao-chih
had
originally
belonged
to
the
hsieh
clique
,
and
his
family
came
from
a
region
not
far
from
that
of
the
hsieh.
he
was
very
ambitious
,
however
,
and
always
took
the
side
which
seemed
most
to
his
own
interest.
for
a
time
he
joined
huan
hsuean
;
then
he
went
over
to
the
hsieh
,
and
finally
returned
to
huan
hsuean
in
##number##
when
the
latter
reached
the
height
of
his
power.
at
that
moment
liu
lao-chih
was
responsible
for
the
defence
of
the
capital
from
huan
hsuean
,
but
instead
he
passed
over
to
him.
thus
huan
hsuean
conquered
the
capital
,
deposed
the
emperor
,
and
began
a
dynasty
of
his
own.
then
came
the
reaction
,
led
by
an
earlier
subordinate
of
liu
lao-chih
,
liu
yue.
it
may
be
assumed
that
these
two
army
commanders
were
in
some
way
related
,
though
the
two
branches
of
their
family
must
have
been
long
separated.
liu
yue
had
distinguished
himself
especially
in
the
suppression
of
a
great
popular
rising
which
,
around
the
year
##number##
,
had
brought
wide
stretches
of
chinese
territory
under
the
rebels
'
power
,
beginning
with
the
southern
coast.
this
rising
was
the
first
in
the
south.
it
was
led
by
members
of
a
secret
society
which
was
a
direct
continuation
of
the
"
yellow
turbans
"
of
the
latter
part
of
the
second
century
a.d.
and
of
organized
church-taoism.
the
whole
course
of
this
rising
of
the
exploited
and
ill-treated
lower
classes
was
very
similar
to
that
of
the
popular
rising
of
the
"
yellow
turbans
"
.
the
movement
spread
as
far
as
the
neighbourhood
of
canton
,
but
in
the
end
it
was
suppressed
,
mainly
by
liu
yue.
through
these
achievements
liu
yue
's
military
power
and
political
influence
steadily
increased
;
he
became
the
exponent
of
all
the
cliques
working
against
the
huan
clique.
he
arranged
for
his
supporters
to
dispose
of
huan
hsuean
's
chief
collaborators
;
and
then
,
in
##number##
,
he
himself
marched
on
the
capital.
huan
hsuean
had
to
flee
,
and
in
his
flight
he
was
killed
in
the
upper
yangtze
region.
the
emperor
was
restored
to
his
throne
,
but
he
had
as
little
to
say
as
ever
,
for
the
real
power
was
liu
yue
's.
before
making
himself
emperor
,
liu
yue
began
his
great
northern
campaign
,
aimed
at
the
conquest
of
the
whole
of
western
china.
the
toba
had
promised
to
remain
neutral
,
and
in
##number##
he
was
able
to
conquer
the
"
later
ch
'in
"
in
shensi.
the
first
aim
of
this
campaign
was
to
make
more
accessible
the
trade
routes
to
central
asia
,
which
up
to
now
had
led
through
the
difficult
mountain
passes
of
szechwan
;
to
this
end
treaties
of
alliance
had
been
concluded
with
the
states
in
kansu
against
the
"
later
ch
'in
"
.
in
the
second
place
,
this
war
was
intended
to
increase
liu
yue
's
military
strength
to
such
an
extent
that
the
imperial
crown
would
be
assured
to
him
;
and
finally
he
hoped
to
cut
the
claws
of
pro-huan
hsuean
elements
in
the
"
later
ch
'in
"
kingdom
who
,
for
the
sake
of
the
link
with
turkestan
,
had
designs
on
szechwan.
##number##
_the
liu-sung
dynasty_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
_and
the
southern
ch
'i
dynasty_
(
##number##
)
after
his
successes
in
##number##
in
shensi
,
liu
yue
returned
to
the
capital
,
and
shortly
after
he
lost
the
chief
fruits
of
his
victory
to
ho-lien
p
'o-p
'o
,
the
hun
ruler
in
the
north
,
while
liu
yue
himself
was
occupied
with
the
killing
of
the
emperor
(
##number##
)
and
the
installation
of
a
puppet.
in
##number##
the
puppet
had
to
abdicate
and
liu
yue
became
emperor.
he
called
his
dynasty
the
sung
dynasty
,
but
to
distinguish
it
from
another
and
more
famous
sung
dynasty
of
later
time
his
dynasty
is
also
called
the
liu-sung
dynasty.
the
struggles
and
intrigues
of
cliques
against
each
other
continued
as
before.
we
shall
pass
quickly
over
this
period
after
a
glance
at
the
nature
of
these
internal
struggles.
part
of
the
old
imperial
family
and
its
following
fled
northward
from
liu
yue
and
surrendered
to
the
toba.
there
they
agitated
for
a
campaign
of
vengeance
against
south
china
,
and
they
were
supported
at
the
court
of
the
toba
by
many
families
of
the
gentry
with
landed
interests
in
the
south.
thus
long-continued
fighting
started
between
sung
and
toba
,
concerned
mainly
with
the
domains
of
the
deposed
imperial
family
and
its
following.
this
fighting
brought
little
success
to
south
china
,
and
about
##number##
it
produced
among
the
toba
an
economic
and
social
crisis
that
brought
the
wars
to
a
temporary
close.
in
this
pause
the
sung
turned
to
the
extreme
south
,
and
tried
to
gain
influence
there
and
in
annam.
the
merchant
class
and
the
gentry
families
of
the
capital
who
were
allied
with
it
were
those
chiefly
interested
in
this
expansion.
about
##number##
began
the
toba
policy
of
shifting
the
central
government
to
the
region
of
the
yellow
river
,
to
loyang
;
for
this
purpose
the
frontier
had
to
be
pushed
farther
south.
their
great
campaign
brought
the
toba
in
##number##
down
to
the
yangtze.
the
sung
suffered
a
heavy
defeat
;
they
had
to
pay
tribute
,
and
the
toba
annexed
parts
of
their
northern
territory.
the
sung
emperors
who
followed
were
as
impotent
as
their
predecessors
and
personally
much
more
repulsive.
nothing
happened
at
court
but
drinking
,
licentiousness
,
and
continual
murders.
from
##number##
onward
there
were
a
number
of
important
risings
of
princes
;
in
some
of
them
the
toba
had
a
hand.
they
hoped
by
supporting
one
or
another
of
the
pretenders
to
gain
overlordship
over
the
whole
of
the
southern
empire.
in
these
struggles
in
the
south
the
hsiao
family
,
thanks
mainly
to
general
hsiao
tao-ch
'eng
,
steadily
gained
in
power
,
especially
as
the
family
was
united
by
marriage
with
the
imperial
house.
in
##number##
hsiao
tao-ch
'eng
finally
had
the
emperor
killed
by
an
accomplice
,
the
son
of
a
shamaness
;
he
set
a
boy
on
the
throne
and
made
himself
regent.
very
soon
after
this
the
boy
emperor
and
all
the
members
of
the
imperial
family
were
murdered
,
and
hsiao
tao-ch
'eng
created
the
"
southern
ch
'i
"
dynasty
(
##number##
)
.
once
more
the
remaining
followers
of
the
deposed
dynasty
fled
northward
to
the
toba
,
and
at
once
fighting
between
toba
and
the
south
began
again.
this
fighting
ended
with
a
victory
for
the
toba
and
with
the
final
establishment
of
the
toba
in
the
new
capital
of
loyang.
south
china
was
heavily
defeated
again
and
again
,
but
never
finally
conquered.
there
were
intervals
of
peace.
in
the
years
between
##number##
and
##number##
there
was
less
disorder
in
the
south
,
at
all
events
in
internal
affairs.
princes
were
more
often
appointed
to
governorships
,
and
the
influence
of
the
cliques
was
thus
weakened.
in
spite
of
this
,
a
stable
regime
was
not
built
up
,
and
in
##number##
a
prince
rose
against
the
youthful
emperor.
this
prince
,
with
the
help
of
his
clique
including
the
ch
'en
family
,
which
later
attained
importance
,
won
the
day
,
murdered
the
emperor
,
and
became
emperor
himself.
all
that
is
recorded
about
him
is
that
he
fought
unsuccessfully
against
the
toba
,
and
that
he
had
the
whole
of
his
own
family
killed
out
of
fear
that
one
of
its
members
might
act
exactly
as
he
had
done.
after
his
death
there
were
conflicts
between
the
emperor
's
few
remaining
relatives
;
in
these
the
toba
again
had
a
hand.
the
victor
was
a
person
named
hsiao
yen
;
he
removed
the
reigning
emperor
in
the
usual
way
and
made
himself
emperor.
although
he
belonged
to
the
imperial
family
,
he
altered
the
name
of
the
dynasty
,
and
reigned
from
##number##
as
the
first
emperor
of
the
"
liang
dynasty
"
.
[
illustration
:
##number##
detail
from
the
buddhist
cave-reliefs
of
lung-men.
_from
a
print
in
the
author
's
possession_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
statue
of
mi-lo
(
maitreya
,
the
next
future
buddha
)
,
in
the
'great
buddha
temple
'
at
chengting
(
hopei
)
.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
]
##number##
_the
liang
dynasty_
(
a.d.
##number##
)
the
fighting
with
the
toba
continued
until
##number##
as
a
rule
the
toba
were
the
more
successful
,
not
at
least
through
the
aid
of
princes
of
the
deposed
"
southern
ch
'i
dynasty
"
and
their
followers.
wars
began
also
in
the
west
,
where
the
toba
tried
to
cut
off
the
access
of
the
liang
to
the
caravan
routes
to
turkestan.
in
##number##
,
however
,
the
toba
suffered
an
important
defeat.
the
southern
states
had
tried
at
all
times
to
work
with
the
kansu
states
against
the
northern
states
;
the
toba
now
followed
suit
and
allied
themselves
with
a
large
group
of
native
chieftains
of
the
south
,
whom
they
incited
to
move
against
the
liang.
this
produced
great
native
unrest
,
especially
in
the
provinces
by
the
upper
yangtze.
the
natives
,
who
were
steadily
pushed
back
by
the
chinese
peasants
,
were
reduced
to
migrating
into
the
mountain
country
or
to
working
for
the
chinese
in
semi-servile
conditions
;
and
they
were
ready
for
revolt
and
very
glad
to
work
with
the
toba.
the
result
of
this
unrest
was
not
decisive
,
but
it
greatly
reduced
the
strength
of
the
regions
along
the
upper
yangtze.
thus
the
main
strength
of
the
southern
state
was
more
than
ever
confined
to
the
nanking
region.
the
first
emperor
of
the
liang
dynasty
,
who
assumed
the
name
wu
ti
(
##number##
)
,
became
well
known
in
the
western
world
owing
to
his
love
of
literature
and
of
buddhism.
after
he
had
come
to
the
throne
with
the
aid
of
his
followers
,
he
took
no
further
interest
in
politics
;
he
left
that
to
his
court
clique.
from
now
on
,
however
,
the
political
initiative
really
belonged
to
the
north.
at
this
time
there
began
in
the
toba
empire
the
risings
of
tribal
leaders
against
the
government
which
we
have
fully
described
above.
one
of
these
leaders
,
hou
ching
,
who
had
become
powerful
as
a
military
leader
in
the
north
,
tried
in
##number##
to
conclude
a
private
alliance
with
the
liang
to
strengthen
his
own
position.
at
the
same
time
the
ruler
of
the
northern
state
of
the
"
northern
ch
'i
"
,
then
in
process
of
formation
,
himself
wanted
to
negotiate
an
alliance
with
the
liang
,
in
order
to
be
able
to
get
rid
of
hou
ching.
there
was
indecision
in
liang.
hou
ching
,
who
had
been
getting
into
difficulties
,
now
negotiated
with
a
dissatisfied
prince
in
liang
,
invaded
the
country
in
##number##
with
the
prince
's
aid
,
captured
the
capital
in
##number##
,
and
killed
emperor
wu.
hou
ching
now
staged
the
usual
spectacle
:
he
put
a
puppet
on
the
imperial
throne
,
deposed
him
eighteen
months
later
and
made
himself
emperor.
this
man
of
the
toba
on
the
throne
of
south
china
was
unable
,
however
,
to
maintain
his
position
;
he
had
not
sufficient
backing.
he
was
at
war
with
the
new
rulers
in
the
northern
empire
,
and
his
own
army
,
which
was
not
very
large
,
melted
away
;
above
all
,
he
proceeded
with
excessive
harshness
against
the
helpers
who
had
gained
access
for
him
to
the
liang
,
and
thereafter
he
failed
to
secure
a
following
from
among
the
leading
cliques
at
court.
in
##number##
he
was
driven
out
by
a
chinese
army
led
by
one
of
the
princes
and
was
killed.
the
new
emperor
had
been
a
prince
in
the
upper
yangtze
region
,
and
his
closest
associates
were
engaged
there.
they
did
not
want
to
move
to
the
distant
capital
,
nanking
,
because
their
private
financial
interests
would
have
suffered.
the
emperor
therefore
remained
in
the
city
now
called
hankow.
he
left
the
eastern
territory
in
the
hands
of
two
powerful
generals
,
one
of
whom
belonged
to
the
ch
'en
family
,
which
he
no
longer
had
the
strength
to
remove.
in
this
situation
the
generals
in
the
east
made
themselves
independent
,
and
this
naturally
produced
tension
at
once
between
the
east
and
the
west
of
the
liang
empire
;
this
tension
was
now
exploited
by
the
leaders
of
the
chou
state
then
in
the
making
in
the
north.
on
the
invitation
of
a
clique
in
the
south
and
with
its
support
,
the
chou
invaded
the
present
province
of
hupei
and
in
##number##
captured
the
liang
emperor
's
capital.
they
were
now
able
to
achieve
their
old
ambition
:
a
prince
of
the
chou
dynasty
was
installed
as
a
feudatory
of
the
north
,
reigning
until
##number##
in
the
present
hankow.
he
was
permitted
to
call
his
quasi-feudal
territory
a
kingdom
and
his
dynasty
,
as
we
know
already
,
the
"
later
liang
dynasty
"
.
##number##
_the
ch
'en
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
and
its
ending
by
the
sui_
the
more
important
of
the
independent
generals
in
the
east
,
ch
'en
pa-hsien
,
installed
a
shadow
emperor
,
forced
him
to
abdicate
,
and
made
himself
emperor.
the
ch
'en
dynasty
which
thus
began
was
even
feebler
than
the
preceding
dynasties.
its
territory
was
confined
to
the
lower
yangtze
valley.
once
more
cliques
and
rival
pretenders
were
at
work
and
prevented
any
sort
of
constructive
home
policy.
abroad
,
certain
advantages
were
gained
in
north
china
over
the
northern
ch
'i
dynasty
,
but
none
of
any
great
importance.
meanwhile
in
the
north
yang
chien
had
brought
into
power
the
chinese
sui
dynasty.
it
began
by
liquidating
the
quasi-feudal
state
of
the
"
later
liang
"
.
then
followed
,
in
##number##
,
the
conquest
of
the
ch
'en
empire
,
almost
without
any
serious
resistance.
this
brought
all
china
once
more
under
united
rule
,
and
a
period
of
##number##
years
of
division
was
ended.
##number##
_cultural
achievements
of
the
south_
for
nearly
three
hundred
years
the
southern
empire
had
witnessed
unceasing
struggles
between
important
cliques
,
making
impossible
any
peaceful
development
within
the
country.
culturally
,
however
,
the
period
was
rich
in
achievement.
the
court
and
the
palaces
of
wealthy
members
of
the
gentry
attracted
scholars
and
poets
,
and
the
gentry
themselves
had
time
for
artistic
occupations.
a
large
number
of
the
best-known
chinese
poets
appeared
in
this
period
,
and
their
works
plainly
reflect
the
conditions
of
that
time
:
they
are
poems
for
the
small
circle
of
scholars
among
the
gentry
and
for
cultured
patrons
,
spiced
with
quotations
and
allusions
,
elaborate
in
metre
and
construction
,
masterpieces
of
aesthetic
sensitivity
--
but
unintelligible
except
to
highly
educated
members
of
the
aristocracy.
the
works
were
of
the
most
artificial
type
,
far
removed
from
all
natural
feeling.
music
,
too
,
was
never
so
assiduously
cultivated
as
at
this
time.
but
the
old
chinese
music
disappeared
in
the
south
as
in
the
north
,
where
dancing
troupes
and
women
musicians
in
the
sogdian
commercial
colonies
of
the
province
of
kansu
established
the
music
of
western
turkestan.
here
in
the
south
,
native
courtesans
brought
the
aboriginal
,
non-chinese
music
to
the
court
;
chinese
poets
wrote
songs
in
chinese
for
this
music
,
and
so
the
old
chinese
music
became
unfashionable
and
was
forgotten.
the
upper
class
,
the
gentry
,
bought
these
girls
,
often
in
large
numbers
,
and
organized
them
in
troupes
of
singers
and
dancers
,
who
had
to
appear
on
festal
occasions
and
even
at
the
court.
for
merchants
and
other
people
who
lacked
full
social
recognition
there
were
brothels
,
a
quite
natural
feature
wherever
there
were
considerable
commercial
colonies
or
collections
of
merchants
,
including
the
capital
of
the
southern
empire.
in
their
ideology
,
as
will
be
remembered
,
the
chinese
gentry
were
always
in
favour
of
confucianism.
here
in
the
south
,
however
,
the
association
with
confucianism
was
less
serious
,
the
southern
gentry
,
with
their
relations
with
the
merchant
class
,
having
acquired
the
character
of
"
colonial
"
gentry.
they
were
brought
up
as
confucians
,
but
were
interested
in
all
sorts
of
different
religious
movements
,
and
especially
in
buddhism.
a
different
type
of
buddhism
from
that
in
the
north
had
spread
over
most
of
the
south
,
a
meditative
buddhism
that
was
very
close
ideologically
to
the
original
taoism
,
and
so
fulfilled
the
same
social
functions
as
taoism.
those
who
found
the
official
life
with
its
intrigues
repulsive
,
occupied
themselves
with
meditative
buddhism.
the
monks
told
of
the
sad
fate
of
the
wicked
in
the
life
to
come
,
and
industriously
filled
the
gentry
with
apprehension
,
so
that
they
tried
to
make
up
for
their
evil
deeds
by
rich
gifts
to
the
monasteries.
many
emperors
in
this
period
,
especially
wu
ti
of
the
liang
dynasty
,
inclined
to
buddhism.
wu
ti
turned
to
it
especially
in
his
old
age
,
when
he
was
shut
out
entirely
from
the
tasks
of
a
ruler
and
was
no
longer
satisfied
with
the
usual
pleasures
of
the
court.
several
times
he
instituted
buddhist
ceremonies
of
purification
on
a
large
scale
in
the
hope
of
so
securing
forgiveness
for
the
many
murders
he
had
committed.
genuine
taoism
also
came
to
the
fore
again
,
and
with
it
the
popular
religion
with
its
magic
,
now
amplified
with
the
many
local
deities
that
had
been
taken
over
from
the
indigenous
population
of
the
south.
for
a
time
it
became
the
fashion
at
court
to
pass
the
time
in
learned
discussions
between
confucians
,
buddhists
,
and
taoists
,
which
were
quite
similar
to
the
debates
between
learned
men
centuries
earlier
at
the
wealthy
little
indian
courts.
for
the
court
clique
this
was
more
a
matter
of
pastime
than
of
religious
controversy.
it
seems
thoroughly
in
harmony
with
the
political
events
that
here
,
for
the
first
time
in
the
history
of
chinese
philosophy
,
materialist
currents
made
their
appearance
,
running
parallel
with
machiavellian
theories
of
power
for
the
benefit
of
the
wealthiest
of
the
gentry.
principal
dynasties
of
north
and
south
china
_north
and
south_
western
chin
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
_north_
_south_
##number##
earlier
chao
(
hsiung-nu
)
##number##
##number##
eastern
chin
(
chinese
)
##number##
##number##
later
chao
(
hsiung-nu
)
##number##
##number##
earlier
ch
'in
(
tibetans
)
##number##
##number##
later
ch
'in
(
tibetans
)
##number##
##number##
western
ch
'in
(
hsiung-nu
)
##number##
##number##
earlier
yen
(
hsien-pi
)
##number##
##number##
later
yen
(
hsien-pi
)
##number##
##number##
western
yen
(
hsien-pi
)
##number##
##number##
southern
yen
(
hsien-pi
)
##number##
##number##
northern
yen
(
hsien-pi
)
##number##
##number##
tai
(
toba
)
##number##
##number##
earlier
liang
(
chinese
)
##number##
##number##
northern
liang
(
hsiung-nu
)
##number##
##number##
western
liang
(
chinese
?
)
##number##
##number##
later
liang
(
tibetans
)
##number##
##number##
southern
liang
(
hsien-pi
)
##number##
##number##
hsia
(
hsiung-nu
)
##number##
##number##
toba
(
turks
)
##number##
##number##
liu-sung
##number##
##number##
southern
ch
'i
##number##
##number##
northern
ch
'i
(
chinese
?
)
##number##
##number##
liang
##number##
##number##
northern
chou
(
toba
)
##number##
##number##
ch
'en
##number##
##number##
sui
(
chinese
)
##number##
##number##
sui
##number##
chapter
eight
the
empires
of
the
sui
and
the
t
'ang
(
a
)
the
sui
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
_internal
situation
in
the
newly
unified
empire_
the
last
of
the
northern
dynasties
,
the
northern
chou
,
had
been
brought
to
an
end
by
yang
chien
:
rapid
campaigns
had
made
an
end
of
the
remaining
petty
states
,
and
thus
the
sui
dynasty
had
come
into
power.
china
,
reunited
after
##number##
years
,
was
again
under
chinese
rule.
this
event
brought
about
a
new
epoch
in
the
history
of
the
far
east.
but
the
happenings
of
##number##
years
could
not
be
wiped
out
by
a
change
of
dynasty.
the
short
sui
period
can
only
be
described
as
a
period
of
transition
to
unified
forms.
in
the
last
resort
the
union
of
the
various
parts
of
china
proceeded
from
the
north.
the
north
had
always
,
beyond
question
,
been
militarily
superior
,
because
its
ruling
class
had
consisted
of
warlike
peoples.
yet
it
was
not
a
northerner
who
had
united
china
but
a
chinese
though
,
owing
to
mixed
marriages
,
he
was
certainly
not
entirely
unrelated
to
the
northern
peoples.
the
rule
,
however
,
of
the
actual
northern
peoples
was
at
an
end.
the
start
of
the
sui
dynasty
,
while
the
chou
still
held
the
north
,
was
evidence
,
just
like
the
emergence
in
the
north-east
some
thirty
years
earlier
of
the
northern
ch
'i
dynasty
,
that
the
chinese
gentry
with
their
landowning
basis
had
gained
the
upper
hand
over
the
warrior
nomads.
the
chinese
gentry
had
not
come
unchanged
out
of
that
struggle.
culturally
they
had
taken
over
many
things
from
the
foreigners
,
beginning
with
music
and
the
style
of
their
clothing
,
in
which
they
had
entirely
adopted
the
northern
pattern
,
and
including
other
elements
of
daily
life.
among
the
gentry
were
now
many
formerly
alien
families
who
had
gradually
become
entirely
chinese.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
foreigners
'
feudal
outlook
had
influenced
the
gentry
,
so
that
a
sense
of
distinctions
of
rank
had
developed
among
them.
there
were
chinese
families
who
regarded
themselves
as
superior
to
the
rest
,
just
as
had
been
the
case
among
the
northern
peoples
,
and
who
married
only
among
themselves
or
with
the
ruling
house
and
not
with
ordinary
families
of
the
gentry.
they
paid
great
attention
to
their
genealogies
,
had
the
state
keep
records
of
them
and
insisted
that
the
dynastic
histories
mentioned
their
families
and
their
main
family
members.
lists
of
prominent
gentry
families
were
set
up
which
mentioned
the
home
of
each
clan
,
so
that
pretenders
could
easily
be
detected.
the
rules
of
giving
personal
names
were
changed
so
that
it
became
possible
to
identify
a
person
's
genealogical
position
within
the
family.
at
the
same
time
the
contempt
of
the
military
underwent
modification
;
the
gentry
were
even
ready
to
take
over
high
military
posts
,
and
also
to
profit
by
them.
the
new
sui
empire
found
itself
faced
with
many
difficulties.
during
the
three
and
a
half
centuries
of
division
,
north
and
south
had
developed
in
different
ways.
they
no
longer
spoke
the
same
language
in
everyday
life
(
we
distinguish
to
this
day
between
a
nanking
and
peking
"
high
chinese
"
,
to
say
nothing
of
dialects
)
.
the
social
and
economic
structures
were
very
different
in
the
two
parts
of
the
country.
how
could
unity
be
restored
in
these
things
?
then
there
was
the
problem
of
population.
the
north-eastern
plain
had
always
been
thickly
populated
;
it
had
early
come
under
toba
rule
and
had
been
able
to
develop
further.
the
region
round
the
old
northern
capital
ch
'ang-an
,
on
the
other
hand
,
had
suffered
greatly
from
the
struggles
before
the
toba
period
and
had
never
entirely
recovered.
meanwhile
,
in
the
south
the
population
had
greatly
increased
in
the
region
north
of
nanking
,
while
the
regions
south
of
the
yangtze
and
the
upper
yangtze
valley
were
more
thinly
peopled.
the
real
south
,
i.e.
the
modern
provinces
of
fukien
,
kwangtung
and
kwangsi
,
was
still
underdeveloped
,
mainly
because
of
the
malaria
there.
in
the
matter
of
population
the
north
unquestionably
remained
prominent.
the
founder
of
the
sui
dynasty
,
known
by
his
reign
name
of
wen
ti
(
##number##
)
,
came
from
the
west
,
close
to
ch
'ang-an.
there
he
and
his
following
had
their
extensive
domains.
owing
to
the
scanty
population
there
and
the
resulting
shortage
of
agricultural
labourers
,
these
properties
were
very
much
less
productive
than
the
small
properties
in
the
north-east.
this
state
of
things
was
well
known
in
the
south
,
and
it
was
expected
,
with
good
reason
,
that
the
government
would
try
to
transfer
parts
of
the
population
to
the
north-west
,
in
order
to
settle
a
peasantry
round
the
capital
for
the
support
of
its
greatly
increasing
staff
of
officials
,
and
to
satisfy
the
gentry
of
the
region.
this
produced
several
revolts
in
the
south.
as
an
old
soldier
who
had
long
been
a
subject
of
the
toba
,
wen
ti
had
no
great
understanding
of
theory
:
he
was
a
practical
man.
he
was
anti-intellectual
and
emotionally
attached
to
buddhism
;
he
opposed
confucianism
for
emotional
reasons
and
believed
that
it
could
give
him
no
serviceable
officials
of
the
sort
he
wanted.
he
demanded
from
his
officials
the
same
obedience
and
sense
of
duty
as
from
his
soldiers
;
and
he
was
above
all
thrifty
,
almost
miserly
,
because
he
realized
that
the
finances
of
his
state
could
only
be
brought
into
order
by
the
greatest
exertions.
the
budget
had
to
be
drawn
up
for
the
vast
territory
of
the
empire
without
any
possibility
of
saying
in
advance
whether
the
revenues
would
come
in
and
whether
the
transport
of
dues
to
the
capital
would
function.
this
cautious
calculation
was
entirely
justified
,
but
it
aroused
great
opposition.
both
east
and
south
were
used
to
a
much
better
style
of
living
;
yet
the
gentry
of
both
regions
were
now
required
to
cut
down
their
consumption.
on
top
of
this
they
were
excluded
from
the
conduct
of
political
affairs.
in
the
past
,
under
the
northern
ch
'i
empire
in
the
north-east
and
under
the
ch
'en
empire
in
the
south
,
there
had
been
thousands
of
positions
at
court
in
which
the
whole
of
the
gentry
could
find
accommodation
of
some
kind.
now
the
central
government
was
far
in
the
west
,
and
other
people
were
its
administrators.
in
the
past
the
gentry
had
a
profitable
and
easily
accessible
market
for
their
produce
in
the
neighbouring
capital
;
now
the
capital
was
far
away
,
entailing
long-distance
transport
at
heavy
risk
with
little
profit.
the
dissatisfied
circles
of
the
gentry
in
the
north-east
and
in
the
south
incited
prince
kuang
to
rebellion.
the
prince
and
his
followers
murdered
the
emperor
and
set
aside
the
heir-apparent
;
and
kuang
came
to
the
throne
,
assuming
the
name
of
yang
ti.
his
first
act
was
to
transfer
the
capital
back
to
the
east
,
to
loyang
,
close
to
the
grain-producing
regions.
his
second
achievement
was
to
order
the
construction
of
great
canals
,
to
facilitate
the
transport
of
grain
to
the
capital
and
to
provide
a
valuable
new
market
for
the
producers
in
the
north-east
and
the
south.
it
was
at
this
time
that
the
first
forerunner
of
the
famous
"
imperial
canal
"
was
constructed
,
the
canal
that
connects
the
yangtze
with
the
yellow
river.
small
canals
,
connecting
various
streams
,
had
long
been
in
existence
,
so
that
it
was
possible
to
travel
from
north
to
south
by
water
,
but
these
canals
were
not
deep
enough
or
broad
enough
to
take
large
freight
barges.
there
are
records
of
lighters
of
##number##
and
even
##number##
tons
capacity
!
these
are
dimensions
unheard
of
in
the
west
in
those
times.
in
addition
to
a
serviceable
canal
to
the
south
,
yang
ti
made
another
that
went
north
almost
to
the
present
peking.
hand
in
hand
with
these
successes
of
the
north-eastern
and
southern
gentry
went
strong
support
for
confucianism
,
and
a
reorganization
of
the
confucian
examination
system.
as
a
rule
,
however
,
the
examinations
were
circumvented
as
an
unimportant
formality
;
the
various
governors
were
ordered
each
to
send
annually
to
the
capital
three
men
with
the
required
education
,
for
whose
quality
they
were
held
personally
responsible
;
merchants
and
artisans
were
expressly
excluded.
##number##
_relations
with
turks
and
with
korea_
in
foreign
affairs
an
extraordinarily
fortunate
situation
for
the
sui
dynasty
had
come
into
existence.
the
t
'u-chueeh
,
the
turks
,
much
the
strongest
people
of
the
north
,
had
given
support
now
to
one
and
now
to
another
of
the
northern
kingdoms
,
and
this
,
together
with
their
many
armed
incursions
,
had
made
them
the
dominant
political
factor
in
the
north.
but
in
the
first
year
of
the
sui
period
(
##number##
)
they
split
into
two
sections
,
so
that
the
sui
had
hopes
of
gaining
influence
over
them.
at
first
both
sections
of
the
turks
had
entered
into
alliance
with
china
,
but
this
was
not
a
sufficient
safeguard
for
the
sui
,
for
one
of
the
turkish
khans
was
surrounded
by
toba
who
had
fled
from
the
vanished
state
of
the
northern
chou
,
and
who
now
tried
to
induce
the
turks
to
undertake
a
campaign
for
the
reconquest
of
north
china.
the
leader
of
this
agitation
was
a
princess
of
the
yue-wen
family
,
the
ruling
family
of
the
northern
chou.
the
chinese
fought
the
turks
several
times
;
but
much
more
effective
results
were
gained
by
their
diplomatic
missions
,
which
incited
the
eastern
against
the
western
turks
and
vice
versa
,
and
also
incited
the
turks
against
the
toba
clique.
in
the
end
one
of
the
sections
of
turks
accepted
chinese
overlordship
,
and
some
tribes
of
the
other
section
were
brought
over
to
the
chinese
side
;
also
,
fresh
disunion
was
sown
among
the
turks.
under
the
emperor
yang
ti
,
p
'ei
chue
carried
this
policy
further.
he
induced
the
toeloes
tribes
to
attack
the
t
'u-yue-hun
,
and
then
himself
attacked
the
latter
,
so
destroying
their
power.
the
t
'u-yue-hun
were
a
people
living
in
the
extreme
north
of
tibet
,
under
a
ruling
class
apparently
of
hsien-pi
origin
;
the
people
were
largely
tibetan.
the
purpose
of
the
conquest
of
the
t
'u-yue-hun
was
to
safeguard
access
to
central
asia.
an
effective
turkestan
policy
was
,
however
,
impossible
so
long
as
the
turks
were
still
a
formidable
power.
accordingly
,
the
intrigues
that
aimed
at
keeping
the
two
sections
of
turks
apart
were
continued.
in
##number##
came
a
decisive
counter-attack
from
the
turks.
their
khan
,
shih-pi
,
made
a
surprise
assault
on
the
emperor
himself
,
with
all
his
following
,
in
the
ordos
region
,
and
succeeded
in
surrounding
them.
they
were
in
just
the
same
desperate
situation
as
when
,
eight
centuries
earlier
,
the
chinese
emperor
had
been
beleaguered
by
mao
tun.
but
the
chinese
again
saved
themselves
by
a
trick.
the
young
chinese
commander
,
li
shih-min
,
succeeded
in
giving
the
turks
the
impression
that
large
reinforcements
were
on
the
way
;
a
chinese
princess
who
was
with
the
turks
spread
the
rumour
that
the
turks
were
to
be
attacked
by
another
tribe
--
and
shih-pi
raised
the
siege
,
although
the
chinese
had
been
entirely
defeated.
in
the
sui
period
the
chinese
were
faced
with
a
further
problem.
korea
or
,
rather
,
the
most
important
of
the
three
states
in
korea
,
had
generally
been
on
friendly
terms
with
the
southern
state
during
the
period
of
china
's
division
,
and
for
this
reason
had
been
more
or
less
protected
from
its
north
chinese
neighbours.
after
the
unification
of
china
,
korea
had
reason
for
seeking
an
alliance
with
the
turks
,
in
order
to
secure
a
new
counterweight
against
china.
a
turco-korean
alliance
would
have
meant
for
china
a
sort
of
encirclement
that
might
have
grave
consequences.
the
alliance
might
be
extended
to
japan
,
who
had
certain
interests
in
korea.
accordingly
the
chinese
determined
to
attack
korea
,
though
at
the
same
time
negotiations
were
set
on
foot.
the
fighting
,
which
lasted
throughout
the
sui
period
,
involved
technical
difficulties
,
as
it
called
for
combined
land
and
sea
attacks
;
in
general
it
brought
little
success.
##number##
_reasons
for
collapse_
the
continual
warfare
entailed
great
expense
,
and
so
did
the
intrigues
,
because
they
depended
for
their
success
on
bribery.
still
more
expensive
were
the
great
canal
works.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
emperor
yang
ti
,
unlike
his
father
,
was
very
extravagant.
he
built
enormous
palaces
and
undertook
long
journeys
throughout
the
empire
with
an
immense
following.
all
this
wrecked
the
prosperity
which
his
father
had
built
up
and
had
tried
to
safeguard.
the
only
productive
expenditure
was
that
on
the
canals
,
and
they
could
not
begin
to
pay
in
so
short
a
period.
the
emperor
's
continual
journeys
were
due
,
no
doubt
,
in
part
simply
to
the
pursuit
of
pleasure
,
though
they
were
probably
intended
at
the
same
time
to
hinder
risings
and
to
give
the
emperor
direct
control
over
every
part
of
the
country.
but
the
empire
was
too
large
and
too
complex
for
its
administration
to
be
possible
in
the
midst
of
journeying.
[
illustration
:
map
##number##
:
the
t
'ang
realm
(
_about
a.d.
750_
)
]
the
whole
of
the
chancellery
had
to
accompany
the
emperor
,
and
all
the
transport
necessary
for
the
feeding
of
the
emperor
and
his
government
had
continually
to
be
diverted
to
wherever
he
happened
to
be
staying.
all
this
produced
disorder
and
unrest.
the
gentry
,
who
at
first
had
so
strongly
supported
the
emperor
and
had
been
able
to
obtain
anything
they
wanted
from
him
,
now
began
to
desert
him
and
set
up
pretenders.
from
##number##
onward
,
after
the
defeat
at
the
hands
of
the
turks
,
risings
broke
out
everywhere.
the
emperor
had
to
establish
his
government
in
the
south
,
where
he
felt
safer.
there
,
however
,
in
##number##
,
he
was
assassinated
by
conspirators
led
by
toba
of
the
yue-wen
family.
everywhere
now
independent
governments
sprang
up
,
and
for
five
years
china
was
split
up
into
countless
petty
states.
(
b
)
the
t
'ang
dynasty
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
_reforms
and
decentralization_
the
hero
of
the
turkish
siege
,
li
shih-min
,
had
allied
himself
with
the
turks
in
##number##
there
were
special
reasons
for
his
ability
to
do
this.
in
his
family
it
had
been
a
regular
custom
to
marry
women
belonging
to
toba
families
,
so
that
he
naturally
enjoyed
the
confidence
of
the
toba
party
among
the
turks.
there
are
various
theories
as
to
the
origin
of
his
family
,
the
li.
the
family
itself
claimed
to
be
descended
from
the
ruling
family
of
the
western
liang.
it
is
doubtful
whether
that
family
was
purely
chinese
,
and
in
any
case
li
shih-min
's
descent
from
it
is
a
matter
of
doubt.
it
is
possible
that
his
family
was
a
sinified
toba
family
,
or
at
least
came
from
a
toba
region.
however
this
may
be
,
li
shih-min
continued
the
policy
which
had
been
pursued
since
the
beginning
of
the
sui
dynasty
by
the
members
of
the
deposed
toba
ruling
family
of
the
northern
chou
--
the
policy
of
collaboration
with
the
turks
in
the
effort
to
remove
the
sui.
the
nominal
leadership
in
the
rising
that
now
began
lay
in
the
hands
of
li
shih-min
's
father
,
li
yuean
;
in
practice
li
shih-min
saw
to
everything.
at
the
end
of
##number##
he
was
outside
the
first
capital
of
the
sui
,
ch
'ang-an
,
with
a
turkish
army
that
had
come
to
his
aid
on
the
strength
of
the
treaty
of
alliance.
after
capturing
ch
'ang-an
he
installed
a
puppet
emperor
there
,
a
grandson
of
yang
ti.
in
##number##
the
puppet
was
dethroned
and
li
yuean
,
the
father
,
was
made
emperor
,
in
the
t
'ang
dynasty.
internal
fighting
went
on
until
##number##
,
and
only
then
was
the
whole
empire
brought
under
the
rule
of
the
t
'ang.
great
reforms
then
began.
a
new
land
law
aimed
at
equalizing
ownership
,
so
that
as
far
as
possible
all
peasants
should
own
the
same
amount
of
land
and
the
formation
of
large
estates
be
prevented.
the
law
aimed
also
at
protecting
the
peasants
from
the
loss
of
their
land.
the
law
was
,
however
,
nothing
but
a
modification
of
the
toba
land
law
(
_chuen-t
'ien_
)
,
and
it
was
hoped
that
now
it
would
provide
a
sound
and
solid
economic
foundation
for
the
empire.
from
the
first
,
however
,
members
of
the
gentry
who
were
connected
with
the
imperial
house
were
given
a
privileged
position
;
then
officials
were
excluded
from
the
prohibition
of
leasing
,
so
that
there
continued
to
be
tenant
farmers
in
addition
to
the
independent
peasants.
moreover
,
the
temples
enjoyed
special
treatment
,
and
were
also
exempted
from
taxation.
all
these
exceptions
brought
grist
to
the
mills
of
the
gentry
,
and
so
did
the
failure
to
carry
into
effect
many
of
the
provisions
of
the
law.
before
long
a
new
gentry
had
been
formed
,
consisting
of
the
old
gentry
together
with
those
who
had
directly
aided
the
emperor
's
ascent
to
the
throne.
from
the
beginning
of
the
eighth
century
there
were
repeated
complaints
that
peasants
were
"
disappearing
"
.
they
were
entering
the
service
of
the
gentry
as
tenant
farmers
or
farm
workers
,
and
owing
to
the
privileged
position
of
the
gentry
in
regard
to
taxation
,
the
revenue
sank
in
proportion
as
the
number
of
independent
peasants
decreased.
one
of
the
reasons
for
the
flight
of
farmers
may
have
been
the
corvee
laws
connected
with
the
"
equal
land
"
system
:
small
families
were
much
less
affected
by
the
corvee
obligation
than
larger
families
with
many
sons.
it
may
be
,
therefore
,
that
large
families
or
at
least
sons
of
the
sons
in
large
families
moved
away
in
order
to
escape
these
obligations.
in
order
to
prevent
irregularities
,
the
t
'ang
renewed
the
old
"
_pao-chia_
"
system
,
as
a
part
of
a
general
reform
of
the
administration
in
##number##
in
this
system
groups
of
five
families
were
collectively
responsible
for
the
payment
of
taxes
,
the
corvee
,
for
crimes
committed
by
individuals
within
one
group
,
and
for
loans
from
state
agencies.
such
a
system
is
attested
for
pre-christian
times
already
;
it
was
re-activated
in
the
eleventh
century
and
again
from
time
to
time
,
down
to
the
present.
yet
the
system
of
land
equalization
soon
broke
down
and
was
abolished
officially
around
a.d.
##number##
but
the
classification
of
citizens
into
different
classes
,
first
legalized
under
the
toba
,
was
retained
and
even
more
refined.
as
early
as
in
the
han
period
there
had
been
a
dual
administration
--
the
civil
and
,
independent
of
it
,
the
military
administration.
one
and
the
same
area
would
belong
to
a
particular
administrative
prefecture
(
_chuen_
)
and
at
the
same
time
to
a
particular
military
prefecture
(
_chou_
)
.
this
dual
organization
had
persisted
during
the
toba
period
and
,
at
first
,
remained
unchanged
in
the
beginning
of
the
t
'ang.
the
backbone
of
the
military
power
in
the
seventh
century
was
the
militia
,
some
six
hundred
units
of
an
average
of
a
thousand
men
,
recruited
from
the
general
farming
population
for
short-term
service
:
one
month
in
five
in
the
areas
close
to
the
capital.
these
men
formed
a
part
of
the
emperor
's
guards
and
were
under
the
command
of
members
of
the
shensi
gentry.
this
system
which
had
its
direct
parallels
in
the
han
time
and
evolved
out
of
a
toba
system
,
broke
down
when
short
offensive
wars
were
no
longer
fought.
other
imperial
guards
were
staffed
with
young
sons
of
the
gentry
who
were
stationed
in
the
most
delicate
parts
of
the
palaces.
the
emperor
t
'ai-tsung
had
his
personal
bodyguard
,
a
part
of
his
own
army
of
conquest
,
consisting
of
his
former
bondsmen
(
_pu-ch
'ue_
)
.
the
ranks
of
the
army
of
conquest
were
later
filled
by
descendants
of
the
original
soldiers
and
by
orphans.
in
the
provinces
,
the
armies
of
the
military
prefectures
gradually
lost
their
importance
when
wars
became
longer
and
militiamen
proved
insufficient.
many
of
the
soldiers
here
were
convicts
and
exiles.
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
the
title
of
the
commander
of
these
armies
,
_tu-tu_
,
in
the
fourth
century
meant
a
commander
in
the
church-taoist
organization
;
it
was
used
by
the
toba
and
from
the
seventh
century
on
became
widely
accepted
as
title
among
the
uighurs
,
tibetans
,
sogdians
,
turks
and
khotanese.
when
the
prefectural
armies
and
the
militia
forces
weakened
,
special
regional
armies
were
created
(
from
##number##
on
)
;
this
institution
had
existed
among
the
toba
,
but
they
had
greatly
reduced
these
armies
after
##number##
the
commanders
of
these
new
t
'ang
armies
soon
became
more
important
than
the
civil
administrators
,
because
they
commanded
a
number
of
districts
making
up
a
whole
province.
this
assured
a
better
functioning
of
the
military
machine
,
but
put
the
governors-general
in
a
position
to
pursue
a
policy
of
their
own
,
even
against
the
central
government.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
financial
administration
of
their
commands
was
put
under
them
,
whereas
in
the
past
it
had
been
in
the
hands
of
the
civil
administration
of
the
various
provinces.
the
civil
administration
was
also
reorganized
(
see
the
table
on
pages
##number##
)
.
towards
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
the
state
secretariat
was
set
up
in
two
parts
:
it
was
in
possession
of
all
information
about
the
economic
and
political
affairs
of
the
empire
,
and
it
made
the
actual
decisions.
moreover
,
a
number
of
technical
departments
had
been
created
--
in
all
,
a
system
that
might
compare
favourably
with
european
systems
of
the
eighteenth
century.
at
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
there
was
added
to
this
system
a
section
for
economic
affairs
,
working
quite
independently
of
it
and
directly
under
the
emperor
;
it
was
staffed
entirely
with
economic
or
financial
experts
,
while
for
the
staffing
of
the
other
departments
no
special
qualification
was
demanded
besides
the
passing
of
the
state
examinations.
in
addition
to
these
,
at
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
a
new
department
was
in
preparation
,
a
sort
of
privy
council
,
a
mainly
military
organization
,
probably
intended
to
control
the
generals
(
section
##number##
of
the
table
on
page
##number##
)
,
just
as
the
state
secretariat
controlled
the
civil
officials.
the
privy
council
became
more
and
more
important
in
the
tenth
century
and
especially
in
the
mongol
epoch.
its
absence
in
the
early
t
'ang
period
gave
the
military
governors
much
too
great
freedom
,
ultimately
with
baneful
results.
at
first
,
however
,
the
reforms
of
a.d.
##number##
worked
well.
the
administration
showed
energy
,
and
taxes
flowed
in.
in
the
middle
of
the
eighth
century
the
annual
budget
of
the
state
included
the
following
items
:
over
a
million
tons
of
grain
for
the
consumption
of
the
capital
and
the
palace
and
for
salaries
of
civil
and
military
officials
;
twenty-seven
million
pieces
of
textiles
,
also
for
the
consumption
of
capital
and
palace
and
army
,
and
for
supplementary
purchases
of
grain
;
two
million
strings
of
money
(
a
string
nominally
held
a
thousand
copper
coins
)
for
salaries
and
for
the
army.
this
was
much
more
than
the
state
budget
of
the
han
period.
the
population
of
the
empire
had
also
increased
;
it
seems
to
have
amounted
to
some
fifty
millions.
in
the
capital
a
large
staff
of
officials
had
been
created
to
meet
all
administrative
needs.
the
capital
grew
enormously
,
at
times
containing
two
million
people.
great
numbers
of
young
members
of
the
gentry
streamed
into
the
capital
for
the
examinations
held
under
the
confucian
system.
the
crowding
of
people
into
the
capital
and
the
accumulation
of
resources
there
promoted
a
rich
cultural
life.
we
know
of
many
poets
of
that
period
whose
poems
were
real
masterpieces
;
and
artists
whose
works
were
admired
centuries
later.
these
poets
and
artists
were
the
pioneers
of
the
flourishing
culture
of
the
later
t
'ang
period.
hand
in
hand
with
this
went
luxury
and
refinement
of
manners.
for
those
who
retired
from
the
bustle
of
the
capital
to
work
on
their
estates
and
to
enjoy
the
society
of
their
friends
,
there
was
time
to
occupy
themselves
with
taoism
and
buddhism
,
especially
meditative
buddhism.
everyone
,
of
course
,
was
confucian
,
as
was
fitting
for
a
member
of
the
gentry
,
but
confucianism
was
so
taken
for
granted
that
it
was
not
discussed.
it
was
the
basis
of
morality
for
the
gentry
,
but
held
no
problems.
it
no
longer
contained
anything
of
interest.
conditions
had
been
much
the
same
once
before
,
at
the
court
of
the
han
emperors
,
but
with
one
great
difference
:
at
that
time
everything
of
importance
took
place
in
the
capital
;
now
,
in
addition
to
the
actual
capital
,
ch
'ang-an
,
there
was
the
second
capital
,
loyang
,
in
no
way
inferior
to
the
other
in
importance
;
and
the
great
towns
in
the
south
also
played
their
part
as
commercial
and
cultural
centres
that
had
developed
in
the
##number##
years
of
division
between
north
and
south.
there
the
local
gentry
gathered
to
lead
a
cultivated
life
,
though
not
quite
in
the
grand
style
of
the
capital.
if
an
official
was
transferred
to
the
yangtze
,
it
no
longer
amounted
to
a
punishment
as
in
the
past
;
he
would
not
meet
only
uneducated
people
,
but
a
society
resembling
that
of
the
capital.
the
institution
of
governors-general
further
promoted
this
decentralization
:
the
governor-general
surrounded
himself
with
a
little
court
of
his
own
,
drawn
from
the
local
gentry
and
the
local
intelligentsia.
this
placed
the
whole
edifice
of
the
empire
on
a
much
broader
foundation
,
with
lasting
results.
##number##
_turkish
policy_
the
foreign
policy
of
this
first
period
of
the
t
'ang
,
lasting
until
about
##number##
,
was
mainly
concerned
with
the
turks
and
turkestan.
there
were
still
two
turkish
realms
in
the
far
east
,
both
of
considerable
strength
but
in
keen
rivalry
with
each
other.
the
t
'ang
had
come
into
power
with
the
aid
of
the
eastern
turks
,
but
they
admitted
the
leader
of
the
western
turks
to
their
court
;
he
had
been
at
ch
'ang-an
in
the
time
of
the
sui.
he
was
murdered
,
however
,
by
chinese
at
the
instigation
of
the
eastern
turks.
the
next
khan
of
the
eastern
turks
nevertheless
turned
against
the
t
'ang
,
and
gave
his
support
to
a
still
surviving
pretender
to
the
throne
representing
the
sui
dynasty
;
the
khan
contended
that
the
old
alliance
of
the
eastern
turks
had
been
with
the
sui
and
not
with
the
t
'ang.
the
t
'ang
therefore
tried
to
come
to
terms
once
more
with
the
western
turks
,
who
had
been
affronted
by
the
assassination
;
but
the
negotiations
came
to
nothing
in
face
of
an
approach
made
by
the
eastern
turks
to
the
western
,
and
of
the
distrust
of
the
chinese
with
which
all
the
turks
were
filled.
about
##number##
there
were
strong
turkish
invasions
,
carried
right
up
to
the
capital.
suddenly
,
however
,
for
reasons
not
disclosed
by
the
chinese
sources
,
the
turks
withdrew
,
and
the
t
'ang
were
able
to
conclude
a
fairly
honourable
peace.
this
was
the
time
of
the
maximum
power
of
the
eastern
turks.
shortly
afterwards
disturbances
broke
out
(
##number##
)
,
under
the
leadership
of
turkish
uighurs
and
their
allies.
the
chinese
took
advantage
of
these
disturbances
,
and
in
a
great
campaign
in
##number##
succeeded
in
overthrowing
the
eastern
turks
;
the
khan
was
taken
to
the
imperial
court
in
ch
'ang-an
,
and
the
chinese
emperor
made
himself
"
heavenly
khan
"
of
the
turks.
in
spite
of
the
protest
of
many
of
the
ministers
,
who
pointed
to
the
result
of
the
settlement
policy
of
the
later
han
dynasty
,
the
eastern
turks
were
settled
in
the
bend
of
the
upper
hwang-ho
and
placed
more
or
less
under
the
protectorate
of
two
governors-general.
their
leaders
were
admitted
into
the
chinese
army
,
and
the
sons
of
their
nobles
lived
at
the
imperial
court.
no
doubt
it
was
hoped
in
this
way
to
turn
the
turks
into
chinese
,
as
had
been
done
with
the
toba
,
though
for
entirely
different
reasons.
more
than
a
million
turks
were
settled
in
this
way
,
and
some
of
them
actually
became
chinese
later
and
gained
important
posts.
in
general
,
however
,
this
in
no
way
broke
the
power
of
the
turks.
the
great
turkish
empire
,
which
extended
as
far
as
byzantium
,
continued
to
exist.
the
chinese
success
had
done
no
more
than
safeguard
the
frontier
from
a
direct
menace
and
frustrate
the
efforts
of
the
supporters
of
the
sui
dynasty
and
the
toba
dynasty
,
who
had
been
living
among
the
eastern
turks
and
had
built
on
them.
the
power
of
the
western
turks
remained
a
lasting
menace
to
china
,
especially
if
they
should
succeed
in
co-operating
with
the
tibetans.
after
the
annihilation
of
the
t
'u-yue-hun
by
the
sui
at
the
very
beginning
of
the
seventh
century
,
a
new
political
unit
had
formed
in
northern
tibet
,
the
t
'u-fan
,
who
also
seem
to
have
had
an
upper
class
of
turks
and
mongols
and
a
tibetan
lower
class.
just
as
in
the
han
period
,
chinese
policy
was
bound
to
be
directed
to
preventing
a
union
between
turks
and
tibetans.
this
,
together
with
commercial
interests
,
seems
to
have
been
the
political
motive
of
the
chinese
turkestan
policy
under
the
t
'ang.
##number##
_conquest
of
turkestan
and
korea.
summit
of
power_
the
turkestan
wars
began
in
##number##
with
an
attack
on
the
city-state
of
kao-ch
'ang
(
khocho
)
.
this
state
had
been
on
more
or
less
friendly
terms
with
north
china
since
the
toba
period
,
and
it
had
succeeded
again
and
again
in
preserving
a
certain
independence
from
the
turks.
now
,
however
,
kao-ch
'ang
had
to
submit
to
the
western
turks
,
whose
power
was
constantly
increasing.
china
made
that
submission
a
pretext
for
war.
by
##number##
the
whole
basin
of
turkestan
was
brought
under
chinese
dominance.
the
whole
campaign
was
really
directed
against
the
western
turks
,
to
whom
turkestan
had
become
subject.
the
western
turks
had
been
crippled
by
two
internal
events
,
to
the
advantage
of
the
chinese
:
there
had
been
a
tribal
rising
,
and
then
came
the
rebellion
and
the
rise
of
the
uighurs
(
##number##
)
.
these
events
belong
to
turkish
history
,
and
we
shall
confine
ourselves
here
to
their
effects
on
chinese
history.
the
chinese
were
able
to
rely
on
the
uighurs
;
above
all
,
they
were
furnished
by
the
toeloes
turks
with
a
large
army
,
with
which
they
turned
once
more
against
turkestan
in
##number##
,
and
now
definitely
established
their
rule
there.
the
active
spirit
at
the
beginning
of
the
t
'ang
rule
had
not
been
the
emperor
but
his
son
li
shih-min
,
who
was
not
,
however
,
named
as
heir
to
the
throne
because
he
was
not
the
eldest
son.
the
result
of
this
was
tension
between
li
shih-min
and
his
father
and
brothers
,
especially
the
heir
to
the
throne.
when
the
brothers
learned
that
li
shih-min
was
claiming
the
succession
,
they
conspired
against
him
,
and
in
##number##
,
at
the
very
moment
when
the
western
turks
had
made
a
rapid
incursion
and
were
once
more
threatening
the
chinese
capital
,
there
came
an
armed
collision
between
the
brothers
,
in
which
li
shih-min
was
the
victor.
the
brothers
and
their
families
were
exterminated
,
the
father
compelled
to
abdicate
,
and
li
shih-min
became
emperor
,
assuming
the
name
t
'ai
tsung
(
##number##
)
.
his
reign
marked
the
zenith
of
the
power
of
china
and
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty.
their
inner
struggles
and
the
chinese
penetration
of
turkestan
had
weakened
the
position
of
the
turks
;
the
reorganization
of
the
administration
and
of
the
system
of
taxation
,
the
improved
transport
resulting
from
the
canals
constructed
under
the
sui
,
and
the
useful
results
of
the
creation
of
great
administrative
areas
under
strong
military
control
,
had
brought
china
inner
stability
and
in
consequence
external
power
and
prestige.
the
reputation
which
she
then
obtained
as
the
most
powerful
state
of
the
far
east
endured
when
her
inner
stability
had
begun
to
deteriorate.
thus
in
##number##
the
sassanid
ruler
jedzgerd
sent
a
mission
to
china
asking
for
her
help
against
the
arabs.
three
further
missions
came
at
intervals
of
a
good
many
years.
the
chinese
declined
,
however
,
to
send
a
military
expedition
to
such
a
distance
;
they
merely
conferred
on
the
ruler
the
title
of
a
chinese
governor
;
this
was
of
little
help
against
the
arabs
,
and
in
##number##
the
last
ruler
,
peruz
,
fled
to
the
chinese
court.
the
last
years
of
t
'ai
tsung
's
reign
were
filled
with
a
great
war
against
korea
,
which
represented
a
continuation
of
the
plans
of
the
sui
emperor
yang
ti.
this
time
korea
came
firmly
into
chinese
possession.
in
##number##
,
under
t
'ai
tsung
's
son
,
the
korean
fighting
was
resumed
,
this
time
against
japanese
who
were
defending
their
interests
in
korea.
this
was
the
period
of
great
japanese
enthusiasm
for
china.
the
chinese
system
of
administration
was
copied
,
and
buddhism
was
adopted
,
together
with
every
possible
element
of
chinese
culture.
this
meant
increased
trade
with
japan
,
bringing
in
large
profits
to
china
,
and
so
the
korean
middleman
was
to
be
eliminated.
t
'ai
tsung
's
son
,
kao
tsung
(
##number##
)
,
merely
carried
to
a
conclusion
what
had
been
begun.
externally
china
's
prestige
continued
at
its
zenith.
the
caravans
streamed
into
china
from
western
and
central
asia
,
bringing
great
quantities
of
luxury
goods.
at
this
time
,
however
,
the
foreign
colonies
were
not
confined
to
the
capital
but
were
installed
in
all
the
important
trading
ports
and
inland
trade
centres.
the
whole
country
was
covered
by
a
commercial
network
;
foreign
merchants
who
had
come
overland
to
china
met
others
who
had
come
by
sea.
the
foreigners
set
up
their
own
counting-houses
and
warehouses
;
whole
quarters
of
the
capital
were
inhabited
entirely
by
foreigners
who
lived
as
if
they
were
in
their
own
country.
they
brought
with
them
their
own
religions
:
manichaeism
,
mazdaism
,
and
nestorian
christianity.
the
first
jews
came
into
china
,
apparently
as
dealers
in
fabrics
,
and
the
first
arabian
mohammedans
made
their
appearance.
in
china
the
foreigners
bought
silkstuffs
and
collected
everything
of
value
that
they
could
find
,
especially
precious
metals.
culturally
this
influx
of
foreigners
enriched
china
;
economically
,
as
in
earlier
periods
,
it
did
not
;
its
disadvantages
were
only
compensated
for
a
time
by
the
very
beneficial
results
of
the
trade
with
japan
,
and
this
benefit
did
not
last
long.
##number##
_the
reign
of
the
empress
wu
:
buddhism
and
capitalism_
the
pressure
of
the
western
turks
had
been
greatly
weakened
in
this
period
,
especially
as
their
attention
had
been
diverted
to
the
west
,
where
the
advance
of
islam
and
of
the
arabs
was
a
new
menace
for
them.
on
the
other
hand
,
from
##number##
onward
the
tibetans
gained
immensely
in
power
,
and
pushed
from
the
south
into
the
tarim
basin.
in
##number##
they
inflicted
a
heavy
defeat
on
the
chinese
,
and
it
cost
the
t
'ang
decades
of
diplomatic
effort
before
they
attained
,
in
##number##
,
their
aim
of
breaking
up
the
tibetans
'
realm
and
destroying
their
power.
in
the
last
year
of
kao
tsung
's
reign
,
##number##
,
came
the
first
of
the
wars
of
liberation
of
the
northern
turks
,
known
until
then
as
the
western
turks
,
against
the
chinese.
and
with
the
end
of
kao
tsung
's
reign
began
the
decline
of
the
t
'ang
regime.
most
of
the
historians
attribute
it
to
a
woman
,
the
later
empress
wu.
she
had
been
a
concubine
of
t
'ai
tsung
,
and
after
his
death
had
become
a
buddhist
nun
--
a
frequent
custom
of
the
time
--
until
kao
tsung
fell
in
love
with
her
and
made
her
a
concubine
of
his
own.
in
the
end
he
actually
divorced
the
empress
and
made
the
concubine
empress
(
##number##
)
.
she
gained
more
and
more
influence
,
being
placed
on
a
par
with
the
emperor
and
soon
entirely
eliminating
him
in
practice
;
in
##number##
she
removed
the
rightful
heir
to
the
throne
and
put
her
own
son
in
his
place
;
after
kao
tsung
's
death
in
##number##
she
became
regent
for
her
son.
soon
afterward
she
dethroned
him
in
favour
of
his
twenty-two-year-old
brother
;
in
##number##
she
deposed
him
too
and
made
herself
empress
in
the
"
chou
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
this
officially
ended
the
t
'ang
dynasty.
matters
,
however
,
were
not
so
simple
as
this
might
suggest.
for
otherwise
on
the
empress
's
deposition
there
would
not
have
been
a
mass
of
supporters
moving
heaven
and
earth
to
treat
the
new
empress
wei
(
##number##
)
in
the
same
fashion.
there
is
every
reason
to
suppose
that
behind
the
empress
wu
there
was
a
group
opposing
the
ruling
clique.
in
spite
of
everything
,
the
t
'ang
government
clique
was
very
pro-turkish
,
and
many
turks
and
members
of
toba
families
had
government
posts
and
,
above
all
,
important
military
commands.
no
campaign
of
that
period
was
undertaken
without
turkish
auxiliaries.
the
fear
seems
to
have
been
felt
in
some
quarters
that
this
t
'ang
group
might
pursue
a
military
policy
hostile
to
the
gentry.
the
t
'ang
group
had
its
roots
mainly
in
western
china
;
thus
the
eastern
chinese
gentry
were
inclined
to
be
hostile
to
it.
the
first
act
of
the
empress
wu
had
been
to
transfer
the
capital
to
loyang
in
the
east.
thus
,
she
tried
to
rely
upon
the
co-operation
of
the
eastern
gentry
which
since
the
northern
chou
and
sui
dynasties
had
been
out
of
power.
while
the
western
gentry
brought
their
children
into
government
positions
by
claiming
family
privileges
(
a
son
of
a
high
official
had
the
right
to
a
certain
position
without
having
passed
the
regular
examinations
)
,
the
sons
of
the
eastern
gentry
had
to
pass
through
the
examinations.
thus
,
there
were
differences
in
education
and
outlook
between
both
groups
which
continued
long
after
the
death
of
the
empress.
in
addition
,
the
eastern
gentry
,
who
supported
the
empress
wu
and
later
the
empress
wei
,
were
closely
associated
with
the
foreign
merchants
of
western
asia
and
the
buddhist
church
to
which
they
adhered.
in
gratitude
for
help
from
the
buddhists
,
the
empress
wu
endowed
them
with
enormous
sums
of
money
,
and
tried
to
make
buddhism
a
sort
of
state
religion.
a
similar
development
had
taken
place
in
the
toba
and
also
in
the
sui
period.
like
these
earlier
rulers
,
the
empress
wu
seems
to
have
aimed
at
combining
spiritual
leadership
with
her
position
as
ruler
of
the
empire.
in
this
epoch
buddhism
helped
to
create
the
first
beginnings
of
large-scale
capitalism.
in
connection
with
the
growing
foreign
trade
,
the
monasteries
grew
in
importance
as
repositories
of
capital
;
the
temples
bought
more
and
more
land
,
became
more
and
more
wealthy
,
and
so
gained
increasing
influence
over
economic
affairs.
they
accumulated
large
quantities
of
metal
,
which
they
stored
in
the
form
of
bronze
figures
of
buddha
,
and
with
these
stocks
they
exercised
controlling
influence
over
the
money
market.
there
is
a
constant
succession
of
records
of
the
total
weight
of
the
bronze
figures
,
as
an
indication
of
the
money
value
they
represented.
it
is
interesting
to
observe
that
temples
and
monasteries
acquired
also
shops
and
had
rental
income
from
them.
they
further
operated
many
mills
,
as
did
the
owners
of
private
estates
(
now
called
"
_chuang_
"
)
and
thus
controlled
the
price
of
flour
,
and
polished
rice.
the
cultural
influence
of
buddhism
found
expression
in
new
and
improved
translations
of
countless
texts
,
and
in
the
passage
of
pilgrims
along
the
caravan
routes
,
helped
by
the
merchants
,
as
far
as
western
asia
and
india
,
like
the
famous
hsuean-tsang.
translations
were
made
not
only
from
indian
or
other
languages
into
chinese
,
but
also
,
for
instance
,
from
chinese
into
the
uighur
and
other
turkish
tongues
,
and
into
tibetan
,
korean
,
and
japanese.
the
attitude
of
the
turks
can
only
be
understood
when
we
realize
that
the
background
of
events
during
the
time
of
empress
wu
was
formed
by
the
activities
of
groups
of
the
eastern
chinese
gentry.
the
northern
turks
,
who
since
##number##
had
been
under
chinese
overlordship
,
had
fought
many
wars
of
liberation
against
the
chinese
;
and
through
the
conquest
of
neighbouring
turks
they
had
gradually
become
once
more
,
in
the
decade-and-a-half
after
the
death
of
kao
tsung
,
a
great
turkish
realm.
in
##number##
the
turkish
khan
,
at
the
height
of
his
power
,
demanded
a
chinese
prince
for
his
daughter
--
not
,
as
had
been
usual
in
the
past
,
a
princess
for
his
son.
his
intention
,
no
doubt
,
was
to
conquer
china
with
the
prince
's
aid
,
to
remove
the
empress
wu
,
and
to
restore
the
t
'ang
dynasty
--
but
under
turkish
overlordship
!
thus
,
when
the
empress
wu
sent
a
member
of
her
own
family
,
the
khan
rejected
him
and
demanded
the
restoration
of
the
deposed
t
'ang
emperor.
to
enforce
this
demand
,
he
embarked
on
a
great
campaign
against
china.
in
this
the
turks
must
have
been
able
to
rely
on
the
support
of
a
strong
group
inside
china
,
for
before
the
turkish
attack
became
dangerous
the
empress
wu
recalled
the
deposed
emperor
,
at
first
as
"
heir
to
the
throne
"
;
thus
she
yielded
to
the
khan
's
principal
demand.
in
spite
of
this
,
the
turkish
attacks
did
not
cease.
after
a
series
of
imbroglios
within
the
country
in
which
a
group
under
the
leadership
of
the
powerful
ts
'ui
gentry
family
had
liquidated
the
supporters
of
the
empress
wu
shortly
before
her
death
,
a
t
'ang
prince
finally
succeeded
in
killing
empress
wei
and
her
clique.
at
first
,
his
father
ascended
the
throne
,
but
was
soon
persuaded
to
abdicate
in
favour
of
his
son
,
now
called
emperor
hsueang
tsung
(
##number##
)
,
just
as
the
first
ruler
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
had
done.
the
practice
of
abdicating
--
in
contradiction
with
the
chinese
concept
of
the
ruler
as
son
of
heaven
and
the
duties
of
a
son
towards
his
father
--
seems
to
have
impressed
japan
where
similar
steps
later
became
quite
common.
with
hsuean
tsung
there
began
now
a
period
of
forty-five
years
,
which
the
chinese
describe
as
the
second
blossoming
of
t
'ang
culture
,
a
period
that
became
famous
especially
for
its
painting
and
literature.
##number##
_second
blossoming
of
t
'ang
culture_
the
t
'ang
literature
shows
the
co-operation
of
many
favourable
factors.
the
ancient
chinese
classical
style
of
official
reports
and
decrees
which
the
toba
had
already
revived
,
now
led
to
the
clear
prose
style
of
the
essayists
,
of
whom
han
yue
(
##number##
)
and
liu
tsung-yuean
(
##number##
)
call
for
special
mention.
but
entirely
new
forms
of
sentences
make
their
appearance
in
prose
writing
,
with
new
pictures
and
similes
brought
from
india
through
the
medium
of
the
buddhist
translations.
poetry
was
also
enriched
by
the
simple
songs
that
spread
in
the
north
under
turkish
influence
,
and
by
southern
influences.
the
great
poets
of
the
t
'ang
period
adopted
the
rules
of
form
laid
down
by
the
poetic
art
of
the
south
in
the
fifth
century
;
but
while
at
that
time
the
writing
of
poetry
was
a
learned
pastime
,
precious
and
formalistic
,
the
t
'ang
poets
brought
to
it
genuine
feeling.
widespread
fame
came
to
li
t
'ai-po
(
##number##
)
and
tu
fu
(
##number##
)
;
in
china
two
poets
almost
equal
to
these
two
in
popularity
were
po
chue-i
(
##number##
)
and
yuean
chen
(
##number##
)
,
who
in
their
works
kept
as
close
as
possible
to
the
vernacular.
new
forms
of
poetry
rarely
made
their
appearance
in
the
t
'ang
period
,
but
the
existing
forms
were
brought
to
the
highest
perfection.
not
until
the
very
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
did
there
appear
the
form
of
a
"
free
"
versification
,
with
lines
of
no
fixed
length.
this
form
came
from
the
indigenous
folk-songs
of
south-western
china
,
and
was
spread
through
the
agency
of
the
_filles
de
joie_
in
the
tea-houses.
before
long
it
became
the
custom
to
string
such
songs
together
in
a
continuous
series
--
the
first
step
towards
opera.
for
these
song
sequences
were
sung
by
way
of
accompaniment
to
the
theatrical
productions.
the
chinese
theatre
had
developed
from
two
sources
--
from
religious
games
,
bullfights
and
wrestling
,
among
turkish
and
mongol
peoples
,
which
developed
into
dancing
displays
;
and
from
sacrificial
games
of
south
chinese
origin.
thus
the
chinese
theatre
,
with
its
union
with
music
,
should
rather
be
called
opera
,
although
it
offers
a
sort
of
pantomimic
show.
what
amounted
to
a
court
conservatoire
trained
actors
and
musicians
as
early
as
in
the
t
'ang
period
for
this
court
opera.
these
actors
and
musicians
were
selected
from
the
best-looking
"
commoners
"
,
but
they
soon
tended
to
become
a
special
caste
with
a
legal
status
just
below
that
of
"
burghers
"
.
in
plastic
art
there
are
fine
sculptures
in
stone
and
bronze
,
and
we
have
also
technically
excellent
fabrics
,
the
finest
of
lacquer
,
and
remains
of
artistic
buildings
;
but
the
principal
achievement
of
the
t
'ang
period
lies
undoubtedly
in
the
field
of
painting.
as
in
poetry
,
in
painting
there
are
strong
traces
of
alien
influences
;
even
before
the
t
'ang
period
,
the
painter
hsieh
ho
laid
down
the
six
fundamental
laws
of
painting
,
in
all
probability
drawn
from
indian
practice.
foreigners
were
continually
brought
into
china
as
decorators
of
buddhist
temples
,
since
the
chinese
could
not
know
at
first
how
the
new
gods
had
to
be
presented.
the
chinese
regarded
these
painters
as
craftsmen
,
but
admired
their
skill
and
their
technique
and
learned
from
them.
the
most
famous
chinese
painter
of
the
t
'ang
period
is
wu
tao-tz
[
)
u
]
,
who
was
also
the
painter
most
strongly
influenced
by
central
asian
works.
as
a
pious
buddhist
he
painted
pictures
for
temples
among
others.
among
the
landscape
painters
,
wang
wei
(
##number##
)
ranks
first
;
he
was
also
a
famous
poet
and
aimed
at
uniting
poem
and
painting
into
an
integral
whole.
with
him
begins
the
great
tradition
of
chinese
landscape
painting
,
which
attained
its
zenith
later
,
in
the
sung
epoch.
porcelain
had
been
invented
in
china
long
ago.
there
was
as
yet
none
of
the
white
porcelain
that
is
preferred
today
;
the
inside
was
a
brownish-yellow
;
but
on
the
whole
it
was
already
technically
and
artistically
of
a
very
high
quality.
since
porcelain
was
at
first
produced
only
for
the
requirements
of
the
court
and
of
high
dignitaries
--
mostly
in
state
factories
--
a
few
centuries
later
the
t
'ang
porcelain
had
become
a
great
rarity.
but
in
the
centuries
that
followed
,
porcelain
became
an
important
new
article
of
chinese
export.
the
chinese
prisoners
taken
by
the
arabs
in
the
great
battle
of
samarkand
(
##number##
)
,
the
first
clash
between
the
world
of
islam
and
china
,
brought
to
the
west
the
knowledge
of
chinese
culture
,
of
several
chinese
crafts
,
of
the
art
of
papermaking
,
and
also
of
porcelain.
the
emperor
hsuean
tsung
gave
active
encouragement
to
all
things
artistic.
poets
and
painters
contributed
to
the
elegance
of
his
magnificent
court
ceremonial.
as
time
went
on
he
showed
less
and
less
interest
in
public
affairs
,
and
grew
increasingly
inclined
to
taoism
and
mysticism
in
general
--
an
outcome
of
the
fact
that
the
conduct
of
matters
of
state
was
gradually
taken
out
of
his
hands.
on
the
whole
,
however
,
buddhism
was
pushed
into
the
background
in
favour
of
confucianism
,
as
a
reaction
from
the
unusual
privileges
that
had
been
accorded
to
the
buddhists
in
the
past
fifteen
years
under
the
empress
wu.
##number##
_revolt
of
a
military
governor_
at
the
beginning
of
hsuean
tsung
's
reign
the
capital
had
been
in
the
east
at
loyang
;
then
it
was
transferred
once
more
to
ch
'ang-an
in
the
west
due
to
pressure
of
the
western
gentry.
the
emperor
soon
came
under
the
influence
of
the
unscrupulous
but
capable
and
energetic
li
lin-fu
,
a
distant
relative
of
the
ruler.
li
was
a
virtual
dictator
at
the
court
from
##number##
to
##number##
,
who
had
first
advanced
in
power
by
helping
the
concubine
wu
,
a
relative
of
the
famous
empress
wu
,
and
by
continually
playing
the
eastern
against
the
western
gentry.
after
the
death
of
the
concubine
wu
,
he
procured
for
the
emperor
a
new
concubine
named
yang
,
of
a
western
family.
this
woman
,
usually
called
"
concubine
yang
"
(
yang
kui-fei
)
,
became
the
heroine
of
countless
stage-plays
and
stories
and
even
films
;
all
the
misfortunes
that
marked
the
end
of
hsuean
tsung
's
reign
were
attributed
solely
to
her.
this
is
incorrect
,
as
she
was
but
a
link
in
the
chain
of
influences
that
played
upon
the
emperor.
naturally
she
found
important
official
posts
for
her
brothers
and
all
her
relatives
;
but
more
important
than
these
was
a
military
governor
named
an
lu-shan
(
##number##
)
.
his
mother
was
a
turkish
shamaness
,
his
father
,
a
foreigner
probably
of
sogdian
origin.
an
lu-shan
succeeded
in
gaining
favour
with
the
li
clique
,
which
hoped
to
make
use
of
him
for
its
own
ends.
chinese
sources
describe
him
as
a
prodigy
of
evil
,
and
it
will
be
very
difficult
today
to
gain
a
true
picture
of
his
personality.
in
any
case
,
he
was
certainly
a
very
capable
officer.
his
rise
started
from
a
victory
over
the
kitan
in
##number##
he
spent
some
time
establishing
relations
with
the
court
and
then
went
back
to
resume
operations
against
the
kitan.
he
made
so
much
of
the
kitan
peril
that
he
was
permitted
a
larger
army
than
usual
,
and
he
had
command
of
##number##
troops
in
the
neighbourhood
of
peking.
meanwhile
li
lin-fu
died.
he
had
sponsored
an
as
a
counterbalance
against
the
western
gentry.
when
now
,
within
the
clique
of
li
lin-fu
,
the
yang
family
tried
to
seize
power
,
they
turned
against
an
lu-shan.
but
he
marched
against
the
capital
,
ch
'ang-an
,
with
##number##
men
;
on
his
way
he
conquered
loyang
and
made
himself
emperor
(
##number##
:
yen
dynasty
)
.
t
'ang
troops
were
sent
against
him
under
the
leadership
of
the
chinese
kuo
tz
[
)
u
]
-
i
,
a
kitan
commander
,
and
a
turk
,
ko-shu
han.
the
first
two
generals
had
considerable
success
,
but
ko-shu
han
,
whose
task
was
to
prevent
access
to
the
western
capital
,
was
quickly
defeated
and
taken
prisoner.
the
emperor
fled
betimes
,
and
an
lu-shan
captured
ch
'ang-an.
the
emperor
now
abdicated
;
his
son
,
emperor
su
tsung
(
##number##
)
,
also
fled
,
though
not
with
him
into
szechwan
,
but
into
north-western
shensi.
there
he
defended
himself
against
an
lu-shan
and
his
capable
general
shih
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ming
(
himself
a
turk
)
,
and
sought
aid
in
central
asia.
a
small
arab
troop
came
from
the
caliph
abu-jafar
,
and
also
small
bands
from
turkestan
;
of
more
importance
was
the
arrival
of
uighur
cavalry
in
substantial
strength.
at
the
end
of
##number##
there
was
a
great
battle
in
the
neighbourhood
of
the
capital
,
in
which
an
lu-shan
was
defeated
by
the
uighurs
;
shortly
afterwards
he
was
murdered
by
one
of
his
eunuchs.
his
followers
fled
;
loyang
was
captured
and
looted
by
the
uighurs.
the
victors
further
received
in
payment
from
the
t
'ang
government
##number##
rolls
of
silk
with
a
promise
of
##number##
rolls
a
year
;
the
uighur
khan
was
given
a
daughter
of
the
emperor
as
his
wife.
an
lu-shan
's
general
,
the
turk
shih
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ming
,
entered
into
an
lu-shan
's
heritage
,
and
dominated
so
large
a
part
of
eastern
china
that
the
chinese
once
more
made
use
of
the
uighurs
to
bring
him
down.
the
commanders
in
the
fighting
against
shih
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ming
this
time
were
once
more
kuo
tz
[
)
u
]
-
i
and
the
kitan
general
,
together
with
p
'u-ku
huai-en
,
a
member
of
a
toeloes
family
that
had
long
been
living
in
china.
at
first
shih
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ming
was
victorious
,
and
he
won
back
loyang
,
but
then
he
was
murdered
by
his
own
son
,
and
only
by
taking
advantage
of
the
disturbances
that
now
arose
were
the
government
troops
able
to
quell
the
dangerous
rising.
in
all
this
,
two
things
seem
interesting
and
important.
to
begin
with
,
an
lu-shan
had
been
a
military
governor.
his
rising
showed
that
while
this
new
office
,
with
its
great
command
of
power
,
was
of
value
in
attacking
external
enemies
,
it
became
dangerous
,
especially
if
the
central
power
was
weak
,
the
moment
there
were
no
external
enemies
of
any
importance.
an
lu-shan
's
rising
was
the
first
of
many
similar
ones
in
the
later
t
'ang
period.
the
gentry
of
eastern
china
had
shown
themselves
entirely
ready
to
support
an
lu-shan
against
the
government
,
because
they
had
hoped
to
gain
advantage
as
in
the
past
from
a
realm
with
its
centre
once
more
in
the
east.
in
the
second
place
,
the
important
part
played
by
aliens
in
events
within
china
calls
for
notice
:
not
only
were
the
rebels
an
lu-shan
and
shih
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ming
non-chinese
,
but
so
also
were
most
of
the
generals
opposed
to
them.
but
they
regarded
themselves
as
chinese
,
not
as
members
of
another
national
group.
the
turkish
uighurs
brought
in
to
help
against
them
were
fighting
actually
against
turks
,
though
they
regarded
those
turks
as
chinese.
we
must
not
bring
to
the
circumstances
of
those
times
the
present-day
notions
with
regard
to
national
feeling.
##number##
_the
role
of
the
uighurs.
confiscation
of
the
capital
of
the
monasteries_
this
rising
and
its
sequels
broke
the
power
of
the
dynasty
,
and
also
of
the
empire.
the
extremely
sanguinary
wars
had
brought
fearful
suffering
upon
the
population.
during
the
years
of
the
rising
,
no
taxes
came
in
from
the
greater
part
of
the
empire
,
but
great
sums
had
to
be
paid
to
the
peoples
who
had
lent
aid
to
the
empire.
and
the
looting
by
government
troops
and
by
the
auxiliaries
injured
the
population
as
much
as
the
war
itself
did.
when
the
emperor
su
tsung
died
,
in
##number##
,
tengri
,
the
khan
of
the
uighurs
,
decided
to
make
himself
ruler
over
china.
the
events
of
the
preceding
years
had
shown
him
that
china
alone
was
entirely
defenceless.
part
of
the
court
clique
supported
him
,
and
only
by
the
intervention
of
p
'u-ku
huai-en
,
who
was
related
to
tengri
by
marriage
,
was
his
plan
frustrated.
naturally
there
were
countless
intrigues
against
p
'u-ku
huai-en.
he
entered
into
alliance
with
the
tibetan
t
'u-fan
,
and
in
this
way
the
union
of
turks
and
tibetans
,
always
feared
by
the
chinese
,
had
come
into
existence.
in
##number##
the
tibetans
captured
and
burned
down
the
western
capital
,
while
p
'u-ku
huai-en
with
the
uighurs
advanced
from
the
north.
undoubtedly
this
campaign
would
have
been
successful
,
giving
an
entirely
different
turn
to
china
's
destiny
,
if
p
'u-ku
huai-en
had
not
died
in
##number##
and
the
chinese
under
kuo
tz
[
)
u
]
-
i
had
not
succeeded
in
breaking
up
the
alliance.
the
uighurs
now
came
over
into
an
alliance
with
the
chinese
,
and
the
two
allies
fell
upon
the
tibetans
and
robbed
them
of
their
booty.
china
was
saved
once
more.
friendship
with
the
uighurs
had
to
be
paid
for
this
time
even
more
dearly.
they
crowded
into
the
capital
and
compelled
the
chinese
to
buy
horses
,
in
payment
for
which
they
demanded
enormous
quantities
of
silkstuffs.
they
behaved
in
the
capital
like
lords
,
and
expected
to
be
maintained
at
the
expense
of
the
government.
the
system
of
military
governors
was
adhered
to
in
spite
of
the
country
's
experience
of
them
,
while
the
difficult
situation
throughout
the
empire
,
and
especially
along
the
western
and
northern
frontiers
,
facing
the
tibetans
and
the
more
and
more
powerful
kitan
,
made
it
necessary
to
keep
considerable
numbers
of
soldiers
permanently
with
the
colours.
this
made
the
military
governors
stronger
and
stronger
;
ultimately
they
no
longer
remitted
any
taxes
to
the
central
government
,
but
spent
them
mainly
on
their
armies.
thus
from
##number##
onward
the
empire
consisted
of
an
impotent
central
government
and
powerful
military
governors
,
who
handed
on
their
positions
to
their
sons
as
a
further
proof
of
their
independence.
when
in
##number##
the
government
proposed
to
interfere
with
the
inheriting
of
the
posts
,
there
was
a
great
new
rising
,
which
in
##number##
again
extended
as
far
as
the
capital
;
in
##number##
the
t
'ang
government
at
last
succeeded
in
overcoming
it.
a
compromise
was
arrived
at
between
the
government
and
the
governors
,
but
it
in
no
way
improved
the
situation.
life
became
more
and
more
difficult
for
the
central
government.
in
##number##
,
the
"
equal
land
"
system
was
finally
officially
given
up
and
with
it
a
tax
system
which
was
based
upon
the
idea
that
every
citizen
had
the
same
amount
of
land
and
,
therefore
,
paid
the
same
amount
of
taxes.
the
new
system
tried
to
equalize
the
tax
burden
and
the
corvee
obligation
,
but
not
the
land.
this
change
may
indicate
a
step
towards
greater
freedom
for
private
enterprise.
yet
it
did
not
benefit
the
government
,
as
most
of
the
tax
income
was
retained
by
the
governors
and
was
used
for
their
armies
and
their
own
court.
in
the
capital
,
eunuchs
ruled
in
the
interests
of
various
cliques.
several
emperors
fell
victim
to
them
or
to
the
drinking
of
"
elixirs
of
long
life
"
.
abroad
,
the
chinese
lost
their
dominion
over
turkestan
,
for
which
uighurs
and
tibetans
competed.
there
is
nothing
to
gain
from
any
full
description
of
events
at
court.
the
struggle
between
cliques
soon
became
a
struggle
between
eunuchs
and
literati
,
in
much
the
same
way
as
at
the
end
of
the
second
han
dynasty.
trade
steadily
diminished
,
and
the
state
became
impoverished
because
no
taxes
were
coming
in
and
great
armies
had
to
be
maintained
,
though
they
did
not
even
obey
the
government.
events
that
exerted
on
the
internal
situation
an
influence
not
to
be
belittled
were
the
break-up
of
the
uighurs
(
from
##number##
onward
)
the
appearance
of
the
turkish
sha-t
'o
,
and
almost
at
the
same
time
,
the
dissolution
of
the
tibetan
empire
(
from
##number##
)
.
many
other
foreigners
had
placed
themselves
under
the
uighurs
living
in
china
,
in
order
to
be
able
to
do
business
under
the
political
protection
of
the
uighur
embassy
,
but
the
uighurs
no
longer
counted
,
and
the
t
'ang
government
decided
to
seize
the
capital
sums
which
these
foreigners
had
accumulated.
it
was
hoped
in
this
way
especially
to
remedy
the
financial
troubles
of
the
moment
,
which
were
partly
due
to
a
shortage
of
metal
for
minting.
as
the
trading
capital
was
still
placed
with
the
temples
as
banks
,
the
government
attacked
the
religion
of
the
uighurs
,
manichaeism
,
and
also
the
religions
of
the
other
foreigners
,
mazdaism
,
nestorianism
,
and
apparently
also
islam.
in
##number##
alien
religions
were
prohibited
;
aliens
were
also
ordered
to
dress
like
chinese.
this
gave
them
the
status
of
chinese
citizens
and
no
longer
of
foreigners
,
so
that
chinese
justice
had
a
hold
over
them.
that
this
law
abolishing
foreign
religions
was
aimed
solely
at
the
foreigners
'
capital
is
shown
by
the
proceedings
at
the
same
time
against
buddhism
which
had
long
become
a
completely
chinese
church.
four
thousand
,
six
hundred
buddhist
temples
,
##number##
shrines
and
monasteries
were
secularized
,
and
all
statues
were
required
to
be
melted
down
and
delivered
to
the
government
,
even
those
in
private
possession.
two
hundred
and
sixty
thousand
,
five
hundred
monks
were
to
become
ordinary
citizens
once
more.
until
then
monks
had
been
free
of
taxation
,
as
had
millions
of
acres
of
land
belonging
to
the
temples
and
leased
to
tenants
or
some
##number##
temple
slaves.
thus
the
edict
of
##number##
must
not
be
described
as
concerned
with
religion
:
it
was
a
measure
of
compulsion
aimed
at
filling
the
government
coffers.
all
the
property
of
foreigners
and
a
large
part
of
the
property
of
the
buddhist
church
came
into
the
hands
of
the
government.
the
law
was
not
applied
to
taoism
,
because
the
ruling
gentry
of
the
time
were
,
as
so
often
before
,
confucianist
and
at
the
same
time
taoist.
as
early
as
##number##
there
came
a
reaction
:
with
the
new
emperor
,
confucians
came
into
power
who
were
at
the
same
time
buddhists
and
who
now
evicted
some
of
the
taoists.
from
this
time
one
may
observe
closer
co-operation
between
confucianism
and
buddhism
;
not
only
with
meditative
buddhism
(
dhyana
)
as
at
the
beginning
of
the
t
'ang
epoch
and
earlier
,
but
with
the
main
branch
of
buddhism
,
monastery
buddhism
(
vinaya
)
.
from
now
onward
the
buddhist
doctrines
of
transmigration
and
retribution
,
which
had
been
really
directed
against
the
gentry
and
in
favour
of
the
common
people
,
were
turned
into
an
instrument
serving
the
gentry
:
everyone
who
was
unfortunate
in
this
life
must
show
such
amenability
to
the
government
and
the
gentry
that
he
would
have
a
chance
of
a
better
existence
at
least
in
the
next
life.
thus
the
revolutionary
buddhist
doctrine
of
retribution
became
a
reactionary
doctrine
that
was
of
great
service
to
the
gentry.
one
of
the
buddhist
confucians
in
whose
works
this
revised
version
makes
its
appearance
most
clearly
was
niu
seng-yu
,
who
was
at
once
summoned
back
to
court
in
##number##
by
the
new
emperor.
three
new
large
buddhist
sects
came
into
existence
in
the
t
'ang
period.
one
of
them
,
the
school
of
the
pure
land
(
_ching-t
'u
tsung_
,
since
##number##
)
required
of
its
mainly
lower
class
adherents
only
the
permanent
invocation
of
the
buddha
amithabha
who
would
secure
them
a
place
in
the
"
western
paradise
"
--
a
place
without
social
classes
and
economic
troubles.
the
cult
of
maitreya
,
which
was
always
more
revolutionary
,
receded
for
a
while.
##number##
_first
successful
peasant
revolt.
collapse
of
the
empire_
the
chief
sufferers
from
the
continual
warfare
of
the
military
governors
,
the
sanguinary
struggles
between
the
cliques
,
and
the
universal
impoverishment
which
all
this
fighting
produced
,
were
,
of
course
,
the
common
people.
the
chinese
annals
are
filled
with
records
of
popular
risings
,
but
not
one
of
these
had
attained
any
wide
extent
,
for
want
of
organization.
in
##number##
began
the
first
great
popular
rising
,
a
revolt
caused
by
famine
in
the
province
of
chekiang.
government
troops
suppressed
it
with
bloodshed.
further
popular
risings
followed.
in
##number##
began
a
great
rising
in
the
south
of
the
present
province
of
hopei
,
the
chief
agrarian
region.
the
rising
was
led
by
a
peasant
,
wang
hsien-chih
,
together
with
huang
ch
'ao
,
a
salt
merchant
,
who
had
fallen
into
poverty
and
had
joined
the
hungry
peasants
,
forming
a
fighting
group
of
his
own.
it
is
important
to
note
that
huang
was
well
educated.
it
is
said
that
he
failed
in
the
state
examination.
huang
is
not
the
first
merchant
who
became
rebel.
an
lu-shan
,
too
,
had
been
a
businessman
for
a
while.
it
was
pointed
out
that
trade
had
greatly
developed
in
the
t
'ang
period
;
of
the
lower
yangtze
region
people
it
was
said
that
"
they
were
so
much
interested
in
business
that
they
paid
no
attention
to
agriculture
"
.
yet
merchants
were
subject
to
many
humiliating
conditions.
they
could
not
enter
the
examinations
,
except
by
illegal
means.
in
various
periods
,
from
the
han
time
on
,
they
had
to
wear
special
dress.
thus
,
a
law
from
_c_.
a.d.
##number##
required
them
to
wear
a
white
turban
on
which
name
and
type
of
business
was
written
,
and
to
wear
one
white
and
one
black
shoe.
they
were
subject
to
various
taxes
,
but
were
either
not
allowed
to
own
land
,
or
were
allotted
less
land
than
ordinary
citizens.
thus
they
could
not
easily
invest
in
land
,
the
safest
investment
at
that
time.
finally
,
the
government
occasionally
resorted
to
the
method
which
was
often
used
in
the
near
east
:
when
in
##number##
the
emperor
ran
out
of
money
,
he
requested
the
merchants
of
the
capital
to
"
loan
"
him
a
large
sum
--
a
request
which
in
fact
was
a
special
tax.
wang
and
huang
both
proved
good
organizers
of
the
peasant
masses
,
and
in
a
short
time
they
had
captured
the
whole
of
eastern
china
,
without
the
military
governors
being
able
to
do
anything
against
them
,
for
the
provincial
troops
were
more
inclined
to
show
sympathy
to
the
peasant
armies
than
to
fight
them.
the
terrified
government
issued
an
order
to
arm
the
people
of
the
other
parts
of
the
country
against
the
rebels
;
naturally
this
helped
the
rebels
more
than
the
government
,
since
the
peasants
thus
armed
went
over
to
the
rebels.
finally
wang
was
offered
a
high
office.
but
huang
urged
him
not
to
betray
his
own
people
,
and
wang
declined
the
offer.
in
the
end
the
government
,
with
the
aid
of
the
troops
of
the
turkish
sha-t
'o
,
defeated
wang
and
beheaded
him
(
##number##
)
.
huang
ch
'ao
now
moved
into
the
south-east
and
the
south
,
where
in
##number##
he
captured
and
burned
down
canton
;
according
to
an
arab
source
,
over
##number##
foreign
merchants
lost
their
lives
in
addition
to
the
chinese.
from
canton
huang
ch
'ao
returned
to
the
north
,
laden
with
loot
from
that
wealthy
commercial
city.
his
advance
was
held
up
again
by
the
sha-t
'o
troops
;
he
turned
away
to
the
lower
yangtze
,
and
from
there
marched
north
again.
at
the
end
of
##number##
he
captured
the
eastern
capital.
the
emperor
fled
from
the
western
capital
,
ch
'ang-an
,
into
szechwan
,
and
huang
ch
'ao
now
captured
with
ease
the
western
capital
as
well
,
and
removed
every
member
of
the
ruling
family
on
whom
he
could
lay
hands.
he
then
made
himself
emperor
,
in
a
ch
'i
dynasty.
it
was
the
first
time
that
a
peasant
rising
had
succeeded
against
the
gentry.
there
was
still
,
however
,
the
greatest
disorder
in
the
empire.
there
were
other
peasant
armies
on
the
move
,
armies
that
had
deserted
their
governors
and
were
fighting
for
themselves
;
finally
,
there
were
still
a
few
supporters
of
the
imperial
house
and
,
above
all
,
the
turkish
sha-t
'o
,
who
had
a
competent
commander
with
the
sinified
name
of
li
k
'o-yung.
the
sha-t
'o
,
who
had
remained
loyal
to
the
government
,
revolted
the
moment
the
government
had
been
overthrown.
they
ran
the
risk
,
however
,
of
defeat
at
the
hands
of
an
alien
army
of
the
chinese
government
's
,
commanded
by
an
uighur
,
and
they
therefore
fled
to
the
tatars.
in
spite
of
this
,
the
chinese
entered
again
into
relations
with
the
sha-t
'o
,
as
without
them
there
could
be
no
possibility
of
getting
rid
of
huang
ch
'ao.
at
the
end
of
##number##
li
k
'o-yung
fell
upon
the
capital
;
there
was
a
fearful
battle.
huang
ch
'ao
was
able
to
hold
out
,
but
a
further
attack
was
made
in
##number##
and
he
was
defeated
and
forced
to
flee
;
in
##number##
he
was
killed
by
the
sha-t
'o.
this
popular
rising
,
which
had
only
been
overcome
with
the
aid
of
foreign
troops
,
brought
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty.
in
##number##
the
t
'ang
emperor
was
able
to
return
to
the
capital
,
but
the
only
question
now
was
whether
china
should
be
ruled
by
the
sha-t
'o
under
li
k
'o-yung
or
by
some
other
military
commander.
in
a
short
time
chu
ch
'uean-chung
,
a
former
follower
of
huang
ch
'ao
,
proved
to
be
the
strongest
of
the
commanders.
in
##number##
open
war
began
between
the
two
leaders.
li
k
'o-yung
was
based
on
shansi
;
chu
ch
'uean-chung
had
control
of
the
plains
in
the
east.
meanwhile
the
governors
of
szechwan
in
the
west
and
chekiang
in
the
south-east
made
themselves
independent.
both
declared
themselves
kings
or
emperors
and
set
up
dynasties
of
their
own
(
from
##number##
)
.
within
the
capital
,
the
emperor
was
threatened
several
times
by
revolts
,
so
that
he
had
to
flee
and
place
himself
in
the
hands
of
li
k
'o-yung
as
the
only
leader
on
whose
loyalty
he
could
count.
soon
after
this
,
however
,
the
emperor
fell
into
the
hands
of
chu
ch
'uean-chung
,
who
killed
the
whole
entourage
of
the
emperor
,
particularly
the
eunuchs
;
after
a
time
he
had
the
emperor
himself
killed
,
set
a
puppet
--
as
had
become
customary
--
on
the
throne
,
and
at
the
beginning
of
##number##
took
over
the
rule
from
him
,
becoming
emperor
in
the
"
later
liang
dynasty
"
.
that
was
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
,
at
the
beginning
of
which
china
had
risen
to
unprecedented
power.
its
downfall
had
been
brought
about
by
the
military
governors
,
who
had
built
up
their
power
and
had
become
independent
hereditary
satraps
,
exploiting
the
people
for
their
own
purposes
,
and
by
their
continual
mutual
struggles
undermining
the
economic
structure
of
the
empire.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
empire
had
been
weakened
first
by
its
foreign
trade
and
then
by
the
dependence
on
foreigners
,
especially
turks
,
into
which
it
had
fallen
owing
to
internal
conditions.
a
large
part
of
the
national
income
had
gone
abroad.
such
is
the
explanation
of
the
great
popular
risings
which
ultimately
brought
the
dynasty
to
its
end.
modern
times
chapter
nine
the
epoch
of
the
second
division
of
china
(
a
)
the
period
of
transition
:
the
five
dynasties
(
a.d.
##number##
)
##number##
_beginning
of
a
new
epoch_
the
rebellion
of
huang
ch
'ao
in
fact
meant
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
and
the
division
of
china
into
a
number
of
independent
states.
only
for
reasons
of
convenience
we
keep
the
traditional
division
into
dynasties
and
have
our
new
period
begin
with
the
official
end
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
in
##number##
we
decided
to
call
the
new
thousand
years
of
chinese
history
"
modern
times
"
in
order
to
indicate
that
from
_c_.
##number##
on
changes
in
china
's
social
structure
came
about
which
set
this
epoch
off
from
the
earlier
thousand
years
which
we
called
"
the
middle
ages
"
.
any
division
into
periods
is
arbitrary
as
changes
do
not
happen
from
one
year
to
the
next.
the
first
beginnings
of
the
changes
which
lead
to
the
"
modern
times
"
actually
can
be
seen
from
the
end
of
an
lu-shan
's
rebellion
on
,
from
_c_.
a.d.
##number##
on
,
and
the
transformation
was
more
or
less
completed
only
in
the
middle
of
the
eleventh
century.
if
we
want
to
characterize
the
"
modern
times
"
by
one
concept
,
we
would
have
to
call
this
epoch
the
time
of
the
emergence
of
a
middle
class
,
and
it
will
be
remembered
that
the
growth
of
the
middle
class
in
europe
was
also
the
decisive
change
between
the
middle
ages
and
modern
times
in
europe.
the
parallelism
should
,
however
,
not
be
overdone.
the
gentry
continued
to
play
a
role
in
china
during
the
modern
times
,
much
more
than
the
aristocracy
did
in
europe.
the
middle
class
did
not
ever
really
get
into
power
during
the
whole
period.
while
we
will
discuss
the
individual
developments
later
in
some
detail
,
a
few
words
about
the
changes
in
general
might
be
given
already
here.
the
wars
which
followed
huang
ch
'ao
's
rebellion
greatly
affected
the
ruling
gentry.
a
number
of
families
were
so
strongly
affected
that
they
lost
their
importance
and
disappeared.
commoners
from
the
followers
of
huang
ch
'ao
or
other
armies
succeeded
to
get
into
power
,
to
acquire
property
and
to
enter
the
ranks
of
the
gentry.
at
about
a.d.
##number##
almost
half
of
the
gentry
families
were
new
families
of
low
origin.
the
state
,
often
ruled
by
men
who
had
just
moved
up
,
was
no
more
interested
in
the
aristocratic
manners
of
the
old
gentry
families
,
especially
no
more
interested
in
their
genealogies.
when
conditions
began
to
improve
after
a.d.
##number##
,
and
when
the
new
families
felt
themselves
as
real
gentry
families
,
they
tried
to
set
up
a
mechanism
to
protect
the
status
of
their
families.
in
the
eleventh
century
private
genealogies
began
to
be
kept
,
so
that
any
claim
against
the
clan
could
be
checked.
clans
set
up
rules
of
behaviour
and
procedure
to
regulate
all
affairs
of
the
clan
without
the
necessity
of
asking
the
state
to
interfere
in
case
of
conflict.
many
such
"
clan
rules
"
exist
in
china
and
also
in
japan
which
took
over
this
innovation.
clans
set
apart
special
pieces
of
land
as
clan
land
;
the
income
of
this
land
was
to
be
used
to
secure
a
minimum
of
support
for
every
clan
member
and
his
own
family
,
so
that
no
member
ever
could
fall
into
utter
poverty.
clan
schools
which
were
run
by
income
from
special
pieces
of
clan
land
were
established
to
guarantee
an
education
for
the
members
of
the
clan
,
again
in
order
to
make
sure
that
the
clan
would
remain
a
part
of
the
_elite_.
many
clans
set
up
special
marriage
rules
for
clan
members
,
and
after
some
time
cross-cousin
marriages
between
two
or
three
families
were
legally
allowed
;
such
marriages
tended
to
fasten
bonds
between
clans
and
to
prevent
the
loss
of
property
by
marriage.
while
on
the
one
hand
,
a
new
"
clan
consciousness
"
grew
up
among
the
gentry
families
in
order
to
secure
their
power
,
tax
and
corvee
legislation
especially
in
the
eleventh
century
induced
many
families
to
split
up
into
small
families.
it
can
be
shown
that
over
the
next
centuries
,
the
power
of
the
family
head
increased.
he
was
now
regarded
as
owner
of
the
property
,
not
only
mere
administrator
of
family
property.
he
got
power
over
life
and
death
of
his
children.
this
increase
of
power
went
together
with
a
change
of
the
position
of
the
ruler.
the
period
transition
(
until
_c_.
a.d.
##number##
)
was
followed
by
a
period
of
"
moderate
absolutism
"
(
until
##number##
)
in
which
emperors
as
persons
played
a
greater
role
than
before
,
and
some
emperors
,
such
as
shen
tsung
(
in
##number##
)
,
even
declared
that
they
regarded
the
welfare
of
the
masses
as
more
important
than
the
profit
of
the
gentry.
after
##number##
,
however
,
the
personal
influence
of
the
emperors
grew
further
towards
absolutism
and
in
times
became
pure
despotism.
individuals
,
especially
family
heads
,
gained
more
freedom
in
"
modern
times
"
.
not
only
the
period
of
transition
,
but
also
the
following
period
was
a
time
of
much
greater
social
mobility
than
existed
in
the
middle
ages.
by
various
legal
and/or
illegal
means
people
could
move
up
into
positions
of
power
and
wealth
:
we
know
of
many
merchants
who
succeeded
in
being
allowed
to
enter
the
state
examinations
and
thus
got
access
to
jobs
in
the
administration.
large
,
influential
gentry
families
in
the
capital
protected
sons
from
less
important
families
and
thus
gave
them
a
chance
to
move
into
the
gentry.
thus
,
these
families
built
up
a
clientele
of
lesser
gentry
families
which
assisted
them
and
upon
the
loyalty
of
which
they
could
count.
the
gentry
can
from
now
on
be
divided
into
two
parts.
first
,
there
was
a
"
big
gentry
"
which
consisted
of
much
fewer
families
than
in
earlier
times
and
which
directed
the
policy
in
the
capital
;
and
secondly
,
there
was
a
"
small
gentry
"
which
was
operating
mainly
in
the
provincial
cities
,
directing
local
affairs
and
bound
by
ties
of
loyalty
to
big
gentry
families.
gentry
cliques
now
extended
into
the
provinces
and
it
often
became
possible
to
identify
a
clique
with
a
geographical
area
,
which
,
however
,
usually
did
not
indicate
particularistic
tendencies.
individual
freedom
did
not
show
itself
only
in
greater
social
mobility.
the
restrictions
which
,
for
instance
,
had
made
the
craftsmen
and
artisans
almost
into
serfs
,
were
gradually
lifted.
from
the
early
sixteenth
century
on
,
craftsmen
were
free
and
no
more
subject
to
forced
labour
services
for
the
state.
most
craftsmen
in
this
epoch
still
had
their
shops
in
one
lane
or
street
and
lived
above
their
shops
,
as
they
had
done
in
the
earlier
period.
but
from
now
on
,
they
began
to
organize
in
guilds
of
an
essentially
religious
character
,
as
similar
guilds
in
other
parts
of
asia
at
the
same
time
also
did.
they
provided
welfare
services
for
their
members
,
made
some
attempts
towards
standardization
of
products
and
prices
,
imposed
taxes
upon
their
members
,
kept
their
streets
clean
and
tried
to
regulate
salaries.
apprentices
were
initiated
in
a
kind
of
semi-religious
ceremony
,
and
often
meetings
took
place
in
temples.
no
guild
,
however
,
connected
people
of
the
same
craft
living
in
different
cities.
thus
,
they
did
not
achieve
political
power.
furthermore
,
each
trade
had
its
own
guild
;
in
peking
in
the
nineteenth
century
there
existed
over
##number##
different
guilds.
thus
,
guilds
failed
to
achieve
political
influence
even
within
individual
cities.
probably
at
the
same
time
,
regional
associations
,
the
so-called
"
_hui-kuan
"
_
originated.
such
associations
united
people
from
one
city
or
one
area
who
lived
in
another
city.
people
of
different
trades
,
but
mainly
businessmen
,
came
together
under
elected
chiefs
and
councillors.
sometimes
,
such
regional
associations
could
function
as
pressure
groups
,
especially
as
they
were
usually
financially
stronger
than
the
guilds.
they
often
owned
city
property
or
farm
land.
not
all
merchants
,
however
,
were
so
organized.
although
merchants
remained
under
humiliating
restrictions
as
to
the
colour
and
material
of
their
dress
and
the
prohibition
to
ride
a
horse
,
they
could
more
often
circumvent
such
restrictions
and
in
general
had
much
more
freedom
in
this
epoch.
trade
,
including
overseas
trade
,
developed
greatly
from
now
on.
soon
we
find
in
the
coastal
ports
a
special
office
which
handled
custom
and
registration
affairs
,
supplied
interpreters
for
foreigners
,
received
them
officially
and
gave
good-bye
dinners
when
they
left.
down
to
the
thirteenth
century
,
most
of
this
overseas
trade
was
still
in
the
hands
of
foreigners
,
mainly
indians.
entrepreneurs
hired
ships
,
if
they
were
not
ship-owners
,
hired
trained
merchants
who
in
turn
hired
sailors
mainly
from
the
south-east
asian
countries
,
and
sold
their
own
merchandise
as
well
as
took
goods
on
commission.
wealthy
chinese
gentry
families
invested
money
in
such
foreign
enterprises
and
in
some
cases
even
gave
their
daughters
in
marriage
to
foreigners
in
order
to
profit
from
this
business.
we
also
see
an
emergence
of
industry
from
the
eleventh
century
on.
we
find
men
who
were
running
almost
monopolistic
enterprises
,
such
as
preparing
charcoal
for
iron
production
and
producing
iron
and
steel
at
the
same
time
;
some
of
these
men
had
several
factories
,
operating
under
hired
and
qualified
managers
with
more
than
##number##
labourers.
we
find
beginnings
of
a
labour
legislation
and
the
first
strikes
(
a.d.
##number##
the
first
strike
of
merchants
in
the
capital
;
##number##
first
strike
of
textile
workers
)
.
some
of
these
labourers
were
so-called
"
vagrants
"
,
farmers
who
had
secretly
left
their
land
or
their
landlord
's
land
for
various
reasons
,
and
had
shifted
to
other
regions
where
they
did
not
register
and
thus
did
not
pay
taxes.
entrepreneurs
liked
to
hire
them
for
industries
outside
the
towns
where
supervision
by
the
government
was
not
so
strong
;
naturally
,
these
"
vagrants
"
were
completely
at
the
mercy
of
their
employers.
since
_c_.
##number##
the
economy
can
again
be
called
a
money
economy
;
more
and
more
taxes
were
imposed
in
form
of
money
instead
of
in
kind.
this
pressure
forced
farmers
out
of
the
land
and
into
the
cities
in
order
to
earn
there
the
cash
they
needed
for
their
tax
payments.
these
men
provided
the
labour
force
for
industries
,
and
this
in
turn
led
to
the
strong
growth
of
the
cities
,
especially
in
central
china
where
trade
and
industries
developed
most.
wealthy
people
not
only
invested
in
industrial
enterprises
,
but
also
began
to
make
heavy
investments
in
agriculture
in
the
vicinity
of
cities
in
order
to
increase
production
and
thus
income.
we
find
men
who
drained
lakes
in
order
to
create
fields
below
the
water
level
for
easy
irrigation
;
others
made
floating
fields
on
lakes
and
avoided
land
tax
payments
;
still
others
combined
pig
and
fish
breeding
in
one
operation.
the
introduction
of
money
economy
and
money
taxes
led
to
a
need
for
more
coinage.
as
metal
was
scarce
and
minting
very
expensive
,
iron
coins
were
introduced
,
silver
became
more
and
more
common
as
means
of
exchange
,
and
paper
money
was
issued.
as
the
relative
value
of
these
moneys
changed
with
supply
and
demand
,
speculation
became
a
flourishing
business
which
led
to
further
enrichment
of
people
in
business.
even
the
government
became
more
money-minded
:
costs
of
operations
and
even
of
wars
were
carefully
calculated
in
order
to
achieve
savings
;
financial
specialists
were
appointed
by
the
government
,
just
as
clans
appointed
such
men
for
the
efficient
administration
of
their
clan
properties.
yet
no
real
capitalism
or
industrialism
developed
until
towards
the
end
of
this
epoch
,
although
at
the
end
of
the
twelfth
century
almost
all
conditions
for
such
a
development
seemed
to
be
given.
##number##
_political
situation
in
the
tenth
century_
the
chinese
call
the
period
from
##number##
to
##number##
the
"
period
of
the
five
dynasties
"
(
_wu
tai_
)
.
this
is
not
quite
accurate.
it
is
true
that
there
were
five
dynasties
in
rapid
succession
in
north
china
;
but
at
the
same
time
there
were
ten
other
dynasties
in
south
china.
the
ten
southern
dynasties
,
however
,
are
regarded
as
not
legitimate.
the
south
was
much
better
off
with
its
illegitimate
dynasties
than
the
north
with
the
legitimate
ones.
the
dynasties
in
the
south
(
we
may
dispense
with
giving
their
names
)
were
the
realms
of
some
of
the
military
governors
so
often
mentioned
above.
these
governors
had
already
become
independent
at
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
epoch
;
they
declared
themselves
kings
or
emperors
and
ruled
particular
provinces
in
the
south
,
the
chief
of
which
covered
the
territory
of
the
present
provinces
of
szechwan
,
kwangtung
and
chekiang.
in
these
territories
there
was
comparative
peace
and
economic
prosperity
,
since
they
were
able
to
control
their
own
affairs
and
were
no
longer
dependent
on
a
corrupt
central
government.
they
also
made
great
cultural
progress
,
and
they
did
not
lose
their
importance
later
when
they
were
annexed
in
the
period
of
the
sung
dynasty.
as
an
example
of
these
states
one
may
mention
the
small
state
of
ch
'u
in
the
present
province
of
hunan.
here
,
ma
yin
,
a
former
carpenter
(
died
##number##
)
,
had
made
himself
a
king.
he
controlled
some
of
the
main
trade
routes
,
set
up
a
clean
administration
,
bought
up
all
merchandise
which
the
merchants
brought
,
but
allowed
them
to
export
only
local
products
,
mainly
tea
,
iron
and
lead.
this
regulation
gave
him
a
personal
income
of
several
millions
every
year
,
and
in
addition
fostered
the
exploitation
of
the
natural
resources
of
this
hitherto
retarded
area.
##number##
_monopolistic
trade
in
south
china.
printing
and
paper
money
in
the
north_
the
prosperity
of
the
small
states
of
south
china
was
largely
due
to
the
growth
of
trade
,
especially
the
tea
trade.
the
habit
of
drinking
tea
seems
to
have
been
an
ancient
tibetan
custom
,
which
spread
to
south-eastern
china
in
the
third
century
a.d.
since
then
there
had
been
two
main
centres
of
production
,
szechwan
and
south-eastern
china.
until
the
eleventh
century
szechwan
had
remained
the
leading
producer
,
and
tea
had
been
drunk
in
the
tibetan
fashion
,
mixed
with
flour
,
salt
,
and
ginger.
it
then
began
to
be
drunk
without
admixture.
in
the
t
'ang
epoch
tea
drinking
spread
all
over
china
,
and
there
sprang
up
a
class
of
wholesalers
who
bought
the
tea
from
the
peasants
,
accumulated
stocks
,
and
distributed
them.
from
##number##
date
the
first
attempts
of
the
state
to
monopolize
the
tea
trade
and
to
make
it
a
source
of
revenue
;
but
it
failed
in
an
attempt
to
make
the
cultivation
a
state
monopoly.
a
tea
commissariat
was
accordingly
set
up
to
buy
the
tea
from
the
producers
and
supply
it
to
traders
in
possession
of
a
state
licence.
there
naturally
developed
then
a
pernicious
collaboration
between
state
officials
and
the
wholesalers.
the
latter
soon
eliminated
the
small
traders
,
so
that
they
themselves
secured
all
the
profit
;
official
support
was
secured
by
bribery.
the
state
and
the
wholesalers
alike
were
keenly
interested
in
the
prevention
of
tea
smuggling
,
which
was
strictly
prohibited.
the
position
was
much
the
same
with
regard
to
salt.
we
have
here
for
the
first
time
the
association
of
officials
with
wholesalers
or
even
with
a
monopoly
trade.
this
was
of
the
utmost
importance
in
all
later
times.
monopoly
progressed
most
rapidly
in
szechwan
,
where
there
had
always
been
a
numerous
commercial
community.
in
the
period
of
political
fragmentation
szechwan
,
as
the
principal
tea-producing
region
and
at
the
same
time
an
important
producer
of
salt
,
was
much
better
off
than
any
other
part
of
china.
salt
in
szechwan
was
largely
produced
by
,
technically
,
very
interesting
salt
wells
which
existed
there
since
_c_.
the
first
century
b.c.
the
importance
of
salt
will
be
understood
if
we
remember
that
a
grown-up
person
in
china
uses
an
average
of
twelve
pounds
of
salt
per
year.
the
salt
tax
was
the
top
budget
item
around
a.d.
##number##
south-eastern
china
was
also
the
chief
centre
of
porcelain
production
,
although
china
clay
is
found
also
in
north
china.
the
use
of
porcelain
spread
more
and
more
widely.
the
first
translucent
porcelain
made
its
appearance
,
and
porcelain
became
an
important
article
of
commerce
both
within
the
country
and
for
export.
already
the
muslim
rulers
of
baghdad
around
##number##
used
imported
chinese
porcelain
,
and
by
the
end
of
the
fourteenth
century
porcelain
was
known
in
eastern
africa.
exports
to
south-east
asia
and
indonesia
,
and
also
to
japan
gained
more
and
more
importance
in
later
centuries.
manufacture
of
high
quality
porcelain
calls
for
considerable
amounts
of
capital
investment
and
working
capital
;
small
manufacturers
produce
too
many
second-rate
pieces
;
thus
we
have
here
the
first
beginnings
of
an
industry
that
developed
industrial
towns
such
as
ching-te
,
in
which
the
majority
of
the
population
were
workers
and
merchants
,
with
some
##number##
families
alone
producing
porcelain.
yet
,
for
many
centuries
to
come
,
the
state
controlled
the
production
and
even
the
design
of
porcelain
and
appropriated
most
of
the
production
for
use
at
court
or
as
gifts.
the
third
important
new
development
to
be
mentioned
was
that
of
printing
,
which
since
_c_.
##number##
was
known
in
the
form
of
wood-block
printing.
the
first
reference
to
a
printed
book
dated
from
##number##
,
and
the
most
important
event
in
this
field
was
the
first
printing
of
the
classics
by
the
orders
of
feng
tao
(
##number##
)
around
##number##
the
first
attempts
to
use
movable
type
in
china
occurred
around
##number##
,
although
this
invention
did
not
get
general
acceptance
in
china.
it
was
more
commonly
used
in
korea
from
the
thirteenth
century
on
and
revolutionized
europe
from
##number##
on.
it
seems
to
me
that
from
the
middle
of
the
twentieth
century
on
,
the
west
,
too
,
shows
a
tendency
to
come
back
to
the
printing
of
whole
pages
,
but
replacing
the
wood
blocks
by
photographic
plates
or
other
means.
in
the
far
east
,
just
as
in
europe
,
the
invention
of
printing
had
far-reaching
consequences.
books
,
which
until
then
had
been
very
dear
,
because
they
had
to
be
produced
by
copyists
,
could
now
be
produced
cheaply
and
in
quantity.
it
became
possible
for
a
scholar
to
accumulate
a
library
of
his
own
and
to
work
in
a
wide
field
,
where
earlier
he
had
been
confined
to
a
few
books
or
even
a
single
text.
the
results
were
the
spread
of
education
,
beginning
with
reading
and
writing
,
among
wider
groups
,
and
the
broadening
of
education
:
a
large
number
of
texts
were
read
and
compared
,
and
no
longer
only
a
few.
private
libraries
came
into
existence
,
so
that
the
imperial
libraries
were
no
longer
the
only
ones.
publishing
soon
grew
in
extent
,
and
in
private
enterprise
works
were
printed
that
were
not
so
serious
and
politically
important
as
the
classic
books
of
the
past.
thus
a
new
type
of
literature
,
the
literature
of
entertainment
,
could
come
into
existence.
not
all
these
consequences
showed
themselves
at
once
;
some
made
their
first
appearance
later
,
in
the
sung
period.
a
fourth
important
innovation
,
this
time
in
north
china
,
was
the
introduction
of
prototypes
of
paper
money.
the
chinese
copper
"
cash
"
was
difficult
or
expensive
to
transport
,
simply
because
of
its
weight.
it
thus
presented
great
obstacles
to
trade.
occasionally
a
region
with
an
adverse
balance
of
trade
would
lose
all
its
copper
money
,
with
the
result
of
a
local
deflation.
from
time
to
time
,
iron
money
was
introduced
in
such
deficit
areas
;
it
had
for
the
first
time
been
used
in
szechwan
in
the
first
century
b.c.
,
and
was
there
extensively
used
in
the
tenth
century
when
after
the
conquest
of
the
local
state
all
copper
was
taken
to
the
east
by
the
conquerors.
so
long
as
there
was
an
orderly
administration
,
the
government
could
send
it
money
,
though
at
considerable
cost
;
but
if
the
administration
was
not
functioning
well
,
the
deflation
continued.
for
this
reason
some
provinces
prohibited
the
export
of
copper
money
from
their
territory
at
the
end
of
the
eighth
century.
as
the
provinces
were
in
the
hands
of
military
governors
,
the
central
government
could
do
next
to
nothing
to
prevent
this.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
prohibition
automatically
made
an
end
of
all
external
trade.
the
merchants
accordingly
began
to
prepare
deposit
certificates
,
and
in
this
way
to
set
up
a
sort
of
transfer
system.
soon
these
deposit
certificates
entered
into
circulation
as
a
sort
of
medium
of
payment
at
first
again
in
szechwan
,
and
gradually
this
led
to
a
banking
system
and
the
linking
of
wholesale
trade
with
it.
this
made
possible
a
much
greater
volume
of
trade.
towards
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
period
the
government
began
to
issue
deposit
certificates
of
its
own
:
the
merchant
deposited
his
copper
money
with
a
government
agency
,
receiving
in
exchange
a
certificate
which
he
could
put
into
circulation
like
money.
meanwhile
the
government
could
put
out
the
deposited
money
at
interest
,
or
throw
it
into
general
circulation.
the
government
's
deposit
certificates
were
now
printed.
they
were
the
predecessors
of
the
paper
money
used
from
the
time
of
the
sung.
##number##
_political
history
of
the
five
dynasties_
the
southern
states
were
a
factor
not
to
be
ignored
in
the
calculations
of
the
northern
dynasties.
although
the
southern
kingdoms
were
involved
in
a
confusion
of
mutual
hostilities
,
any
one
of
them
might
come
to
the
fore
as
the
ally
of
turks
or
other
northern
powers.
the
capital
of
the
first
of
the
five
northern
dynasties
(
once
more
a
liang
dynasty
,
but
not
to
be
confused
with
the
liang
dynasty
of
the
south
in
the
sixth
century
)
was
,
moreover
,
quite
close
to
the
territories
of
the
southern
dynasties
,
close
to
the
site
of
the
present
k
'ai-feng
,
in
the
fertile
plain
of
eastern
china
with
its
good
means
of
transport.
militarily
the
town
could
not
be
held
,
for
its
one
and
only
defence
was
the
yellow
river.
the
founder
of
this
later
liang
dynasty
,
chu
ch
'uean-chung
(
##number##
)
,
was
himself
an
eastern
chinese
and
,
as
will
be
remembered
,
a
past
supporter
of
the
revolutionary
huang
ch
'ao
,
but
he
had
then
gone
over
to
the
t
'ang
and
had
gained
high
military
rank.
his
northern
frontier
remained
still
more
insecure
than
the
southern
,
for
chu
ch
'uean-chung
did
not
succeed
in
destroying
the
turkish
general
li
k
'o-yung
;
on
the
contrary
,
the
latter
continually
widened
the
range
of
his
power.
fortunately
he
,
too
,
had
an
enemy
at
his
back
--
the
kitan
(
or
khitan
)
,
whose
ruler
had
made
himself
emperor
in
##number##
,
and
so
staked
a
claim
to
reign
over
all
china.
the
first
kitan
emperor
held
a
middle
course
between
chu
and
li
,
and
so
was
able
to
establish
and
expand
his
empire
in
peace.
the
striking
power
of
his
empire
,
which
from
##number##
onward
was
officially
called
the
liao
empire
,
grew
steadily
,
because
the
old
tribal
league
of
the
kitan
was
transformed
into
a
centrally
commanded
military
organization.
to
these
dangers
from
abroad
threatening
the
later
liang
state
internal
troubles
were
added.
chu
ch
'uean-chung
's
dynasty
was
one
of
the
three
chinese
dynasties
that
have
ever
come
to
power
through
a
popular
rising.
he
himself
was
of
peasant
origin
,
and
so
were
a
large
part
of
his
subordinates
and
helpers.
many
of
them
had
originally
been
independent
peasant
leaders
;
others
had
been
under
huang
ch
'ao.
all
of
them
were
opposed
to
the
gentry
,
and
the
great
slaughter
of
the
gentry
of
the
capital
,
shortly
before
the
beginning
of
chu
's
rule
,
had
been
welcomed
by
chu
and
his
followers.
the
gentry
therefore
would
not
co-operate
with
chu
and
preferred
to
join
the
turk
li
k
'o-yung.
but
chu
could
not
confidently
rely
on
his
old
comrades.
they
were
jealous
of
his
success
in
gaining
the
place
they
all
coveted
,
and
were
ready
to
join
in
any
independent
enterprise
as
opportunity
offered.
all
of
them
,
moreover
,
as
soon
as
they
were
given
any
administrative
post
,
busied
themselves
with
the
acquisition
of
money
and
wealth
as
quickly
as
possible.
these
abuses
not
only
ate
into
the
revenues
of
the
state
but
actually
produced
a
common
front
between
the
peasantry
and
the
remnants
of
the
gentry
against
the
upstarts.
in
##number##
,
after
li
k
'o-yung
's
death
,
the
sha-t
'o
turks
beat
off
an
attack
from
the
kitan
,
and
so
were
safe
for
a
time
from
the
northern
menace.
they
then
marched
against
the
liang
state
,
where
a
crisis
had
been
produced
in
##number##
after
the
murder
of
chu
ch
'uean-chung
by
one
of
his
sons.
the
liang
generals
saw
no
reason
why
they
should
fight
for
the
dynasty
,
and
all
of
them
went
over
to
the
enemy.
thus
the
"
later
t
'ang
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
came
into
power
in
north
china
,
under
the
son
of
li
k
'o-yung.
the
dominant
element
at
this
time
was
quite
clearly
the
chinese
gentry
,
especially
in
western
and
central
china.
the
sha-t
'o
themselves
must
have
been
extraordinarily
few
in
number
,
probably
little
more
than
##number##
men.
most
of
them
,
moreover
,
were
politically
passive
,
being
simple
soldiers.
only
the
ruling
family
and
its
following
played
any
active
part
,
together
with
a
few
families
related
to
it
by
marriage.
the
whole
state
was
regarded
by
the
sha-t
'o
rulers
as
a
sort
of
family
enterprise
,
members
of
the
family
being
placed
in
the
most
important
positions.
as
there
were
not
enough
of
them
,
they
adopted
into
the
family
large
numbers
of
aliens
of
all
nationalities.
military
posts
were
given
to
faithful
members
of
li
k
'o-yung
's
or
his
successor
's
bodyguard
,
and
also
to
domestic
servants
and
other
clients
of
the
family.
thus
,
while
in
the
later
liang
state
elements
from
the
peasantry
had
risen
in
the
world
,
some
of
these
neo-gentry
reaching
the
top
of
the
social
pyramid
in
the
centuries
that
followed
,
in
the
sha-t
'o
state
some
of
its
warriors
,
drawn
from
the
most
various
peoples
,
entered
the
gentry
class
through
their
personal
relations
with
the
ruler.
but
in
spite
of
all
this
the
bulk
of
the
officials
came
once
more
from
the
chinese.
these
educated
chinese
not
only
succeeded
in
winning
over
the
rulers
themselves
to
the
chinese
cultural
ideal
,
but
persuaded
them
to
adopt
laws
that
substantially
restricted
the
privileges
of
the
sha-t
'o
and
brought
advantages
only
to
the
chinese
gentry.
consequently
all
the
chinese
historians
are
enthusiastic
about
the
"
later
t
'ang
"
,
and
especially
about
the
emperor
ming
ti
,
who
reigned
from
##number##
onward
,
after
the
assassination
of
his
predecessor.
they
also
abused
the
liang
because
they
were
against
the
gentry.
in
##number##
the
later
t
'ang
dynasty
gave
place
to
the
later
chin
dynasty
(
##number##
)
,
but
this
involved
no
change
in
the
structure
of
the
empire.
the
change
of
dynasty
meant
no
more
than
that
instead
of
the
son
following
the
father
the
son-in-law
had
ascended
the
throne.
it
was
of
more
importance
that
the
son-in-law
,
the
sha-t
'o
turk
shih
ching-t
'ang
,
succeeded
in
doing
this
by
allying
himself
with
the
kitan
and
ceding
to
them
some
of
the
northern
provinces.
the
youthful
successor
,
however
,
of
the
first
ruler
of
this
dynasty
was
soon
made
to
realize
that
the
kitan
regarded
the
founding
of
his
dynasty
as
no
more
than
a
transition
stage
on
the
way
to
their
annexation
of
the
whole
of
north
china.
the
old
sha-t
'o
nobles
,
who
had
not
been
sinified
in
the
slightest
,
suggested
a
preventive
war
;
the
actual
court
group
,
strongly
sinified
,
hesitated
,
but
ultimately
were
unable
to
avoid
war.
the
war
was
very
quickly
decided
by
several
governors
in
eastern
china
going
over
to
the
kitan
,
who
had
promised
them
the
imperial
title.
in
the
course
of
##number##
the
kitan
occupied
the
capital
and
almost
the
whole
of
the
country.
in
##number##
the
kitan
ruler
proclaimed
himself
emperor
of
the
kitan
and
the
chinese.
[
illustration
:
map
##number##
:
the
state
of
the
later
t
'ang
dynasty
]
the
chinese
gentry
seem
to
have
accepted
this
situation
because
a
kitan
emperor
was
just
as
acceptable
to
them
as
a
sha-t
'o
emperor
;
but
the
sha-t
'o
were
not
prepared
to
submit
to
the
kitan
regime
,
because
under
it
they
would
have
lost
their
position
of
privilege.
at
the
head
of
this
opposition
group
stood
the
sha-t
'o
general
liu
chih-yuan
,
who
founded
the
"
later
han
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
he
was
able
to
hold
out
against
the
kitan
only
because
in
##number##
the
kitan
emperor
died
and
his
son
had
to
leave
china
and
retreat
to
the
north
;
fighting
had
broken
out
between
the
empress
dowager
,
who
had
some
chinese
support
,
and
the
young
heir
to
the
throne.
the
new
turkish
dynasty
,
however
,
was
unable
to
withstand
the
internal
chinese
resistance.
its
founder
died
in
##number##
,
and
his
son
,
owing
to
his
youth
,
was
entirely
in
the
hands
of
a
court
clique.
in
his
effort
to
free
himself
from
the
tutelage
of
this
group
he
made
a
miscalculation
,
for
the
men
on
whom
he
thought
he
could
depend
were
largely
supporters
of
the
clique.
so
he
lost
his
throne
and
his
life
,
and
a
chinese
general
,
kuo
wei
,
took
his
place
,
founding
the
"
later
chou
dynasty
"
(
##number##
)
.
a
feature
of
importance
was
that
in
the
years
of
the
short-lived
"
later
han
dynasty
"
a
tendency
showed
itself
among
the
chinese
military
leaders
to
work
with
the
states
in
the
south.
the
increase
in
the
political
influence
of
the
south
was
due
to
its
economic
advance
while
the
north
was
reduced
to
economic
chaos
by
the
continual
heavy
fighting
,
and
by
the
complete
irresponsibility
of
the
sha-t
'o
ruler
in
financial
matters
:
several
times
in
this
period
the
whole
of
the
money
in
the
state
treasury
was
handed
out
to
soldiers
to
prevent
them
from
going
over
to
some
enemy
or
other.
on
the
other
hand
,
there
was
a
tendency
in
the
south
for
the
many
neighbouring
states
to
amalgamate
,
and
as
this
process
took
place
close
to
the
frontier
of
north
china
the
northern
states
could
not
passively
look
on.
during
the
"
later
han
"
period
there
were
wars
and
risings
,
which
continued
in
the
time
of
the
"
later
chou
"
.
on
the
whole
,
the
few
years
of
the
rule
of
the
second
emperor
of
the
"
later
chou
"
(
##number##
)
form
a
bright
spot
in
those
dismal
fifty-five
years.
sociologically
regarded
,
that
dynasty
formed
merely
a
transition
stage
on
the
way
to
the
sung
dynasty
that
now
followed
:
the
chinese
gentry
ruled
under
the
leadership
of
an
upstart
who
had
risen
from
the
ranks
,
and
they
ruled
in
accordance
with
the
old
principles
of
gentry
rule.
the
sha-t
'o
,
who
had
formed
the
three
preceding
dynasties
,
had
been
so
reduced
that
they
were
now
a
tiny
minority
and
no
longer
counted.
this
minority
had
only
been
able
to
maintain
its
position
through
the
special
social
conditions
created
by
the
"
later
liang
"
dynasty
:
the
liang
,
who
had
come
from
the
lower
classes
of
the
population
,
had
driven
the
gentry
into
the
arms
of
the
sha-t
'o
turks.
as
soon
as
the
upstarts
,
in
so
far
as
they
had
not
fallen
again
or
been
exterminated
,
had
more
or
less
assimilated
themselves
to
the
old
gentry
,
and
on
the
other
hand
the
leaders
of
the
sha-t
'o
had
become
numerically
too
weak
,
there
was
a
possibility
of
resuming
the
old
form
of
rule.
there
had
been
certain
changes
in
this
period.
the
north-west
of
china
,
the
region
of
the
old
capital
ch
'ang-an
,
had
been
so
ruined
by
the
fighting
that
had
gone
on
mainly
there
and
farther
north
,
that
it
was
eliminated
as
a
centre
of
power
for
a
hundred
years
to
come
;
it
had
been
largely
depopulated.
the
north
was
under
the
rule
of
the
kitan
:
its
trade
,
which
in
the
past
had
been
with
the
huang-ho
basin
,
was
now
perforce
diverted
to
peking
,
which
soon
became
the
main
centre
of
the
power
of
the
kitan.
the
south
,
particularly
the
lower
yangtze
region
and
the
province
of
szechwan
,
had
made
economic
progress
,
at
least
in
comparison
with
the
north
;
consequently
it
had
gained
in
political
importance.
one
other
event
of
this
time
has
to
be
mentioned
:
the
great
persecution
of
buddhism
in
##number##
,
but
not
only
because
##number##
temples
and
monasteries
were
secularized
and
only
some
##number##
with
##number##
monks
were
left.
although
the
immediate
reason
for
this
action
seems
to
have
been
that
too
many
men
entered
the
monasteries
in
order
to
avoid
being
taken
as
soldiers
,
the
effect
of
the
law
of
##number##
was
that
from
now
on
the
buddhists
were
put
under
regulations
which
clarified
once
and
for
ever
their
position
within
the
framework
of
a
society
which
had
as
its
aim
to
define
clearly
the
status
of
each
individual
within
each
social
class.
private
persons
were
no
more
allowed
to
erect
temples
and
monasteries.
the
number
of
temples
per
district
was
legally
fixed.
a
person
could
become
monk
only
if
the
head
of
the
family
gave
its
permission.
he
had
to
be
over
fifteen
years
of
age
and
had
to
know
by
heart
at
least
one
hundred
pages
of
texts.
the
state
took
over
the
control
of
the
ordinations
which
could
be
performed
only
after
a
successful
examination.
each
year
a
list
of
all
monks
had
to
be
submitted
to
the
government
in
two
copies.
monks
had
to
carry
six
identification
cards
with
them
,
one
of
which
was
the
ordination
diploma
for
which
a
fee
had
to
be
paid
to
the
government
(
already
since
##number##
)
.
the
diploma
was
,
in
the
eleventh
century
,
issued
by
the
bureau
of
sacrifices
,
but
the
money
was
collected
by
the
ministry
of
agriculture.
it
can
be
regarded
as
a
payment
_in
lieu_
of
land
tax.
the
price
was
in
the
eleventh
century
##number##
strings
,
which
represented
the
value
of
a
small
farm
or
the
value
of
some
##number##
litres
of
grain.
the
price
of
the
diploma
went
up
to
##number##
strings
in
##number##
,
and
the
then
government
sold
##number##
diplomas
per
year
in
order
to
get
still
more
cash.
but
as
diplomas
could
be
traded
,
a
black
market
developed
,
on
which
they
were
sold
for
as
little
as
twenty
strings.
(
b
)
period
of
moderate
absolutism
(
##number##
)
the
northern
sung
dynasty
##number##
_southward
expansion_
the
founder
of
the
sung
dynasty
,
chao
k
'uang-yin
,
came
of
a
chinese
military
family
living
to
the
south
of
peking.
he
advanced
from
general
to
emperor
,
and
so
differed
in
no
way
from
the
emperors
who
had
preceded
him.
but
his
dynasty
did
not
disappear
as
quickly
as
the
others
;
for
this
there
were
several
reasons.
to
begin
with
,
there
was
the
simple
fact
that
he
remained
alive
longer
than
the
other
founders
of
dynasties
,
and
so
was
able
to
place
his
rule
on
a
firmer
foundation.
but
in
addition
to
this
he
followed
a
new
course
,
which
in
certain
ways
smoothed
matters
for
him
and
for
his
successors
,
in
foreign
policy.
this
sung
dynasty
,
as
chao
k
'uang-yin
named
it
,
no
longer
turned
against
the
northern
peoples
,
particularly
the
kitan
,
but
against
the
south.
this
was
not
exactly
an
heroic
policy
:
the
north
of
china
remained
in
the
hands
of
the
kitan.
there
were
frequent
clashes
,
but
no
real
effort
was
made
to
destroy
the
kitan
,
whose
dynasty
was
now
called
"
liao
"
.
the
second
emperor
of
the
sung
was
actually
heavily
defeated
several
times
by
the
kitan.
but
they
,
for
their
part
,
made
no
attempt
to
conquer
the
whole
of
china
,
especially
since
the
task
would
have
become
more
and
more
burdensome
the
farther
south
the
sung
expanded.
and
very
soon
there
were
other
reasons
why
the
kitan
should
refrain
from
turning
their
whole
strength
against
the
chinese.
[
illustration
:
##number##
ladies
of
the
court
:
clay
models
which
accompanied
the
dead
person
to
the
grave.
t
'ang
period.
_in
the
collection
of
the
museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
distinguished
founder
:
a
temple
banner
found
at
khotcho
,
turkestan.
_museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin
,
no.
1b_
##number##
,
_illustration
b_
##number##
]
as
we
said
,
the
sung
turned
at
once
against
the
states
in
the
south.
some
of
the
many
small
southern
states
had
made
substantial
economic
and
cultural
advance
,
but
militarily
they
were
not
strong.
chao
k
'uang-yin
(
named
as
emperor
t
'ai
tsu
)
attacked
them
in
succession.
most
of
them
fell
very
quickly
and
without
any
heavy
fighting
,
especially
since
the
sung
dealt
mildly
with
the
defeated
rulers
and
their
following.
the
gentry
and
the
merchants
in
these
small
states
could
not
but
realize
the
advantages
of
a
widened
and
well-ordered
economic
field
,
and
they
were
therefore
entirely
in
favour
of
the
annexation
of
their
country
so
soon
as
it
proved
to
be
tolerable.
and
the
sung
empire
could
only
endure
and
gain
strength
if
it
had
control
of
the
regions
along
the
yangtze
and
around
canton
,
with
their
great
economic
resources.
the
process
of
absorbing
the
small
states
in
the
south
continued
until
##number##
before
it
was
ended
,
the
sung
tried
to
extend
their
influence
in
the
south
beyond
the
chinese
border
,
and
secured
a
sort
of
protectorate
over
parts
of
annam
(
##number##
)
.
this
sphere
of
influence
was
politically
insignificant
and
not
directly
of
any
economic
importance
;
but
it
fulfilled
for
the
sung
the
same
functions
which
colonial
territories
fulfilled
for
europeans
,
serving
as
a
field
of
operation
for
the
commercial
class
,
who
imported
raw
materials
from
it
--
mainly
,
it
is
true
,
luxury
articles
such
as
special
sorts
of
wood
,
perfumes
,
ivory
,
and
so
on
--
and
exported
chinese
manufactures.
as
the
power
of
the
empire
grew
,
this
zone
of
influence
extended
as
far
as
indonesia
:
the
process
had
begun
in
the
t
'ang
period.
the
trade
with
the
south
had
not
the
deleterious
effects
of
the
trade
with
central
asia.
there
was
no
sale
of
refined
metals
,
and
none
of
fabrics
,
as
the
natives
produced
their
own
textiles
which
sufficed
for
their
needs.
and
the
export
of
porcelain
brought
no
economic
injury
to
china
,
but
the
reverse.
this
sung
policy
was
entirely
in
the
interest
of
the
gentry
and
of
the
trading
community
which
was
now
closely
connected
with
them.
undoubtedly
it
strengthened
china.
the
policy
of
nonintervention
in
the
north
was
endurable
even
when
peace
with
the
kitan
had
to
be
bought
by
the
payment
of
an
annual
tribute.
from
##number##
onwards
,
##number##
ounces
of
silver
and
##number##
bales
of
silk
were
paid
annually
to
the
kitan
,
amounting
in
value
to
about
##number##
strings
of
cash
,
each
of
##number##
coins.
the
state
budget
amounted
to
some
##number##
strings
of
cash.
in
##number##
the
payments
amounted
to
##number##
strings
,
but
the
budget
was
by
then
much
larger.
one
is
liable
to
get
a
false
impression
when
reading
of
these
big
payments
if
one
does
not
take
into
account
what
percentage
they
formed
of
the
total
revenues
of
the
state.
the
tribute
to
the
kitan
amounted
to
less
than
##number##
per
cent
of
the
revenue
,
while
the
expenditure
on
the
army
accounted
for
##number##
per
cent
of
the
budget.
it
cost
much
less
to
pay
tribute
than
to
maintain
large
armies
and
go
to
war.
financial
considerations
played
a
great
part
during
the
sung
epoch.
the
taxation
revenue
of
the
empire
rose
rapidly
after
the
pacification
of
the
south
;
soon
after
the
beginning
of
the
dynasty
the
state
budget
was
double
that
of
the
t
'ang.
if
the
state
expenditure
in
the
eleventh
century
had
not
continually
grown
through
the
increase
in
military
expenditure
--
in
spite
of
everything
!
--
there
would
have
come
a
period
of
great
prosperity
in
the
empire.
##number##
_administration
and
army.
inflation_
the
sung
emperor
,
like
the
rulers
of
the
transition
period
,
had
gained
the
throne
by
his
personal
abilities
as
military
leader
;
in
fact
,
he
had
been
made
emperor
by
his
soldiers
as
had
happened
to
so
many
emperors
in
later
imperial
rome.
for
the
next
##number##
years
we
observe
a
change
in
the
position
of
the
emperor.
on
the
one
hand
,
if
he
was
active
and
intelligent
enough
,
he
exercised
much
more
personal
influence
than
the
rulers
of
the
middle
ages.
on
the
other
hand
,
at
the
same
time
,
the
emperors
were
much
closer
to
their
ministers
as
before.
we
hear
of
ministers
who
patted
the
ruler
on
the
shoulders
when
they
retired
from
an
audience
;
another
one
fell
asleep
on
the
emperor
's
knee
and
was
not
punished
for
this
familiarity.
the
emperor
was
called
"
_kuan-chia_
"
(
administrator
)
and
even
called
himself
so.
and
in
the
early
twelfth
century
an
emperor
stated
"
i
do
not
regard
the
empire
as
my
personal
property
;
my
job
is
to
guide
the
people
"
.
financially-minded
as
the
sung
dynasty
was
,
the
cost
of
the
operation
of
the
palace
was
calculated
,
so
that
the
emperor
had
a
budget
:
in
##number##
the
salaries
of
all
officials
in
the
capital
amounted
to
##number##
strings
of
money
per
month
,
the
armies
##number##
,
and
the
emperor
's
ordinary
monthly
budget
was
##number##
strings.
for
festivals
,
imperial
birthdays
,
weddings
and
burials
extra
allowances
were
made.
thus
,
the
sung
rulers
may
be
called
"
moderate
absolutists
"
and
not
despots.
one
of
the
first
acts
of
the
new
sung
emperor
,
in
##number##
,
was
a
fundamental
reorganization
of
the
administration
of
the
country.
the
old
system
of
a
civil
administration
and
a
military
administration
independent
of
it
was
brought
to
an
end
and
the
whole
administration
of
the
country
placed
in
the
hands
of
civil
officials.
the
gentry
welcomed
this
measure
and
gave
it
full
support
,
because
it
enabled
the
influence
of
the
gentry
to
grow
and
removed
the
fear
of
competition
from
the
military
,
some
of
whom
did
not
belong
by
birth
to
the
gentry.
the
generals
by
whose
aid
the
empire
had
been
created
were
put
on
pension
,
or
transferred
to
civil
employment
,
as
quickly
as
possible.
the
army
was
demobilized
,
and
this
measure
was
bound
up
with
the
settlement
of
peasants
in
the
regions
which
war
had
depopulated
,
or
on
new
land.
soon
after
this
the
revenue
noticeably
increased.
above
all
,
the
army
was
placed
directly
under
the
central
administration
,
and
the
system
of
military
governors
was
thus
brought
to
an
end.
the
soldiers
became
mercenaries
of
the
state
,
whereas
in
the
past
there
had
been
conscription.
in
##number##
the
army
had
numbered
only
##number##
,
and
its
cost
had
not
been
insupportable.
although
the
numbers
increased
greatly
,
reaching
##number##
in
##number##
and
##number##
in
##number##
,
this
implied
no
increase
in
military
strength
;
for
men
who
had
once
been
soldiers
remained
with
the
army
even
when
they
were
too
old
for
service.
moreover
,
the
soldiers
grew
more
and
more
exacting
;
when
detachments
were
transferred
to
another
region
,
for
instance
,
the
soldiers
would
not
carry
their
baggage
;
an
army
of
porters
had
to
be
assembled.
the
soldiers
also
refused
to
go
to
regions
remote
from
their
homes
until
they
were
given
extra
pay.
such
allowances
gradually
became
customary
,
and
so
the
military
expenditure
grew
by
leaps
and
bounds
without
any
corresponding
increase
in
the
striking
power
of
the
army.
the
government
was
unable
to
meet
the
whole
cost
of
the
army
out
of
taxation
revenue.
the
attempt
was
made
to
cover
the
expenditure
by
coining
fresh
money.
in
connection
with
the
increase
in
commercial
capital
described
above
,
and
the
consequent
beginning
of
an
industry
,
china
's
metal
production
had
greatly
increased.
in
##number##
thirteen
times
as
much
silver
,
eight
times
as
much
copper
,
and
fourteen
times
as
much
iron
was
produced
as
in
##number##
thus
the
circulation
of
the
copper
currency
was
increased.
the
cost
of
minting
,
however
,
amounted
in
china
to
about
##number##
per
cent
and
often
over
##number##
per
cent
of
the
value
of
the
money
coined.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
metal
was
produced
in
the
south
,
while
the
capital
was
in
the
north.
the
coin
had
therefore
to
be
carried
a
long
distance
to
reach
the
capital
and
to
be
sent
on
to
the
soldiers
in
the
north.
to
meet
the
increasing
expenditure
,
an
unexampled
quantity
of
new
money
was
put
into
circulation.
the
state
budget
increased
from
##number##
in
a.d.
##number##
to
##number##
in
##number##
the
kitan
state
coined
a
great
deal
of
silver
,
and
some
of
the
tribute
was
paid
to
it
in
silver.
the
greatly
increased
production
of
silver
led
to
its
being
put
into
circulation
in
china
itself.
and
this
provided
a
new
field
of
speculation
,
through
the
variations
in
the
rates
for
silver
and
for
copper.
speculation
was
also
possible
with
the
deposit
certificates
,
which
were
issued
in
quantities
by
the
state
from
the
beginning
of
the
eleventh
century
,
and
to
which
the
first
true
paper
money
was
soon
added.
the
paper
money
and
the
certificates
were
redeemable
at
a
definite
date
,
but
at
a
reduction
of
at
least
##number##
per
cent
of
their
value
;
this
,
too
,
yielded
a
certain
revenue
to
the
state.
the
inflation
that
resulted
from
all
these
measures
brought
profit
to
the
big
merchants
in
spite
of
the
fact
that
they
had
to
supply
directly
or
indirectly
all
non-agricultural
taxes
(
in
##number##
some
##number##
strings
annually
)
,
especially
the
salt
tax
(
##number##
per
cent
)
,
wine
tax
(
##number##
per
cent
)
,
tea
tax
(
##number##
per
cent
)
and
customs
(
##number##
per
cent
)
.
although
the
official
economic
thinking
remained
confucian
,
i.e.
anti-business
and
pro-agrarian
,
we
find
in
this
time
insight
in
price
laws
,
for
instance
,
that
peace
times
and/or
decrease
of
population
induce
deflation.
the
government
had
always
attempted
to
manipulate
the
prices
by
interference.
already
in
much
earlier
times
,
again
and
again
,
attempts
had
been
made
to
lower
the
prices
by
the
so-called
"
ever-normal
granaries
"
of
the
government
which
threw
grain
on
the
market
when
prices
were
too
high
and
bought
grain
when
prices
were
low.
but
now
,
in
addition
to
such
measures
,
we
also
find
others
which
exhibit
a
deeper
insight
:
in
a
period
of
starvation
,
the
scholar
and
official
fan
chung-yen
instead
of
officially
reducing
grain
prices
,
raised
the
prices
in
his
district
considerably.
although
the
population
got
angry
,
merchants
started
to
import
large
amounts
of
grain
;
as
soon
as
this
happened
,
fan
(
himself
a
big
landowner
)
reduced
the
price
again.
similar
results
were
achieved
by
others
by
just
stimulating
merchants
to
import
grain
into
deficit
areas.
with
the
social
structure
of
medieval
europe
,
similar
financial
and
fiscal
developments
which
gave
new
chances
to
merchants
,
eventually
led
to
industrial
capitalism
and
industrial
society.
in
china
,
however
,
the
gentry
in
their
capacity
of
officials
hindered
the
growth
of
independent
trade
,
and
permitted
its
existence
only
in
association
with
themselves.
as
they
also
represented
landed
property
,
it
was
in
land
that
the
newly-formed
capital
was
invested.
thus
we
see
in
the
sung
period
,
and
especially
in
the
eleventh
century
,
the
greatest
accumulation
of
estates
that
there
had
ever
been
up
to
then
in
china.
many
of
these
estates
came
into
origin
as
gifts
of
the
emperor
to
individuals
or
to
temples
,
others
were
created
on
hillsides
on
land
which
belonged
to
the
villages.
from
this
time
on
,
the
rest
of
the
village
commons
in
china
proper
disappeared.
villagers
could
no
longer
use
the
top-soil
of
the
hills
as
fertilizer
,
or
the
trees
as
firewood
and
building
material.
in
addition
,
the
hillside
estates
diverted
the
water
of
springs
and
creeks
,
thus
damaging
severely
the
irrigation
works
of
the
villagers
in
the
plains.
the
estates
(
_chuang_
)
were
controlled
by
appointed
managers
who
often
became
hereditary
managers.
the
tenants
on
the
estates
were
quite
often
non-registered
migrants
,
of
whom
we
spoke
previously
as
"
vagrants
"
,
and
as
such
they
depended
upon
the
managers
who
could
always
denounce
them
to
the
authorities
which
would
lead
to
punishment
because
nobody
was
allowed
to
leave
his
home
without
officially
changing
his
registration.
many
estates
operated
mills
and
even
textile
factories
with
non-registered
weavers.
others
seem
to
have
specialized
in
sheep
breeding.
present-day
village
names
ending
with
-
_chuang_
indicate
such
former
estates.
a
new
development
in
this
period
were
the
"
clan
estates
"
(
_i-chuang_
)
,
created
by
fan
chung-yen
(
##number##
)
in
##number##
the
income
of
these
clan
estates
were
used
for
the
benefit
of
the
whole
clan
,
were
controlled
by
clan-appointed
managers
and
had
tax-free
status
,
guaranteed
by
the
government
which
regarded
them
as
welfare
institutions.
technically
,
they
might
better
be
called
corporations
because
they
were
similar
in
structure
to
some
of
our
industrial
corporations.
under
the
chinese
economic
system
,
large-scale
landowning
always
proved
socially
and
politically
injurious.
up
to
very
recent
times
the
peasant
who
rented
his
land
paid
##number##
per
cent
of
the
produce
to
the
landowner
,
who
was
responsible
for
payment
of
the
normal
land
tax.
the
landlord
,
however
,
had
always
found
means
of
evading
payment.
as
each
district
had
to
yield
a
definite
amount
of
taxation
,
the
more
the
big
landowners
succeeded
in
evading
payment
the
more
had
to
be
paid
by
the
independent
small
farmers.
these
independent
peasants
could
then
either
"
give
"
their
land
to
the
big
landowner
and
pay
rent
to
him
,
thus
escaping
from
the
attentions
of
the
tax-officer
,
or
simply
leave
the
district
and
secretly
enter
another
one
where
they
were
not
registered.
in
either
case
the
government
lost
taxes.
large-scale
landowning
proved
especially
injurious
in
the
sung
period
,
for
two
reasons.
to
begin
with
,
the
official
salaries
,
which
had
always
been
small
in
china
,
were
now
totally
inadequate
,
and
so
the
officials
were
given
a
fixed
quantity
of
land
,
the
yield
of
which
was
regarded
as
an
addition
to
salary.
this
land
was
free
from
part
of
the
taxes.
before
long
the
officials
had
secured
the
liberation
of
the
whole
of
their
land
from
the
chief
taxes.
in
the
second
place
,
the
taxation
system
was
simplified
by
making
the
amount
of
tax
proportional
to
the
amount
of
land
owned.
the
lowest
bracket
,
however
,
in
this
new
system
of
taxation
comprised
more
land
than
a
poor
peasant
would
actually
own
,
and
this
was
a
heavy
blow
to
the
small
peasant-owners
,
who
in
the
past
had
paid
a
proportion
of
their
produce.
most
of
them
had
so
little
land
that
they
could
barely
live
on
its
yield.
their
liability
to
taxation
was
at
all
times
a
very
heavy
burden
to
them
while
the
big
landowners
got
off
lightly.
thus
this
measure
,
though
administratively
a
saving
of
expense
,
proved
unsocial.
all
this
made
itself
felt
especially
in
the
south
with
its
great
estates
of
tax-evading
landowners.
here
the
remaining
small
peasant-owners
had
to
pay
the
new
taxes
or
to
become
tenants
of
the
landowners
and
lose
their
property.
the
north
was
still
suffering
from
the
war-devastation
of
the
tenth
century.
as
the
landlords
were
always
the
first
sufferers
from
popular
uprisings
as
well
as
from
war
,
they
had
disappeared
,
leaving
their
former
tenants
as
free
peasants.
from
this
period
on
,
we
have
enough
data
to
observe
a
social
"
law
"
:
as
the
capital
was
the
largest
consumer
,
especially
of
high-priced
products
such
as
vegetables
which
could
not
be
transported
over
long
distances
,
the
gentry
always
tried
to
control
the
land
around
the
capital.
here
,
we
find
the
highest
concentration
of
landlords
and
tenants.
production
in
this
circle
shifted
from
rice
and
wheat
to
mulberry
trees
for
silk
,
and
vegetables
grown
under
the
trees.
these
urban
demands
resulted
in
the
growth
of
an
"
industrial
"
quarter
on
the
outskirts
of
the
capital
,
in
which
especially
silk
for
the
upper
classes
was
produced.
the
next
circle
also
contained
many
landlords
,
but
production
was
more
in
staple
foods
such
as
wheat
and
rice
which
could
be
transported.
exploitation
in
this
second
circle
was
not
much
less
than
in
the
first
circle
,
because
of
less
close
supervision
by
the
authorities.
in
the
third
circle
we
find
independent
subsistence
farmers.
some
provincial
capitals
,
especially
in
szechwan
,
exhibited
a
similar
pattern
of
circles.
with
the
shift
of
the
capital
,
a
complete
reorganization
appeared
:
landlords
and
officials
gave
up
their
properties
,
cultivation
changed
,
and
a
new
system
of
circles
began
to
form
around
the
new
capital.
we
find
,
therefore
,
the
grotesque
result
that
the
thinly
populated
province
of
shensi
in
the
north-west
yielded
about
a
quarter
of
the
total
revenues
of
the
state
:
it
had
no
large
landowners
,
no
wealthy
gentry
,
with
their
evasion
of
taxation
,
only
a
mass
of
newly-settled
small
peasants
'
holdings.
for
this
reason
the
government
was
particularly
interested
in
that
province
,
and
closely
watched
the
political
changes
in
its
neighbourhood.
in
##number##
a
man
belonging
to
a
sinified
toba
family
,
living
on
the
border
of
shensi
,
had
made
himself
king
with
the
support
of
remnants
of
toba
tribes.
in
##number##
came
severe
fighting
,
and
in
##number##
the
king
proclaimed
himself
emperor
,
in
the
hsia
dynasty
,
and
threatened
the
whole
of
north-western
china.
tribute
was
now
also
paid
to
this
state
(
##number##
strings
)
,
but
the
fight
against
it
continued
,
to
save
that
important
province.
these
were
the
main
events
in
internal
and
external
affairs
during
the
sung
period
until
##number##
it
will
be
seen
that
foreign
affairs
were
of
much
less
importance
than
developments
in
the
country.
##number##
_reforms
and
welfare
schemes_
the
situation
just
described
was
bound
to
produce
a
reaction.
in
spite
of
the
inflationary
measures
the
revenue
fell
,
partly
in
consequence
of
the
tax
evasions
of
the
great
landowners.
it
fell
from
##number##
in
##number##
to
##number##
in
##number##
expenditure
did
not
fall
,
and
there
was
a
constant
succession
of
budget
deficits.
the
young
emperor
shen
tsung
(
##number##
)
became
convinced
that
the
policy
followed
by
the
ruling
clique
of
officials
and
gentry
was
bad
,
and
he
gave
his
adhesion
to
a
small
group
led
by
wang
an-shih
(
##number##
)
.
the
ruling
gentry
clique
represented
especially
the
interests
of
the
large
tea
producers
and
merchants
in
szechwan
and
kiangsi.
it
advocated
a
policy
of
_laisser-faire_
in
trade
:
it
held
that
everything
would
adjust
itself.
wang
an-shih
himself
came
from
kiangsi
and
was
therefore
supported
at
first
by
the
government
clique
,
within
which
the
kiangsi
group
was
trying
to
gain
predominance
over
the
szechwan
group.
but
wang
an-shih
came
from
a
poor
family
,
as
did
his
supporters
,
for
whom
he
quickly
secured
posts.
they
represented
the
interests
of
the
small
landholders
and
the
small
dealers.
this
group
succeeded
in
gaining
power
,
and
in
carrying
out
a
number
of
reforms
,
all
directed
against
the
monopolist
merchants.
credits
for
small
peasants
were
introduced
,
and
officials
were
given
bigger
salaries
,
in
order
to
make
them
independent
and
to
recruit
officials
who
were
not
big
landowners.
the
army
was
greatly
reduced
,
and
in
addition
to
the
paid
soldiery
a
national
militia
was
created.
special
attention
was
paid
to
the
province
of
shensi
,
whose
conditions
were
taken
more
or
less
as
a
model.
it
seems
that
one
consequence
of
wang
's
reforms
was
a
strong
fall
in
the
prices
,
i.e.
a
deflation
;
therefore
,
as
soon
as
the
first
decrees
were
issued
,
the
large
plantation
owners
and
the
merchants
who
were
allied
to
them
,
offered
furious
opposition.
a
group
of
officials
and
landlords
who
still
had
large
properties
in
the
vicinity
of
loyang
--
at
that
time
a
quiet
cultural
centre
--
also
joined
them.
even
some
of
wang
an-shih
's
former
adherents
came
out
against
him.
after
a
few
years
the
emperor
was
no
longer
able
to
retain
wang
an-shih
and
had
to
abandon
the
new
policy.
how
really
economic
interests
were
here
at
issue
may
be
seen
from
the
fact
that
for
many
of
the
new
decrees
which
were
not
directly
concerned
with
economic
affairs
,
such
,
for
instance
,
as
the
reform
of
the
examination
system
,
wang
an-shih
was
strongly
attacked
though
his
opponents
had
themselves
advocated
them
in
the
past
and
had
no
practical
objection
to
offer
to
them.
the
contest
,
however
,
between
the
two
groups
was
not
over.
the
monopolistic
landowners
and
their
merchants
had
the
upper
hand
from
##number##
to
##number##
,
but
then
the
advocates
of
the
policy
represented
by
wang
again
came
into
power
for
a
short
time.
they
had
but
little
success
to
show
,
as
they
did
not
remain
in
power
long
enough
and
,
owing
to
the
strong
opposition
,
they
were
never
able
to
make
their
control
really
effective.
basically
,
both
groups
were
against
allowing
the
developing
middle
class
and
especially
the
merchants
to
gain
too
much
freedom
,
and
whatever
freedom
they
in
fact
gained
,
came
through
extra-legal
or
illegal
practices.
a
proverb
of
the
time
said
"
people
hate
their
ruler
as
animals
hate
the
net
(
of
the
hunter
)
"
.
the
basic
laws
of
medieval
times
which
had
attempted
to
create
stable
social
classes
remained
:
down
to
the
nineteenth
century
there
were
slaves
,
different
classes
of
serfs
or
"
commoners
"
,
and
free
burghers.
craftsmen
remained
under
work
obligation.
merchants
were
second-class
people.
each
class
had
to
wear
dresses
of
special
colour
and
material
,
so
that
the
social
status
of
a
person
,
even
if
he
was
not
an
official
and
thus
recognizable
by
his
insignia
,
was
immediately
clear
when
one
saw
him.
the
houses
of
different
classes
differed
from
one
another
by
the
type
of
tiles
,
the
decorations
of
the
doors
and
gates
;
the
size
of
the
main
reception
room
of
the
house
was
prescribed
and
was
kept
small
for
all
non-officials
;
and
even
size
and
form
of
the
tombs
was
prescribed
in
detail
for
each
class.
once
a
person
had
a
certain
privilege
,
he
and
his
descendants
even
if
they
had
lost
their
position
in
the
bureaucracy
,
retained
these
privileges
over
generations.
all
burghers
were
admitted
to
the
examinations
and
,
thus
,
there
was
a
certain
social
mobility
allowed
within
the
leading
class
of
the
society
,
and
a
new
"
small
gentry
"
developed
by
this
system.
yet
,
the
wars
of
the
transition
period
had
created
a
feeling
of
insecurity
within
the
gentry.
the
eleventh
and
twelfth
centuries
were
periods
of
extensive
social
legislation
in
order
to
give
the
lower
classes
some
degree
of
security
and
thus
prevent
them
from
attempting
to
upset
the
status
quo.
in
addition
to
the
"
ever-normal
granaries
"
of
the
state
,
"
social
granaries
"
were
revived
,
into
which
all
farmers
of
a
village
had
to
deliver
grain
for
periods
of
need.
in
##number##
a
bureau
for
housing
and
care
was
created
which
created
homes
for
the
old
and
destitute
;
##number##
a
bureau
for
medical
care
sent
state
doctors
to
homes
and
hospitals
as
well
as
to
private
homes
to
care
for
poor
patients
;
from
##number##
a
bureau
of
burials
took
charge
of
the
costs
of
burials
of
poor
persons.
doctors
as
craftsmen
were
under
corvee
obligation
and
could
easily
be
ordered
by
the
state.
often
,
however
,
buddhist
priests
took
charge
of
medical
care
,
burial
costs
and
hospitalization.
the
state
gave
them
premiums
if
they
did
good
work.
the
ministry
of
civil
affairs
made
the
surveys
of
cases
and
costs
,
while
the
ministry
of
finances
paid
the
costs.
we
hear
of
state
orphanages
in
##number##
,
a
free
pharmacy
in
##number##
,
state
hospitals
were
reorganized
in
##number##
in
##number##
the
government
gave
low-interest
loans
to
poor
persons
and
(
from
##number##
on
)
sold
cheap
grain
from
state
granaries.
fire
protection
services
in
large
cities
were
organized.
finally
,
from
##number##
on
,
the
government
opened
up
to
twenty-three
geisha
houses
for
the
entertainment
of
soldiers
who
were
far
from
home
in
the
capital
and
had
no
possibility
for
other
amusements.
public
baths
had
existed
already
some
centuries
ago
;
now
buddhist
temples
opened
public
baths
as
social
service.
social
services
for
the
officials
were
also
extended.
already
from
the
eighth
century
on
,
offices
were
closed
every
tenth
day
and
during
holidays
,
a
total
of
almost
eighty
days
per
year.
even
criminals
got
some
leave
and
exiles
had
the
right
of
a
home
leave
once
every
three
years.
the
pensions
for
retired
officials
after
the
age
of
seventy
which
amounted
to
##number##
per
cent
of
the
salary
from
the
eighth
century
on
,
were
again
raised
,
though
widows
did
not
receive
benefits.
##number##
_cultural
situation
(
philosophy
,
religion
,
literature
,
painting_
)
culturally
the
eleventh
century
was
the
most
active
period
china
had
so
far
experienced
,
apart
from
the
fourth
century
b.c.
as
a
consequence
of
the
immensely
increased
number
of
educated
people
resulting
from
the
invention
of
printing
,
circles
of
scholars
and
private
schools
set
up
by
scholars
were
scattered
all
over
the
country.
the
various
philosophical
schools
differed
in
their
political
attitude
and
in
the
choice
of
literary
models
with
which
they
were
politically
in
sympathy.
thus
wang
an-shih
and
his
followers
preferred
the
rigid
classic
style
of
han
yue
(
##number##
)
who
lived
in
the
t
'ang
period
and
had
also
been
an
opponent
of
the
monopolistic
tendencies
of
pre-capitalism.
for
the
wang
an-shih
group
formed
itself
into
a
school
with
a
philosophy
of
its
own
and
with
its
own
commentaries
on
the
classics.
as
the
representative
of
the
small
merchants
and
the
small
landholders
,
this
school
advocated
policies
of
state
control
and
specialized
in
the
study
and
annotation
of
classical
books
which
seemed
to
favour
their
ideas.
but
the
wang
an-shih
school
was
unable
to
hold
its
own
against
the
school
that
stood
for
monopolist
trade
capitalism
,
the
new
philosophy
described
as
neo-confucianism
or
the
sung
school.
here
confucianism
and
buddhism
were
for
the
first
time
united.
in
the
last
centuries
,
buddhistic
ideas
had
penetrated
all
of
chinese
culture
:
the
slaughtering
of
animals
and
the
executions
of
criminals
were
allowed
only
on
certain
days
,
in
accordance
with
buddhist
rules.
formerly
,
monks
and
nuns
had
to
greet
the
emperor
as
all
citizens
had
to
do
;
now
they
were
exempt
from
this
rule.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
first
sung
emperor
was
willing
to
throw
himself
to
the
earth
in
front
of
the
buddha
statues
,
but
he
was
told
he
did
not
have
to
do
it
because
he
was
the
"
buddha
of
the
present
time
"
and
thus
equal
to
the
god.
buddhist
priests
participated
in
the
celebrations
on
the
emperor
's
birthday
,
and
emperors
from
time
to
time
gave
free
meals
to
large
crowds
of
monks.
buddhist
thought
entered
the
field
of
justice
:
in
sung
time
we
hear
complaints
that
judges
did
not
apply
the
laws
and
showed
laxity
,
because
they
hoped
to
gain
religious
merit
by
sparing
the
lives
of
criminals.
we
had
seen
how
the
main
current
of
buddhism
had
changed
from
a
revolutionary
to
a
reactionary
doctrine.
the
new
greater
gentry
of
the
eleventh
century
adopted
a
number
of
elements
of
this
reactionary
buddhism
and
incorporated
them
in
the
confucianist
system.
this
brought
into
confucianism
a
metaphysic
which
it
had
lacked
in
the
past
,
greatly
extending
its
influence
on
the
people
and
at
the
same
time
taking
the
wind
out
of
the
sails
of
buddhism.
the
greater
gentry
never
again
placed
themselves
on
the
side
of
the
buddhist
church
as
they
had
done
in
the
t
'ang
period.
when
they
got
tired
of
confucianism
,
they
interested
themselves
in
taoism
of
the
politically
innocent
,
escapist
,
meditative
buddhism.
men
like
chou
tun-i
(
##number##
)
and
chang
tsai
(
##number##
)
developed
a
cosmological
theory
which
could
measure
up
with
buddhistic
cosmology
and
metaphysics.
but
perhaps
more
important
was
the
attempt
of
the
neo-confucianists
to
explain
the
problem
of
evil.
confucius
and
his
followers
had
believed
that
every
person
could
perfect
himself
by
overcoming
the
evil
in
him.
as
the
good
persons
should
be
the
_elite_
and
rule
the
others
,
theoretically
everybody
who
was
a
member
of
human
society
,
could
move
up
and
become
a
leader.
it
was
commonly
assumed
that
human
nature
is
good
or
indifferent
,
and
that
human
feelings
are
evil
and
have
to
be
tamed
and
educated.
when
in
han
time
with
the
establishment
of
the
gentry
society
and
its
social
classes
,
the
idea
that
any
person
could
move
up
to
become
a
leader
if
he
only
perfected
himself
,
appeared
to
be
too
unrealistic
,
the
theory
of
different
grades
of
men
was
formed
which
found
its
clearest
formulation
by
han
yue
:
some
people
have
a
good
,
others
a
neutral
,
and
still
others
a
bad
nature
;
therefore
,
not
everybody
can
become
a
leader.
the
neo-confucianists
,
especially
ch
'eng
hao
(
##number##
)
and
ch
'eng
i
(
##number##
)
,
tried
to
find
the
reasons
for
this
inequality.
according
to
them
,
nature
is
neutral
;
but
physical
form
originates
with
the
combination
of
nature
with
material
force
(
_ch
'i_
)
.
this
combination
produces
individuals
in
which
there
is
a
lack
of
balance
or
harmony.
man
should
try
to
transform
physical
form
and
recover
original
nature.
the
creative
force
by
which
such
a
transformation
is
possible
is
_jen_
,
love
,
the
creative
,
life-giving
quality
of
nature
itself.
it
should
be
remarked
that
neo-confucianism
accepts
an
inequality
of
men
,
as
early
confucianism
did
;
and
that
_jen_
,
love
,
in
its
practical
application
has
to
be
channelled
by
_li_
,
the
system
of
rules
of
behaviour.
the
_li_
,
however
,
always
started
from
the
idea
of
a
stratified
class
society.
chu
hsi
(
##number##
)
,
the
famous
scholar
and
systematizer
of
neo-confucian
thoughts
,
brought
out
rules
of
behaviour
for
those
burghers
who
did
not
belong
to
the
gentry
and
could
not
,
therefore
,
be
expected
to
perform
all
_li_
;
his
"
simplified
_li_
"
exercised
a
great
influence
not
only
upon
contemporary
china
,
but
also
upon
korea
and
annam
and
there
strengthened
a
hitherto
looser
patriarchal
,
patrilinear
family
system.
the
neo-confucianists
also
compiled
great
analytical
works
of
history
and
encyclopaedias
whose
authority
continued
for
many
centuries.
they
interpreted
in
these
works
all
history
in
accordance
with
their
outlook
;
they
issued
new
commentaries
on
all
the
classics
in
order
to
spread
interpretations
that
served
their
purposes.
in
the
field
of
commentary
this
school
of
thought
was
given
perfect
expression
by
chu
hsi
,
who
also
wrote
one
of
the
chief
historical
works.
chu
hsi
's
commentaries
became
standard
works
for
centuries
,
until
the
beginning
of
the
twentieth
century.
yet
,
although
chu
became
the
symbol
of
conservatism
,
he
was
quite
interested
in
science
,
and
in
this
field
he
had
an
open
eye
for
changes.
the
sung
period
is
so
important
,
because
it
is
also
the
time
of
the
greatest
development
of
chinese
science
and
technology.
many
new
theories
,
but
also
many
practical
,
new
inventions
were
made.
medicine
made
substantial
progress.
about
##number##
the
first
autopsy
was
made
,
on
the
body
of
a
south
chinese
captive.
in
the
field
of
agriculture
,
new
varieties
of
rice
were
developed
,
new
techniques
applied
,
new
plants
introduced.
the
wang
an-shih
school
of
political
philosophy
had
opponents
also
in
the
field
of
literary
style
,
the
so-called
shu
group
(
shu
means
the
present
province
of
szechwan
)
,
whose
leaders
were
the
famous
three
sus.
the
greatest
of
the
three
was
su
tung-p
'o
(
##number##
)
;
the
others
were
his
father
,
su
shih
,
and
his
brother
,
su
che.
it
is
characteristic
of
these
shu
poets
,
and
also
of
the
kiangsi
school
associated
with
them
,
that
they
made
as
much
use
as
they
could
of
the
vernacular.
it
had
not
been
usual
to
introduce
the
phrases
of
everyday
life
into
poetry
,
but
su
tung-p
'o
made
use
of
the
most
everyday
expressions
,
without
diminishing
his
artistic
effectiveness
by
so
doing
;
on
the
contrary
,
the
result
was
to
give
his
poems
much
more
genuine
feeling
than
those
of
other
poets.
these
poets
were
in
harmony
with
the
writings
of
the
t
'ang
period
poet
po
chue-i
(
##number##
)
and
were
supported
,
like
neo-confucianism
,
by
representatives
of
trade
capitalism.
politically
,
in
their
conservatism
they
were
sharply
opposed
to
the
wang
an-shih
group.
midway
between
the
two
stood
the
so-called
loyang-school
,
whose
greatest
leaders
were
the
historian
and
poet
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
kuang
(
##number##
)
and
the
philosopher-poet
shao
yung
(
##number##
)
.
in
addition
to
its
poems
,
the
sung
literature
was
famous
for
the
so-called
_pi-chi_
or
miscellaneous
notes.
these
consist
of
short
notes
of
the
most
various
sort
,
notes
on
literature
,
art
,
politics
,
archaeology
,
all
mixed
together.
the
_pi-chi_
are
a
treasure-house
for
the
history
of
the
culture
of
the
time
;
they
contain
many
details
,
often
of
importance
,
about
china
's
neighbouring
peoples.
they
were
intended
to
serve
as
suggestions
for
learned
conversation
when
scholars
came
together
;
they
aimed
at
showing
how
wide
was
a
scholar
's
knowledge.
to
this
group
we
must
add
the
accounts
of
travel
,
of
which
some
of
great
value
dating
from
the
sung
period
are
still
extant
;
they
contain
information
of
the
greatest
importance
about
the
early
mongols
and
also
about
turkestan
and
south
china.
while
the
sung
period
was
one
of
perfection
in
all
fields
of
art
,
painting
undoubtedly
gained
its
highest
development
in
this
time.
we
find
now
two
main
streams
in
painting
:
some
painters
preferred
the
decorative
,
pompous
,
but
realistic
approach
,
with
great
attention
to
the
detail.
later
theoreticians
brought
this
school
in
connection
with
one
school
of
meditative
buddhism
,
the
so-called
northern
school.
men
who
belonged
to
this
school
of
painting
often
were
active
court
officials
or
painted
for
the
court
and
for
other
representative
purposes.
one
of
the
most
famous
among
them
,
li
lung-mien
(
ca.
##number##
)
,
for
instance
painted
the
different
breeds
of
horses
in
the
imperial
stables.
he
was
also
famous
for
his
buddhistic
figures.
another
school
,
later
called
the
southern
school
,
regarded
painting
as
an
intimate
,
personal
expression.
they
tried
to
paint
inner
realities
and
not
outer
forms.
they
,
too
,
were
educated
,
but
they
did
not
paint
for
anybody.
they
painted
in
their
country
houses
when
they
felt
in
the
mood
for
expression.
their
paintings
did
not
stress
details
,
but
tried
to
give
the
spirit
of
a
landscape
,
for
in
this
field
they
excelled
most.
best
known
of
them
is
mi
fei
(
ca.
##number##
)
,
a
painter
as
well
as
a
calligrapher
,
art
collector
,
and
art
critic.
typically
,
his
paintings
were
not
much
liked
by
the
emperor
hui
tsung
(
ruled
##number##
)
who
was
one
of
the
greatest
art
collectors
and
whose
catalogue
of
his
collection
became
very
famous.
he
created
the
painting
academy
,
an
institution
which
mainly
gave
official
recognition
to
painters
in
form
of
titles
which
gave
the
painter
access
to
and
status
at
court.
ma
yuean
(
_c_.
##number##
)
,
member
of
a
whole
painter
's
family
,
and
hsia
kui
(
_c_.
##number##
)
continued
the
more
"
impressionistic
"
tradition.
already
in
sung
time
,
however
,
many
painters
could
and
did
paint
in
different
styles
,
"
copying
"
,
i.e.
painting
in
the
way
of
t
'ang
painters
,
in
order
to
express
their
changing
emotions
by
changed
styles
,
a
fact
which
often
makes
the
dating
of
chinese
paintings
very
difficult.
finally
,
art
craft
has
left
us
famous
porcelains
of
the
sung
period.
the
most
characteristic
production
of
that
time
is
the
green
porcelain
known
as
"
celadon
"
.
it
consists
usually
of
a
rather
solid
paste
,
less
like
porcelain
than
stoneware
,
covered
with
a
green
glaze
;
decoration
is
incised
,
not
painted
,
under
the
glaze.
in
the
sung
period
,
however
,
came
the
first
pure
white
porcelain
with
incised
ornamentation
under
the
glaze
,
and
also
with
painting
on
the
glaze.
not
until
near
the
end
of
the
sung
period
did
the
blue
and
white
porcelain
begin
(
blue
painting
on
a
white
ground
)
.
the
cobalt
needed
for
this
came
from
asia
minor.
in
exchange
for
the
cobalt
,
chinese
porcelain
went
to
asia
minor.
this
trade
did
not
,
however
,
grow
greatly
until
the
mongol
epoch
;
later
really
substantial
orders
were
placed
in
china
,
the
chinese
executing
the
patterns
wanted
in
the
west.
##number##
_military
collapse_
in
foreign
affairs
the
whole
eleventh
century
was
a
period
of
diplomatic
manoeuvring
,
with
every
possible
effort
to
avoid
war.
there
was
long-continued
fighting
with
the
kitan
,
and
at
times
also
with
the
turco-tibetan
hsia
,
but
diplomacy
carried
the
day
:
tribute
was
paid
to
both
enemies
,
and
the
effort
was
made
to
stir
up
the
kitan
against
the
hsia
and
vice
versa
;
the
other
parties
also
intrigued
in
like
fashion.
in
##number##
the
situation
seemed
to
improve
for
the
sung
in
this
game
,
as
a
new
enemy
appeared
in
the
rear
of
the
liao
(
kitan
)
,
the
tungusic
juchen
(
jurchen
)
,
who
in
the
past
had
been
more
or
less
subject
to
the
kitan.
in
##number##
the
juchen
made
themselves
independent
and
became
a
political
factor.
the
kitan
were
crippled
,
and
it
became
an
easy
matter
to
attack
them.
but
this
pleasant
situation
did
not
last
long.
the
juchen
conquered
peking
,
and
in
##number##
the
kitan
empire
was
destroyed
;
but
in
the
same
year
the
juchen
marched
against
the
sung.
in
##number##
they
captured
the
sung
capital
;
the
emperor
and
his
art-loving
father
,
who
had
retired
a
little
earlier
,
were
taken
prisoner
,
and
the
northern
sung
dynasty
was
at
an
end.
the
collapse
came
so
quickly
because
the
whole
edifice
of
security
between
the
kitan
and
the
sung
was
based
on
a
policy
of
balance
and
of
diplomacy.
neither
state
was
armed
in
any
way
,
and
so
both
collapsed
at
the
first
assault
from
a
military
power.
(
##number##
)
the
liao
(
kitan
)
dynasty
in
the
north
(
##number##
)
##number##
_social
structure.
claim
to
the
chinese
imperial
throne_
the
kitan
,
a
league
of
tribes
under
the
leadership
of
an
apparently
mongol
tribe
,
had
grown
steadily
stronger
in
north-eastern
mongolia
during
the
t
'ang
epoch.
they
had
gained
the
allegiance
of
many
tribes
in
the
west
and
also
in
korea
and
manchuria
,
and
in
the
end
,
about
a.d.
##number##
,
had
become
the
dominant
power
in
the
north.
the
process
of
growth
of
this
nomad
power
was
the
same
as
that
of
other
nomad
states
,
such
as
the
toba
state
,
and
therefore
need
not
be
described
again
in
any
detail
here.
when
the
t
'ang
dynasty
was
deposed
,
the
kitan
were
among
the
claimants
to
the
chinese
throne
,
feeling
fully
justified
in
their
claim
as
the
strongest
power
in
the
far
east.
owing
to
the
strength
of
the
sha-t
'o
turks
,
who
themselves
claimed
leadership
in
china
,
the
expansion
of
the
kitan
empire
slowed
down.
in
the
many
battles
the
kitan
suffered
several
setbacks.
they
also
had
enemies
in
the
rear
,
a
state
named
po-hai
,
ruled
by
tunguses
,
in
northern
korea
,
and
the
new
korean
state
of
kao-li
,
which
liberated
itself
from
chinese
overlordship
in
##number##
in
##number##
the
kitan
finally
destroyed
po-hai.
this
brought
many
tungus
tribes
,
including
the
jurchen
(
juchen
)
,
under
kitan
dominance.
then
,
in
##number##
,
the
kitan
gained
the
allegiance
of
the
turkish
general
shih
ching-t
'ang
,
and
he
was
set
on
the
chinese
throne
as
a
feudatory
of
the
kitan.
it
was
hoped
now
to
secure
dominance
over
china
,
and
accordingly
the
mongol
name
of
the
dynasty
was
altered
to
"
liao
dynasty
"
in
##number##
,
indicating
the
claim
to
the
chinese
throne.
considerable
regions
of
north
china
came
at
once
under
the
direct
rule
of
the
liao.
as
a
whole
,
however
,
the
plan
failed
:
the
feudatory
shih
ching-t
'ang
tried
to
make
himself
independent
;
chinese
fought
the
liao
;
and
the
chinese
sceptre
soon
came
back
into
the
hands
of
a
sha-t
'o
dynasty
(
##number##
)
.
this
ended
the
plans
of
the
liao
to
conquer
the
whole
of
china.
for
this
there
were
several
reasons.
a
nomad
people
was
again
ruling
the
agrarian
regions
of
north
china.
this
time
the
representatives
of
the
ruling
class
remained
military
commanders
,
and
at
the
same
time
retained
their
herds
of
horses.
as
early
as
##number##
they
had
well
over
##number##
herds
,
each
of
more
than
a
thousand
animals.
the
army
commanders
had
been
awarded
large
regions
which
they
themselves
had
conquered.
they
collected
the
taxes
in
these
regions
,
and
passed
on
to
the
state
only
the
yield
of
the
wine
tax.
on
the
other
hand
,
in
order
to
feed
the
armies
,
in
which
there
were
now
many
chinese
soldiers
,
the
frontier
regions
were
settled
,
the
soldiers
working
as
peasants
in
times
of
peace
,
and
peasants
being
required
to
contribute
to
the
support
of
the
army.
both
processes
increased
the
interest
of
the
kitan
ruling
class
in
the
maintenance
of
peace.
that
class
was
growing
rich
,
and
preferred
living
on
the
income
from
its
properties
or
settlements
to
going
to
war
,
which
had
become
a
more
and
more
serious
matter
after
the
founding
of
the
great
sung
empire
,
and
was
bound
to
be
less
remunerative.
the
herds
of
horses
were
a
further
excellent
source
of
income
,
for
they
could
be
sold
to
the
sung
,
who
had
no
horses.
then
,
from
##number##
onward
,
came
the
tribute
payments
from
china
,
strengthening
the
interest
in
the
maintenance
of
peace.
thus
great
wealth
accumulated
in
peking
,
the
capital
of
the
liao
;
in
this
wealth
the
whole
kitan
ruling
class
participated
,
but
the
tribes
in
the
north
,
owing
to
their
remoteness
,
had
no
share
in
it.
in
##number##
the
chinese
began
negotiations
,
as
a
move
in
their
diplomacy
,
with
the
ruler
of
the
later
realm
of
the
hsia
;
in
##number##
the
kitan
also
negotiated
with
him
,
and
they
soon
became
a
third
partner
in
the
diplomatic
game.
delegations
were
continually
going
from
one
to
another
of
the
three
realms
,
and
they
were
joined
by
trade
missions.
agreement
was
soon
reached
on
frontier
questions
,
on
armament
,
on
questions
of
demobilization
,
on
the
demilitarization
of
particular
regions
,
and
so
on
,
for
the
last
thing
anyone
wanted
was
to
fight.
then
came
the
rising
of
the
tribes
of
the
north.
they
had
remained
military
tribes
;
of
all
the
wealth
nothing
reached
them
,
and
they
were
given
no
military
employment
,
so
that
they
had
no
hope
of
improving
their
position.
the
leadership
was
assumed
by
the
tribe
of
the
juchen
(
##number##
)
.
in
a
campaign
of
unprecedented
rapidity
they
captured
peking
,
and
the
liao
dynasty
was
ended
(
##number##
)
,
a
year
earlier
,
as
we
know
,
than
the
end
of
the
sung.
##number##
_the
state
of
the
kara-kitai_
a
small
troop
of
liao
,
under
the
command
of
a
member
of
the
ruling
family
,
fled
into
the
west.
they
were
pursued
without
cessation
,
but
they
succeeded
in
fighting
their
way
through.
after
a
few
years
of
nomad
life
in
the
mountains
of
northern
turkestan
,
they
were
able
to
gain
the
collaboration
of
a
few
more
tribes
,
and
with
them
they
then
invaded
western
turkestan.
there
they
founded
the
"
western
liao
"
state
,
or
,
as
the
western
sources
call
it
,
the
"
kara-kitai
"
state
,
with
its
capital
at
balasagun.
this
state
must
not
be
regarded
as
a
purely
kitan
state.
the
kitan
formed
only
a
very
thin
stratum
,
and
the
real
power
was
in
the
hands
of
autochthonous
turkish
tribes
,
to
whom
the
kitan
soon
became
entirely
assimilated
in
culture.
thus
the
history
of
this
state
belongs
to
that
of
western
asia
,
especially
as
the
relations
of
the
kara-kitai
with
the
far
east
were
entirely
broken
off.
in
##number##
the
state
was
finally
destroyed.
(
##number##
)
the
hsi-hsia
state
in
the
north
(
##number##
)
##number##
_continuation
of
turkish
traditions_
after
the
end
of
the
toba
state
in
north
china
in
##number##
,
some
tribes
of
the
toba
,
including
members
of
the
ruling
tribe
with
the
tribal
name
toba
,
withdrew
to
the
borderland
between
tibet
and
china
,
where
they
ruled
over
tibetan
and
tangut
tribes.
at
the
beginning
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
this
tribe
of
toba
joined
the
t
'ang.
the
tribal
leader
received
in
return
,
as
a
distinction
,
the
family
name
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
,
li.
his
dependence
on
china
was
,
however
,
only
nominal
and
soon
came
entirely
to
an
end.
in
the
tenth
century
the
tribe
gained
in
strength.
it
is
typical
of
the
long
continuance
of
old
tribal
traditions
that
a
leader
of
the
tribe
in
the
tenth
century
married
a
woman
belonging
to
the
family
to
which
the
khans
of
the
hsiung-nu
and
all
turkish
ruling
houses
had
belonged
since
##number##
b.c.
with
the
rise
of
the
kitan
in
the
north
and
of
the
tibetan
state
in
the
south
,
the
tribe
decided
to
seek
the
friendship
of
china.
its
first
mission
,
in
##number##
,
was
well
received.
presents
were
sent
to
the
chieftain
of
the
tribe
,
he
was
helped
against
his
enemies
,
and
he
was
given
the
status
of
a
feudatory
of
the
sung
;
in
##number##
the
family
name
of
the
sung
,
chao
,
was
conferred
on
him.
then
the
kitan
took
a
hand.
they
over-trumped
the
sung
by
proclaiming
the
tribal
chieftain
king
of
hsia
(
##number##
)
.
now
the
small
state
became
interesting.
it
was
pampered
by
liao
and
sung
in
the
effort
to
win
it
over
or
to
keep
its
friendship.
the
state
grew
;
in
##number##
its
ruler
resumed
the
old
family
name
of
the
toba
,
thus
proclaiming
his
intention
to
continue
the
toba
empire
;
in
##number##
he
definitely
parted
from
the
sung
,
and
in
##number##
he
proclaimed
himself
emperor
in
the
hsia
dynasty
,
or
,
as
the
chinese
generally
called
it
,
the
"
hsi-hsia
"
,
which
means
the
western
hsia.
this
name
,
too
,
had
associations
with
the
old
hun
tradition
;
it
recalled
the
state
of
ho-lien
p
'o-p
'o
in
the
early
fifth
century.
the
state
soon
covered
the
present
province
of
kansu
,
small
parts
of
the
adjoining
tibetan
territory
,
and
parts
of
the
ordos
region.
it
attacked
the
province
of
shensi
,
but
the
chinese
and
the
liao
attached
the
greatest
importance
to
that
territory.
thus
that
was
the
scene
of
most
of
the
fighting.
[
illustration
:
##number##
ancient
tiled
pagoda
at
chengting
(
hopei
)
.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
horse-training.
painting
by
li
lung-mien.
late
sung
period.
_manchu
royal
house
collection_.
]
the
hsia
state
had
a
ruling
group
of
toba
,
but
these
toba
had
become
entirely
tibetanized.
the
language
of
the
country
was
tibetan
;
the
customs
were
those
of
the
tanguts.
a
script
was
devised
,
in
imitation
of
the
chinese
script.
only
in
recent
years
has
it
begun
to
be
studied.
in
##number##
,
when
the
tungusic
juchen
destroyed
the
liao
,
the
hsia
also
lost
large
territories
in
the
east
of
their
country
,
especially
the
province
of
shensi
,
which
they
had
conquered
;
but
they
were
still
able
to
hold
their
own.
their
political
importance
to
china
,
however
,
vanished
,
since
they
were
now
divided
from
southern
china
and
as
partners
were
no
longer
of
the
same
value
to
it.
not
until
the
mongols
became
a
power
did
the
hsia
recover
some
of
their
importance
;
but
they
were
among
the
first
victims
of
the
mongols
:
in
##number##
they
had
to
submit
to
them
,
and
in
##number##
,
the
year
of
the
death
of
genghiz
khan
,
they
were
annihilated.
(
##number##
)
the
empire
of
the
southern
sung
dynasty
(
##number##
)
##number##
_foundation_
in
the
disaster
of
##number##
,
when
the
juchen
captured
the
sung
capital
and
destroyed
the
sung
empire
,
a
brother
of
the
captive
emperor
escaped.
he
made
himself
emperor
in
nanking
and
founded
the
"
southern
sung
"
dynasty
,
whose
capital
was
soon
shifted
to
the
present
hangchow.
the
foundation
of
the
new
dynasty
was
a
relatively
easy
matter
,
and
the
new
state
was
much
more
solid
than
the
southern
kingdoms
of
##number##
years
earlier
,
for
the
south
had
already
been
economically
supreme
,
and
the
great
families
that
had
ruled
the
state
were
virtually
all
from
the
south.
the
loss
of
the
north
,
i.e.
the
area
north
of
the
yellow
river
and
of
parts
of
kiangsu
,
was
of
no
importance
to
this
governing
group
and
meant
no
loss
of
estates
to
it.
thus
the
transition
from
the
northern
to
the
southern
sung
was
not
of
fundamental
importance.
consequently
the
juchen
had
no
chance
of
success
when
they
arranged
for
liu
yue
,
who
came
of
a
northern
chinese
family
of
small
peasants
and
had
become
an
official
,
to
be
proclaimed
emperor
in
the
"
ch
'i
"
dynasty
in
##number##
they
hoped
that
this
puppet
might
attract
the
southern
chinese
,
but
seven
years
later
they
dropped
him.
##number##
_internal
situation_
as
the
social
structure
of
the
southern
sung
empire
had
not
been
changed
,
the
country
was
not
affected
by
the
dynastic
development.
only
the
policy
of
diplomacy
could
not
be
pursued
at
once
,
as
the
juchen
were
bellicose
at
first
and
would
not
negotiate.
there
were
therefore
several
battles
at
the
outset
(
in
##number##
and
##number##
)
,
in
which
the
chinese
were
actually
the
more
successful
,
but
not
decisively.
the
sung
military
group
was
faced
as
early
as
in
##number##
with
furious
opposition
from
the
greater
gentry
,
led
by
ch
'in
k
'ui
,
one
of
the
largest
landowners
of
all.
his
estates
were
around
nanking
,
and
so
in
the
deployment
region
and
the
region
from
which
most
of
the
soldiers
had
to
be
drawn
for
the
defensive
struggle.
ch
'in
k
'ui
secured
the
assassination
of
the
leader
of
the
military
party
,
general
yo
fei
,
in
##number##
,
and
was
able
to
conclude
peace
with
the
juchen.
the
sung
had
to
accept
the
status
of
vassals
and
to
pay
annual
tribute
to
the
juchen.
this
was
the
situation
that
best
pleased
the
greater
gentry.
they
paid
hardly
any
taxes
(
in
many
districts
the
greater
gentry
directly
owned
more
than
##number##
per
cent
of
the
land
,
in
addition
to
which
they
had
indirect
interests
in
the
soil
)
,
and
they
were
now
free
from
the
war
peril
that
ate
into
their
revenues.
the
tribute
amounted
only
to
##number##
strings
of
cash.
popular
literature
,
however
,
to
this
day
represents
ch
'in
k
'ui
as
a
traitor
and
yo
fei
as
a
national
hero.
in
##number##
it
was
agreed
between
the
sung
and
the
juchen
to
regard
each
other
as
states
with
equal
rights.
it
is
interesting
to
note
here
that
in
the
treaties
during
the
han
time
with
the
hsiung-nu
,
the
two
countries
called
one
another
brothers
--
with
the
chinese
ruler
as
the
older
and
thus
privileged
brother
;
but
the
treaties
since
the
t
'ang
time
with
northern
powers
and
with
tibetans
used
the
terms
father-in-law
and
son-in-law.
the
foreign
power
was
the
"
father-in-law
"
,
i.e.
the
older
and
,
therefore
,
in
a
certain
way
the
more
privileged
;
the
chinese
were
the
"
son-in-law
"
,
the
representative
of
the
paternal
lineage
and
,
therefore
,
in
another
respect
also
the
more
privileged
!
in
spite
of
such
agreements
with
the
juchen
,
fighting
continued
,
but
it
was
mainly
of
the
character
of
frontier
engagements.
not
until
##number##
did
the
military
party
,
led
by
han
t
'o-wei
,
regain
power
;
it
resolved
upon
an
active
policy
against
the
north.
in
preparation
for
this
a
military
reform
was
carried
out.
the
campaign
proved
a
disastrous
failure
,
as
a
result
of
which
large
territories
in
the
north
were
lost.
the
sung
sued
for
peace
;
han
t
'o-wei
's
head
was
cut
off
and
sent
to
the
juchen.
in
this
way
peace
was
restored
in
##number##
the
old
treaty
relationship
was
now
resumed
,
but
the
relations
between
the
two
states
remained
tense.
meanwhile
the
sung
observed
with
malicious
pleasure
how
the
mongols
were
growing
steadily
stronger
,
first
destroying
the
hsia
state
and
then
aiming
the
first
heavy
blows
against
the
juchen.
in
the
end
the
sung
entered
into
alliance
with
the
mongols
(
##number##
)
and
joined
them
in
attacking
the
juchen
,
thus
hastening
the
end
of
the
juchen
state.
the
sung
now
faced
the
mongols
,
and
were
defenceless
against
them.
all
the
buffer
states
had
gone.
the
sung
were
quite
without
adequate
military
defence.
they
hoped
to
stave
off
the
mongols
in
the
same
way
as
they
had
met
the
kitan
and
the
juchen.
this
time
,
however
,
they
misjudged
the
situation.
in
the
great
operations
begun
by
the
mongols
in
##number##
the
sung
were
defeated
over
and
over
again.
in
##number##
their
capital
was
taken
by
the
mongols
and
the
emperor
was
made
prisoner.
for
three
years
longer
there
was
a
sung
emperor
,
in
flight
from
the
mongols
,
until
the
last
emperor
perished
near
macao
in
south
china.
##number##
_cultural
situation
;
reasons
for
the
collapse_
the
southern
sung
period
was
again
one
of
flourishing
culture.
the
imperial
court
was
entirely
in
the
power
of
the
greater
gentry
;
several
times
the
emperors
,
who
personally
do
not
deserve
individual
mention
,
were
compelled
to
abdicate.
they
then
lived
on
with
a
court
of
their
own
,
devoting
themselves
to
pleasure
in
much
the
same
way
as
the
"
reigning
"
emperor.
round
them
was
a
countless
swarm
of
poets
and
artists.
never
was
there
a
time
so
rich
in
poets
,
though
hardly
one
of
them
was
in
any
way
outstanding.
the
poets
,
unlike
those
of
earlier
times
,
belonged
to
the
lesser
gentry
who
were
suffering
from
the
prevailing
inflation.
salaries
bore
no
relation
to
prices.
food
was
not
dear
,
but
the
things
which
a
man
of
the
upper
class
ought
to
have
were
far
out
of
reach
:
a
big
house
cost
##number##
strings
of
cash
,
a
concubine
##number##
strings.
thus
the
lesser
gentry
and
the
intelligentsia
all
lived
on
their
patrons
among
the
greater
gentry
--
with
the
result
that
they
were
entirely
shut
out
of
politics.
this
explains
why
the
literature
of
the
time
is
so
unpolitical
,
and
also
why
scarcely
any
philosophical
works
appeared.
the
writers
took
refuge
more
and
more
in
romanticism
and
flight
from
realities.
the
greater
gentry
,
on
the
other
hand
,
led
a
very
elegant
life
,
building
themselves
magnificent
palaces
in
the
capital.
they
also
speculated
in
every
direction.
they
speculated
in
land
,
in
money
,
and
above
all
in
the
paper
money
that
was
coming
more
and
more
into
use.
in
##number##
the
paper
circulation
exceeded
the
value
of
##number##
strings
!
it
seems
that
after
##number##
a
good
number
of
farmers
had
left
honan
and
the
yellow
river
plains
when
the
juchen
conquered
these
places
and
showed
little
interest
in
fostering
agriculture
;
more
left
the
border
areas
of
southern
sung
because
of
permanent
war
threat.
many
of
these
lived
miserably
as
tenants
on
the
farms
of
the
gentry
between
nanking
and
hangchow.
others
migrated
farther
to
the
south
,
across
kiangsi
into
southern
fukien.
these
migrants
seem
to
have
been
the
ancestors
of
the
hakka
which
in
the
following
centuries
continued
their
migration
towards
the
south
and
who
from
the
nineteenth
century
on
were
most
strongly
concentrated
in
kwangtung
and
kwangsi
provinces
as
free
farmers
on
hill
slopes
or
as
tenants
of
local
landowners
in
the
plains.
the
influx
of
migrants
and
the
increase
of
tenants
and
their
poverty
seriously
threatened
the
state
and
cut
down
its
defensive
strength
more
and
more.
at
this
stage
,
chia
ssu-tao
drafted
a
reform
law.
chia
had
come
to
the
court
through
his
sister
becoming
the
emperor
's
concubine
,
but
he
himself
belonged
to
the
lesser
gentry.
his
proposal
was
that
state
funds
should
be
applied
to
the
purchase
of
land
in
the
possession
of
the
greater
gentry
over
and
above
a
fixed
maximum.
peasants
were
to
be
settled
on
this
land
,
and
its
yield
was
to
belong
to
the
state
,
which
would
be
able
to
use
it
to
meet
military
expenditure.
in
this
way
the
country
's
military
strength
was
to
be
restored.
chia
's
influence
lasted
just
ten
years
,
until
##number##
he
began
putting
the
law
into
effect
in
the
region
south
of
nanking
,
where
the
principal
estates
of
the
greater
gentry
were
then
situated.
he
brought
upon
himself
,
of
course
,
the
mortal
hatred
of
the
greater
gentry
,
and
paid
for
his
action
with
his
life.
the
emperor
,
in
entering
upon
this
policy
,
no
doubt
had
hoped
to
recover
some
of
his
power
,
but
the
greater
gentry
brought
him
down.
the
gentry
now
openly
played
into
the
hands
of
the
approaching
mongols
,
so
hastening
the
final
collapse
of
the
sung.
the
peasants
and
the
lesser
gentry
would
have
fought
the
mongols
if
it
had
been
possible
;
but
the
greater
gentry
enthusiastically
went
over
to
the
mongols
,
hoping
to
save
their
property
and
so
their
influence
by
quickly
joining
the
enemy.
on
a
long
view
they
had
not
judged
badly.
the
mongols
removed
the
members
of
the
gentry
from
all
political
posts
,
but
left
them
their
estates
;
and
before
long
the
greater
gentry
reappeared
in
political
life.
and
when
,
later
,
the
mongol
empire
in
china
was
brought
down
by
a
popular
rising
,
the
greater
gentry
showed
themselves
to
be
the
most
faithful
allies
of
the
mongols
!
(
##number##
)
the
empire
of
the
juchen
in
the
north
(
##number##
)
##number##
_rapid
expansion
from
northern
korea
to
the
yangtze_
the
juchen
in
the
past
had
been
only
a
small
league
of
tungus
tribes
,
whose
name
is
preserved
in
that
of
the
present
tungus
tribe
of
the
jurchen
,
which
came
under
the
domination
of
the
kitan
after
the
collapse
of
the
state
of
po-hai
in
northern
korea.
we
have
already
briefly
mentioned
the
reasons
for
their
rise.
after
their
first
successes
against
the
kitan
(
##number##
)
,
their
chieftain
at
once
proclaimed
himself
emperor
(
##number##
)
,
giving
his
dynasty
the
name
"
chin
"
(
the
golden
)
.
the
chin
quickly
continued
their
victorious
progress.
in
##number##
the
kitan
empire
was
destroyed.
it
will
be
remembered
that
the
sung
were
at
once
attacked
,
although
they
had
recently
been
allied
with
the
chin
against
the
kitan.
in
##number##
the
sung
capital
was
taken.
the
chin
invasions
were
pushed
farther
south
,
and
in
##number##
the
yangtze
was
crossed.
but
the
chin
did
not
hold
the
whole
of
these
conquests.
their
empire
was
not
yet
consolidated.
their
partial
withdrawal
closed
the
first
phase
of
the
chin
empire.
##number##
_united
front
of
all
chinese_
but
a
few
years
after
this
maximum
expansion
,
a
withdrawal
began
which
went
on
much
more
quickly
than
usual
in
such
cases.
the
reasons
were
to
be
found
both
in
external
and
in
internal
politics.
the
juchen
had
gained
great
agrarian
regions
in
a
rapid
march
of
conquest.
once
more
great
cities
with
a
huge
urban
population
and
immense
wealth
had
fallen
to
alien
conquerors.
now
the
juchen
wanted
to
enjoy
this
wealth
as
the
kitan
had
done
before
them.
all
the
juchen
people
counted
as
citizens
of
the
highest
class
;
they
were
free
from
taxation
and
only
liable
to
military
service.
they
were
entitled
to
take
possession
of
as
much
cultivable
land
as
they
wanted
;
this
they
did
,
and
they
took
not
only
the
"
state
domains
"
actually
granted
to
them
but
also
peasant
properties
,
so
that
chinese
free
peasants
had
nothing
left
but
the
worst
fields
,
unless
they
became
tenants
on
juchen
estates.
a
united
front
was
therefore
formed
between
all
chinese
,
both
peasants
and
landowning
gentry
,
against
the
chin
,
such
as
it
had
not
been
possible
to
form
against
the
kitan.
this
made
an
important
contribution
later
to
the
rapid
collapse
of
the
chin
empire.
the
chin
who
had
thus
come
into
possession
of
the
cultivable
land
and
at
the
same
time
of
the
wealth
of
the
towns
,
began
a
sort
of
competition
with
each
other
for
the
best
winnings
,
especially
after
the
government
had
returned
to
the
old
sung
capital
,
pien-liang
(
now
k
'ai-feng
,
in
eastern
honan
)
.
serious
crises
developed
in
their
own
ranks.
in
##number##
the
ruler
was
assassinated
by
his
chancellor
(
a
member
of
the
imperial
family
)
,
who
in
turn
was
murdered
in
##number##
the
chin
thus
failed
to
attain
what
had
been
secured
by
all
earlier
conquerors
,
a
reconciliation
of
the
various
elements
of
the
population
and
the
collaboration
of
at
least
one
group
of
the
defeated
chinese.
##number##
_start
of
the
mongol
empire_
the
cessation
of
fighting
against
the
sung
brought
no
real
advantage
in
external
affairs
,
though
the
tribute
payments
appealed
to
the
greed
of
the
rulers
and
were
therefore
welcomed.
there
could
be
no
question
of
further
campaigns
against
the
south
,
for
the
hsia
empire
in
the
west
had
not
been
destroyed
,
though
some
of
its
territory
had
been
annexed
;
and
a
new
peril
soon
made
its
appearance
in
the
rear
of
the
chin.
when
in
the
tenth
century
the
sha-t
'o
turks
had
to
withdraw
from
their
dominating
position
in
china
,
because
of
their
great
loss
of
numbers
and
consequently
of
strength
,
they
went
back
into
mongolia
and
there
united
with
the
ta-tan
(
tatars
)
,
among
whom
a
new
small
league
of
tribes
had
formed
towards
the
end
of
the
eleventh
century
,
consisting
mainly
of
mongols
and
turks.
in
##number##
one
of
the
chieftains
of
the
juchen
rebelled
and
entered
into
negotiations
with
the
south
chinese.
he
was
killed
,
but
his
sons
and
his
whole
tribe
then
rebelled
and
went
into
mongolia
,
where
they
made
common
cause
with
the
mongols.
the
chin
pursued
them
,
and
fought
against
them
and
against
the
mongols
,
but
without
success.
accordingly
negotiations
were
begun
,
and
a
promise
was
given
to
deliver
meat
and
grain
every
year
and
to
cede
twenty-seven
military
strongholds.
a
high
title
was
conferred
on
the
tribal
leader
of
the
mongols
,
in
the
hope
of
gaining
his
favour.
he
declined
it
,
however
,
and
in
##number##
assumed
the
title
of
emperor
of
the
"
greater
mongol
empire
"
.
this
was
the
beginning
of
the
power
of
the
mongols
,
who
remained
thereafter
a
dangerous
enemy
of
the
chin
in
the
north
,
until
in
##number##
genghiz
khan
became
their
leader
and
made
the
mongols
the
greatest
power
of
central
asia.
in
any
case
,
the
chin
had
reason
to
fear
the
mongols
from
##number##
onward
,
and
therefore
were
the
more
inclined
to
leave
the
sung
in
peace.
in
##number##
the
mongols
began
the
first
great
assault
against
the
chin
,
the
moment
they
had
conquered
the
hsia.
in
the
years
##number##
the
mongols
took
the
military
key-positions
from
the
chin.
after
that
there
could
be
no
serious
defence
of
the
chin
empire.
there
came
a
respite
only
because
the
mongols
had
turned
against
the
west.
but
in
##number##
the
empire
finally
fell
to
the
mongols.
many
of
the
chin
entered
the
service
of
the
mongols
,
and
with
their
permission
returned
to
manchuria
;
there
they
fell
back
to
the
cultural
level
of
a
warlike
nomad
people.
not
until
the
sixteenth
century
did
these
tunguses
recover
,
reorganize
,
and
appear
again
in
history
this
time
under
the
name
of
manchus.
the
north
chinese
under
chin
rule
did
not
regard
the
mongols
as
enemies
of
their
country
,
but
were
ready
at
once
to
collaborate
with
them.
the
mongols
were
even
more
friendly
to
them
than
to
the
south
chinese
,
and
treated
them
rather
better.
chapter
ten
the
period
of
absolutism
(
a
)
the
mongol
epoch
(
##number##
)
##number##
_beginning
of
new
foreign
rules_
during
more
than
half
of
the
third
period
of
"
modern
times
"
which
now
began
,
china
was
under
alien
rule.
of
the
##number##
years
from
##number##
to
##number##
,
china
was
under
national
rulers
for
##number##
years
and
under
alien
rule
for
##number##
the
alien
rulers
were
first
the
mongols
,
and
later
the
tungus
manchus.
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
the
alien
rulers
in
the
earlier
period
came
mainly
from
the
north-west
,
and
only
in
modern
times
did
peoples
from
the
north-east
rule
over
china.
this
was
due
in
part
to
the
fact
that
only
peoples
who
had
attained
a
certain
level
of
civilization
were
capable
of
dominance.
in
antiquity
and
the
middle
ages
,
eastern
mongolia
and
manchuria
were
at
a
relatively
low
level
of
civilization
,
from
which
they
emerged
only
gradually
through
permanent
contact
with
other
nomad
peoples
,
especially
turks.
we
are
dealing
here
,
of
course
,
only
with
the
mongol
epoch
in
china
and
not
with
the
great
mongol
empire
,
so
that
we
need
not
enter
further
into
these
questions.
yet
another
point
is
characteristic
:
the
mongols
were
the
first
alien
people
to
rule
the
whole
of
china
;
the
manchus
,
who
appeared
in
the
seventeenth
century
,
were
the
second
and
last.
all
alien
peoples
before
these
two
ruled
only
parts
of
china.
why
was
it
that
the
mongols
were
able
to
be
so
much
more
successful
than
their
predecessors
?
in
the
first
place
the
mongol
political
league
was
numerically
stronger
than
those
of
the
earlier
alien
peoples
;
secondly
,
the
military
organization
and
technical
equipment
of
the
mongols
were
exceptionally
advanced
for
their
day.
it
must
be
borne
in
mind
,
for
instance
,
that
during
their
many
years
of
war
against
the
sung
dynasty
in
south
china
the
mongols
already
made
use
of
small
cannon
in
laying
siege
to
towns.
we
have
no
exact
knowledge
of
the
number
of
mongols
who
invaded
and
occupied
china
,
but
it
is
estimated
that
there
were
more
than
a
million
mongols
living
in
china.
not
all
of
them
,
of
course
,
were
really
mongols
!
the
name
covered
turks
,
tunguses
,
and
others
;
among
the
auxiliaries
of
the
mongols
were
uighurs
,
men
from
central
asia
and
the
middle
east
,
and
even
europeans.
when
the
mongols
attacked
china
they
had
the
advantage
of
all
the
arts
and
crafts
and
all
the
new
technical
advances
of
western
and
central
asia
and
of
europe.
thus
they
had
attained
a
high
degree
of
technical
progress
,
and
at
the
same
time
their
number
was
very
great.
##number##
"
_nationality
legislation_
"
it
was
only
after
the
hsia
empire
in
north
china
,
and
then
the
empire
of
the
juchen
,
had
been
destroyed
by
the
mongols
,
and
only
after
long
and
remarkably
modern
tactical
preparation
,
that
the
mongols
conquered
south
china
,
the
empire
of
the
sung
dynasty.
they
were
now
faced
with
the
problem
of
ruling
their
great
new
empire.
the
conqueror
of
that
empire
,
kublai
,
himself
recognized
that
china
could
not
be
treated
in
quite
the
same
way
as
the
mongols
'
previous
conquests
;
he
therefore
separated
the
empire
in
china
from
the
rest
of
the
mongol
empire.
mongol
china
became
an
independent
realm
within
the
mongol
empire
,
a
sort
of
dominion.
the
mongol
rulers
were
well
aware
that
in
spite
of
their
numerical
strength
they
were
still
only
a
minority
in
china
,
and
this
implied
certain
dangers.
they
therefore
elaborated
a
"
nationality
legislation
"
,
the
first
of
its
kind
in
the
far
east.
the
purpose
of
this
legislation
was
,
of
course
,
to
be
the
protection
of
the
mongols.
the
population
of
conquered
china
was
divided
into
four
groups
--
(
##number##
)
mongols
,
themselves
falling
into
four
sub-groups
(
the
oldest
mongol
tribes
,
the
white
tatars
,
the
black
tatars
,
the
wild
tatars
)
;
(
##number##
)
central
asian
auxiliaries
(
naimans
,
uighurs
,
and
various
other
turkish
people
,
tanguts
,
and
so
on
)
;
(
##number##
)
north
chinese
;
(
##number##
)
south
chinese.
the
mongols
formed
the
privileged
ruling
class.
they
remained
militarily
organized
,
and
were
distributed
in
garrisons
over
all
the
big
towns
of
china
as
soldiers
,
maintained
by
the
state.
all
the
higher
government
posts
were
reserved
for
them
,
so
that
they
also
formed
the
heads
of
the
official
staffs.
the
auxiliary
peoples
were
also
admitted
into
the
government
service
;
they
,
too
,
had
privileges
,
but
were
not
all
soldiers
but
in
many
cases
merchants
,
who
used
their
privileged
position
to
promote
business.
not
a
few
of
these
merchants
were
uighurs
and
mohammedans
;
many
uighurs
were
also
employed
as
clerks
,
as
the
mongols
were
very
often
unable
to
read
and
write
chinese
,
and
the
government
offices
were
bilingual
,
working
in
mongolian
and
chinese.
the
clever
uighurs
quickly
learned
enough
of
both
languages
for
official
purposes
,
and
made
themselves
indispensable
assistants
to
the
mongols.
persian
,
the
main
language
of
administration
in
the
western
parts
of
the
mongol
empire
besides
uighuric
,
also
was
a
_lingua
franca_
among
the
new
rulers
of
china.
in
the
mongol
legislation
the
south
chinese
had
the
lowest
status
,
and
virtually
no
rights.
intermarriage
with
them
was
prohibited.
the
chinese
were
not
allowed
to
carry
arms.
for
a
time
they
were
forbidden
even
to
learn
the
mongol
or
other
foreign
languages.
in
this
way
they
were
to
be
prevented
from
gaining
official
positions
and
playing
any
political
part.
their
ignorance
of
the
languages
of
northern
,
central
,
and
western
asia
also
prevented
them
from
engaging
in
commerce
like
the
foreign
merchants
,
and
every
possible
difficulty
was
put
in
the
way
of
their
travelling
for
commercial
purposes.
on
the
other
hand
,
foreigners
were
,
of
course
,
able
to
learn
chinese
,
and
so
to
gain
a
footing
in
chinese
internal
trade.
through
legislation
of
this
type
the
mongols
tried
to
build
up
and
to
safeguard
their
domination
over
china.
yet
their
success
did
not
last
a
hundred
years.
##number##
_military
position_
in
foreign
affairs
the
mongol
epoch
was
for
china
something
of
a
breathing
space
,
for
the
great
wars
of
the
mongols
took
place
at
a
remote
distance
from
china
and
without
any
chinese
participation.
only
a
few
concluding
wars
were
fought
under
kublai
in
the
far
east.
the
first
was
his
war
against
japan
(
##number##
)
:
it
ended
in
complete
failure
,
the
fleet
being
destroyed
by
a
storm.
in
this
campaign
the
chinese
furnished
ships
and
also
soldiers.
the
subjection
of
japan
would
have
been
in
the
interest
of
the
chinese
,
as
it
would
have
opened
a
market
which
had
been
almost
closed
against
them
in
the
sung
period.
mongol
wars
followed
in
the
south.
in
##number##
began
the
war
against
burma
;
in
##number##
annam
and
cambodia
were
conquered
;
in
##number##
a
campaign
was
started
against
java.
it
proved
impossible
to
hold
java
,
but
almost
the
whole
of
indo-china
came
under
mongol
rule
,
to
the
satisfaction
of
the
chinese
,
for
indo-china
had
already
been
one
of
the
principal
export
markets
in
the
sung
period.
after
that
,
however
,
there
was
virtually
no
more
warfare
,
apart
from
small
campaigns
against
rebellious
tribes.
the
mongol
soldiers
now
lived
on
their
pay
in
their
garrisons
,
with
nothing
to
do.
the
old
campaigners
died
and
were
followed
by
their
sons
,
brought
up
also
as
soldiers
;
but
these
young
mongols
were
born
in
china
,
had
seen
nothing
of
war
,
and
learned
of
the
soldiers
'
trade
either
nothing
or
very
little
;
so
that
after
about
##number##
serious
things
happened.
an
army
nominally
##number##
strong
was
sent
against
a
group
of
barely
fifty
bandits
and
failed
to
defeat
them.
most
of
the
##number##
soldiers
no
longer
knew
how
to
use
their
weapons
,
and
many
did
not
even
join
the
force.
such
incidents
occurred
again
and
again.
##number##
_social
situation_
the
results
,
however
,
of
conditions
within
the
country
were
of
much
more
importance
than
events
abroad.
the
mongols
made
peking
their
capital
as
was
entirely
natural
,
for
peking
was
near
their
homeland
mongolia.
the
emperor
and
his
entourage
could
return
to
mongolia
in
the
summer
,
when
china
became
too
hot
or
too
humid
for
them
;
and
from
peking
they
were
able
to
maintain
contact
with
the
rest
of
the
mongol
empire.
but
as
the
city
had
become
the
capital
of
a
vast
empire
,
an
enormous
staff
of
officials
had
to
be
housed
there
,
consisting
of
persons
of
many
different
nationalities.
the
emperor
naturally
wanted
to
have
a
magnificent
capital
,
a
city
really
worthy
of
so
vast
an
empire.
as
the
many
wars
had
brought
in
vast
booty
,
there
was
money
for
the
building
of
great
palaces
,
of
a
size
and
magnificence
never
before
seen
in
china.
they
were
built
by
chinese
forced
labour
,
and
to
this
end
men
had
to
be
brought
from
all
over
the
empire
--
poor
peasants
,
whose
fields
went
out
of
cultivation
while
they
were
held
in
bondage
far
away.
if
they
ever
returned
home
,
they
were
destitute
and
had
lost
their
land.
the
rich
gentry
,
on
the
other
hand
,
were
able
to
buy
immunity
from
forced
labour.
the
immense
increase
in
the
population
of
peking
(
the
huge
court
with
its
enormous
expenditure
,
the
mass
of
officials
,
the
great
merchant
community
,
largely
foreigners
,
and
the
many
servile
labourers
)
,
necessitated
vast
supplies
of
food.
now
,
as
mentioned
in
earlier
chapters
,
since
the
time
of
the
later
t
'ang
the
region
round
nanking
had
become
the
main
centre
of
production
in
china
,
and
the
chinese
population
had
gone
over
more
and
more
to
the
consumption
of
rice
instead
of
pulse
or
wheat.
as
rice
could
not
be
grown
in
the
north
,
practically
the
whole
of
the
food
supplies
for
the
capital
had
to
be
brought
from
the
south.
the
transport
system
taken
over
by
the
mongols
had
not
been
created
for
long-distance
traffic
of
this
sort.
the
capital
of
the
sung
had
lain
in
the
main
centre
of
production.
consequently
,
a
great
fleet
had
suddenly
to
be
built
,
canals
and
rivers
had
to
be
regulated
,
and
some
new
canals
excavated.
this
again
called
for
a
vast
quantity
of
forced
labour
,
often
brought
from
afar
to
the
points
at
which
it
was
needed.
the
chinese
peasants
had
suffered
in
the
sung
period.
they
had
been
exploited
by
the
large
landowners.
the
mongols
had
not
removed
these
landowners
,
as
the
chinese
gentry
had
gone
over
to
their
side.
the
mongols
had
deprived
them
of
their
political
power
,
but
had
left
them
their
estates
,
the
basis
of
their
power.
in
past
changes
of
dynasty
the
gentry
had
either
maintained
their
position
or
been
replaced
by
a
new
gentry
:
the
total
number
of
their
class
had
remained
virtually
unchanged.
now
,
however
,
in
addition
to
the
original
gentry
there
were
about
a
million
mongols
,
for
whose
maintenance
the
peasants
had
also
to
provide
,
and
their
standard
of
maintenance
was
high.
this
was
an
enormous
increase
in
the
burdens
of
the
peasantry.
two
other
elements
further
pressed
on
the
peasants
in
the
mongol
epoch
--
organized
religion
and
the
traders.
the
upper
classes
among
the
chinese
had
in
general
little
interest
in
religion
,
but
the
mongols
,
owing
to
their
historical
development
,
were
very
religious.
some
of
them
and
some
of
their
allies
were
buddhists
,
some
were
still
shamanists.
the
chinese
buddhists
and
the
representatives
of
popular
taoism
approached
the
mongols
and
the
foreign
buddhist
monks
trying
to
enlist
the
interest
of
the
mongols
and
their
allies.
the
old
shamanism
was
unable
to
compete
with
the
higher
religions
,
and
the
mongols
in
china
became
buddhist
or
interested
themselves
in
popular
taoism.
they
showed
their
interest
especially
by
the
endowment
of
temples
and
monasteries.
the
temples
were
given
great
estates
,
and
the
peasants
on
those
estates
became
temple
servants.
the
land
belonging
to
the
temples
was
free
from
taxation.
we
have
as
yet
no
exact
statistics
of
the
mongol
epoch
,
only
approximations.
these
set
the
total
area
under
cultivation
at
some
six
million
_ch
'ing_
(
a
_ch
'ing_
is
the
ideal
size
of
the
farm
worked
by
a
peasant
family
,
but
it
was
rarely
held
in
practice
)
;
the
population
amounted
to
fourteen
or
fifteen
million
families.
of
this
total
tillage
some
##number##
_ch
'ing_
were
allotted
to
the
temples
;
that
is
to
say
,
the
farms
for
some
##number##
peasant
families
were
taken
from
the
peasants
and
no
longer
paid
taxes
to
the
state.
the
peasants
,
however
,
had
to
make
payments
to
the
temples.
some
##number##
_ch
'ing_
with
some
##number##
peasant
families
were
turned
into
military
settlements
;
that
is
to
say
,
these
peasants
had
to
work
for
the
needs
of
the
army.
their
taxes
went
not
to
the
state
but
to
the
army.
moreover
,
in
the
event
of
war
they
had
to
render
service
to
the
army.
in
addition
to
this
,
all
higher
officials
received
official
properties
,
the
yield
of
which
represented
part
payment
of
their
salaries.
then
,
mongol
nobles
and
dignitaries
received
considerable
grants
of
land
,
which
was
taken
away
from
the
free
peasants
;
the
peasants
had
then
to
work
their
farms
as
tenants
and
to
pay
dues
to
their
landlords
,
no
longer
to
the
state.
finally
,
especially
in
north
china
,
many
peasants
were
entirely
dispossessed
,
and
their
land
was
turned
into
pasturage
for
the
mongols
'
horses
;
the
peasants
themselves
were
put
to
forced
labour.
on
top
of
this
came
the
exploitation
of
the
peasants
by
the
great
landowners
of
the
past.
all
this
meant
an
enormous
diminution
in
the
number
of
free
peasants
and
thus
of
taxpayers.
as
the
state
was
involved
in
more
expenditure
than
in
the
past
owing
to
the
large
number
of
mongols
who
were
its
virtual
pensioners
,
the
taxes
had
to
be
continually
increased.
meanwhile
the
many
peasants
working
as
tenants
of
the
great
landlords
,
the
temples
,
and
the
mongol
nobles
were
entirely
at
their
mercy.
in
this
period
,
a
second
migration
of
farmers
into
the
southern
provinces
,
mainly
fukien
and
kwangtung
,
took
place
;
it
had
its
main
source
in
the
lower
yangtze
valley.
a
few
gentry
families
whose
relatives
had
accompanied
the
sung
emperor
on
their
flight
to
the
south
,
also
settled
with
their
followers
in
the
canton
basin.
the
many
merchants
from
abroad
,
especially
those
belonging
to
the
peoples
allied
to
the
mongols
,
also
had
in
every
respect
a
privileged
position
in
china.
they
were
free
of
taxation
,
free
to
travel
all
over
the
country
,
and
received
privileged
treatment
in
the
use
of
means
of
transport.
they
were
thus
able
to
accumulate
great
wealth
,
most
of
which
went
out
of
china
to
their
own
country.
this
produced
a
general
impoverishment
of
china.
chinese
merchants
fell
more
and
more
into
dependence
on
the
foreign
merchants
;
the
only
field
of
action
really
remaining
to
them
was
the
local
trade
within
china
and
the
trade
with
indo-china
,
where
the
chinese
had
the
advantage
of
knowing
the
language.
the
impoverishment
of
china
began
with
the
flow
abroad
of
her
metallic
currency.
to
make
up
for
this
loss
,
the
government
was
compelled
to
issue
great
quantities
of
paper
money
,
which
very
quickly
depreciated
,
because
after
a
few
years
the
government
would
no
longer
accept
the
money
at
its
face
value
,
so
that
the
population
could
place
no
faith
in
it.
the
depreciation
further
impoverished
the
people.
thus
we
have
in
the
mongol
epoch
in
china
the
imposing
picture
of
a
commerce
made
possible
with
every
country
from
europe
to
the
pacific
;
this
,
however
,
led
to
the
impoverishment
of
china.
we
also
see
the
rising
of
mighty
temples
and
monumental
buildings
,
but
this
again
only
contributed
to
the
denudation
of
the
country.
the
mongol
epoch
was
thus
one
of
continual
and
rapid
impoverishment
in
china
,
simultaneously
with
a
great
display
of
magnificence.
the
enthusiastic
descriptions
of
the
mongol
empire
in
china
offered
by
travellers
from
the
near
east
or
from
europe
,
such
as
marco
polo
,
give
an
entirely
false
picture
:
as
foreigners
they
had
a
privileged
position
,
living
in
the
cities
and
seeing
nothing
of
the
situation
of
the
general
population.
##number##
_popular
risings
:
national
rising_
it
took
time
for
the
effects
of
all
these
factors
to
become
evident.
the
first
popular
rising
came
in
##number##
statistics
of
##number##
show
that
there
were
then
some
##number##
persons
in
the
empire
who
were
starving
;
as
this
was
only
the
figure
of
the
officially
admitted
sufferers
,
the
figure
may
have
been
higher.
in
any
case
,
seven-and-a-half
millions
were
a
substantial
percentage
of
the
total
population
,
estimated
at
##number##
the
risings
that
now
came
incessantly
were
led
by
men
of
the
lower
orders
--
a
cloth-seller
,
a
fisherman
,
a
peasant
,
a
salt
smuggler
,
the
son
of
a
soldier
serving
a
sentence
,
an
office
messenger
,
and
so
on.
they
never
attacked
the
mongols
as
aliens
,
but
always
the
rich
in
general
,
whether
chinese
or
foreign.
wherever
they
came
,
they
killed
all
the
rich
and
distributed
their
money
and
possessions.
as
already
mentioned
,
the
mongol
garrisons
were
unable
to
cope
with
these
risings.
but
how
was
it
that
the
mongol
rule
did
not
collapse
until
some
forty
years
later
?
the
mongols
parried
the
risings
by
raising
loans
from
the
rich
and
using
the
money
to
recruit
volunteers
to
fight
the
rebels.
the
state
revenues
would
not
have
sufficed
for
these
payments
,
and
the
item
was
not
one
that
could
be
included
in
the
military
budget.
what
was
of
much
more
importance
was
that
the
gentry
themselves
recruited
volunteers
and
fought
the
rebels
on
their
own
account
,
without
the
authority
or
the
support
of
the
government.
thus
it
was
the
chinese
gentry
,
in
their
fear
of
being
killed
by
the
insurgents
,
who
fought
them
and
so
bolstered
up
the
mongol
rule.
in
##number##
the
dykes
along
the
yellow
river
burst.
the
dykes
had
to
be
reconstructed
and
further
measures
of
conservancy
undertaken.
to
this
end
the
government
impressed
##number##
men.
following
this
action
,
great
new
revolts
broke
out.
everywhere
in
honan
,
kiangsu
,
and
shantung
,
the
regions
from
which
the
labourers
were
summoned
,
revolutionary
groups
were
formed
,
some
of
them
amounting
to
##number##
men.
some
groups
had
a
religious
tinge
;
others
declared
their
intention
to
restore
the
emperors
of
the
sung
dynasty.
before
long
great
parts
of
central
china
were
wrested
from
the
hands
of
the
government.
the
government
recognized
the
menace
to
its
existence
,
but
resorted
to
contradictory
measures.
in
##number##
southern
chinese
were
permitted
to
take
over
certain
official
positions.
in
this
way
it
was
hoped
to
gain
the
full
support
of
the
gentry
,
who
had
a
certain
interest
in
combating
the
rebel
movements.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
government
tightened
up
its
nationality
laws.
all
the
old
segregation
laws
were
brought
back
into
force
,
with
the
result
that
in
a
few
years
the
aim
of
the
rebels
became
no
longer
merely
the
expulsion
of
the
rich
but
also
the
expulsion
of
the
mongols
:
a
social
movement
thus
became
a
national
one.
a
second
element
contributed
to
the
change
in
the
character
of
the
popular
rising.
the
rebels
captured
many
towns.
some
of
these
towns
refused
to
fight
and
negotiated
terms
of
submission.
in
these
cases
the
rebels
did
not
murder
the
whole
of
the
gentry
,
but
took
some
of
them
into
their
service.
the
gentry
did
not
agree
to
this
out
of
sympathy
with
the
rebels
,
but
simply
in
order
to
save
their
own
lives.
once
they
had
taken
the
step
,
however
,
they
could
not
go
back
;
they
had
no
alternative
but
to
remain
on
the
side
of
the
rebels.
in
##number##
kuo
tz
[
)
u
]
-
hsing
rose
in
southern
honan.
kuo
was
the
son
of
a
wandering
soothsayer
and
a
blind
beggar-woman.
he
had
success
;
his
group
gained
control
of
a
considerable
region
round
his
home.
there
was
no
longer
any
serious
resistance
from
the
mongols
,
for
at
this
time
the
whole
of
eastern
china
was
in
full
revolt.
in
##number##
kuo
was
joined
by
a
man
named
chu
yuean-chang
,
the
son
of
a
small
peasant
,
probably
a
tenant
farmer.
chu
's
parents
and
all
his
relatives
had
died
from
a
plague
,
leaving
him
destitute.
he
had
first
entered
a
monastery
and
become
a
monk.
this
was
a
favourite
resource
--
and
has
been
almost
to
the
present
day
--
for
poor
sons
of
peasants
who
were
threatened
with
starvation.
as
a
monk
he
had
gone
about
begging
,
until
in
##number##
he
returned
to
his
home
and
collected
a
group
,
mostly
men
from
his
own
village
,
sons
of
peasants
and
young
fellows
who
had
already
been
peasant
leaders.
monks
were
often
peasant
leaders.
they
were
trusted
because
they
promised
divine
aid
,
and
because
they
were
usually
rather
better
educated
than
the
rest
of
the
peasants.
chu
at
first
also
had
contacts
with
a
secret
society
,
a
branch
of
the
white
lotus
society
which
several
times
in
the
course
of
chinese
history
has
been
the
nucleus
of
rebellious
movements.
chu
took
his
small
group
which
identified
itself
by
a
red
turban
and
a
red
banner
to
kuo
,
who
received
him
gladly
,
entered
into
alliance
with
him
,
and
in
sign
of
friendship
gave
him
his
daughter
in
marriage.
in
##number##
kuo
died
,
and
chu
took
over
his
army
,
now
many
thousands
strong.
in
his
campaigns
against
towns
in
eastern
china
,
chu
succeeded
in
winning
over
some
capable
members
of
the
gentry.
one
was
the
chairman
of
a
committee
that
yielded
a
town
to
chu
;
another
was
a
scholar
whose
family
had
always
been
opposed
to
the
mongols
,
and
who
had
himself
suffered
injustice
several
times
in
his
official
career
,
so
that
he
was
glad
to
join
chu
out
of
hatred
of
the
mongols.
these
men
gained
great
influence
over
chu
,
and
persuaded
him
to
give
up
attacking
rich
individuals
,
and
instead
to
establish
an
assured
control
over
large
parts
of
the
country.
he
would
then
,
they
pointed
out
,
be
permanently
enriched
,
while
otherwise
he
would
only
be
in
funds
at
the
moment
of
the
plundering
of
a
town.
they
set
before
him
strategic
plans
with
that
aim.
through
their
counsel
chu
changed
from
the
leader
of
a
popular
rising
into
a
fighter
against
the
dynasty.
of
all
the
peasant
leaders
he
was
now
the
only
one
pursuing
a
definite
aim.
he
marched
first
against
nanking
,
the
great
city
of
central
china
,
and
captured
it
with
ease.
he
then
crossed
the
yangtze
,
and
conquered
the
rich
provinces
of
the
south-east.
he
was
a
rebel
who
no
longer
slaughtered
the
rich
or
plundered
the
towns
,
and
the
whole
of
the
gentry
with
all
their
followers
came
over
to
him
_en
masse_.
the
armies
of
volunteers
went
over
to
chu
,
and
the
whole
edifice
of
the
dynasty
collapsed.
the
years
##number##
were
full
of
small
battles.
after
his
conquest
of
the
whole
of
the
south
,
chu
went
north.
in
##number##
his
generals
captured
peking
almost
without
a
blow.
the
mongol
ruler
fled
on
horseback
with
his
immediate
entourage
into
the
north
of
china
,
and
soon
after
into
mongolia.
the
mongol
dynasty
had
been
brought
down
,
almost
without
resistance.
the
mongols
in
the
isolated
garrisons
marched
northward
wherever
they
could.
a
few
surrendered
to
the
chinese
and
were
used
in
southern
china
as
professional
soldiers
,
though
they
were
always
regarded
with
suspicion.
the
only
serious
resistance
offered
came
from
the
regions
in
which
other
chinese
popular
leaders
had
established
themselves
,
especially
the
remote
provinces
in
the
west
and
south-west
,
which
had
a
different
social
structure
and
had
been
relatively
little
affected
by
the
mongol
regime.
thus
the
collapse
of
the
mongols
came
for
the
following
reasons
:
(
##number##
)
they
had
not
succeeded
in
maintaining
their
armed
strength
or
that
of
their
allies
during
the
period
of
peace
that
followed
kublai
's
conquest.
the
mongol
soldiers
had
become
effeminate
through
their
life
of
idleness
in
the
towns.
(
##number##
)
the
attempt
to
rule
the
empire
through
mongols
or
other
aliens
,
and
to
exclude
the
chinese
gentry
entirely
from
the
administration
,
failed
through
insufficient
knowledge
of
the
sources
of
revenue
and
through
the
abuses
due
to
the
favoured
treatment
of
aliens.
the
whole
country
,
and
especially
the
peasantry
,
was
completely
impoverished
and
so
driven
into
revolt.
(
##number##
)
there
was
also
a
psychological
reason.
in
the
middle
of
the
fourteenth
century
it
was
obvious
to
the
mongols
that
their
hold
over
china
was
growing
more
and
more
precarious
,
and
that
there
was
little
to
be
got
out
of
the
impoverished
country
:
they
seem
in
consequence
to
have
lost
interest
in
the
troublesome
task
of
maintaining
their
rule
,
preferring
,
in
so
far
as
they
had
not
already
entirely
degenerated
,
to
return
to
their
old
home
in
the
north.
it
is
important
to
bear
in
mind
these
reasons
for
the
collapse
of
the
mongols
,
so
that
we
may
compare
them
later
with
the
reasons
for
the
collapse
of
the
manchus.
no
mention
need
be
made
here
of
the
names
of
the
mongol
rulers
in
china
after
kublai.
after
his
death
in
##number##
,
grandsons
and
great-grandsons
of
his
followed
each
other
in
rapid
succession
on
the
throne
;
not
one
of
them
was
of
any
personal
significance.
they
had
no
influence
on
the
government
of
china.
their
life
was
spent
in
intriguing
against
one
another.
there
were
seven
mongol
emperors
after
kublai.
##number##
_cultural_
during
the
mongol
epoch
a
large
number
of
the
chinese
scholars
withdrew
from
official
life.
they
lived
in
retirement
among
their
friends
,
and
devoted
themselves
mainly
to
the
pursuit
of
the
art
of
poetry
,
which
had
been
elaborated
in
the
later
sung
epoch
,
without
themselves
arriving
at
any
important
innovations
in
form.
their
poems
were
built
up
meticulously
on
the
rules
laid
down
by
the
various
schools
;
they
were
routine
productions
rather
than
the
outcome
of
any
true
poetic
inspiration.
in
the
realm
of
prose
the
best
achievements
were
the
"
miscellaneous
notes
"
already
mentioned
,
collections
of
learned
essays.
the
foreigners
who
wrote
in
chinese
during
this
epoch
are
credited
with
no
better
achievements
by
the
chinese
historians
of
literature.
chief
of
them
were
a
statesman
named
yeh-lue
ch
'u-ts
'ai
,
a
kitan
in
the
service
of
the
mongols
;
and
a
mongol
named
t
'o-t
'o
(
tokto
)
.
the
former
accompanied
genghiz
khan
in
his
great
campaign
against
turkestan
,
and
left
a
very
interesting
account
of
his
journeys
,
together
with
many
poems
about
samarkand
and
turkestan.
his
other
works
were
mainly
letters
and
poems
addressed
to
friends.
they
differ
in
no
way
in
style
from
the
chinese
literary
works
of
the
time
,
and
are
neither
better
nor
worse
than
those
works.
he
shows
strong
traces
of
taoist
influence
,
as
do
other
contemporary
writers.
we
know
that
genghiz
khan
was
more
or
less
inclined
to
taoism
,
and
admitted
a
taoist
monk
to
his
camp
(
##number##
)
.
this
man
's
account
of
his
travels
has
also
been
preserved
,
and
with
the
numerous
european
accounts
of
central
asia
written
at
this
time
it
forms
an
important
source.
the
mongol
tokto
was
the
head
of
an
historical
commission
that
issued
the
annals
of
the
sung
dynasty
,
the
kitan
,
and
the
juchen
dynasty.
the
annals
of
the
sung
dynasty
became
the
largest
of
all
the
historical
works
,
but
they
were
fiercely
attacked
from
the
first
by
chinese
critics
on
account
of
their
style
and
their
hasty
composition
,
and
,
together
with
the
annals
of
the
mongol
dynasty
,
they
are
regarded
as
the
worst
of
the
annals
preserved.
tokto
himself
is
less
to
blame
for
this
than
the
circumstance
that
he
was
compelled
to
work
in
great
haste
,
and
had
not
time
to
put
into
order
the
overwhelming
mass
of
his
material.
the
greatest
literary
achievements
,
however
,
of
the
mongol
period
belong
beyond
question
to
the
theatre
(
or
,
rather
,
opera
)
.
the
emperors
were
great
theatre-goers
,
and
the
wealthy
private
families
were
also
enthusiasts
,
so
that
gradually
people
of
education
devoted
themselves
to
writing
librettos
for
the
operas
,
where
in
the
past
this
work
had
been
left
to
others.
most
of
the
authors
of
these
librettos
remained
unknown
:
they
used
pseudonyms
,
partly
because
playwriting
was
not
an
occupation
that
befitted
a
scholar
,
and
partly
because
in
these
works
they
criticized
the
conditions
of
their
day.
these
works
are
divided
in
regard
to
style
into
two
groups
,
those
of
the
"
southern
"
and
the
"
northern
"
drama
;
these
are
distinguished
from
each
other
in
musical
construction
and
in
their
intellectual
attitude
:
in
general
the
northern
works
are
more
heroic
and
the
southern
more
sentimental
,
though
there
are
exceptions.
the
most
famous
northern
works
of
the
mongol
epoch
are
_p
'i-p
'a-chi_
(
"
the
story
of
a
lute
"
)
,
written
about
##number##
,
probably
by
kao
ming
,
and
_chao-shih
ku-erh-chi_
(
"
the
story
of
the
orphan
of
chao
"
)
,
a
work
that
enthralled
voltaire
,
who
made
a
paraphrase
of
it
;
its
author
was
the
otherwise
unknown
chi
chuen-hsiang.
one
of
the
most
famous
of
the
southern
dramas
is
_hsi-hsiang-chi_
(
"
the
romance
of
the
western
chamber
"
)
,
by
wang
shih-fu
and
kuan
han-ch
'ing.
kuan
lived
under
the
juchen
dynasty
as
a
physician
,
and
then
among
the
mongols.
he
is
said
to
have
written
fifty-eight
dramas
,
many
of
which
became
famous.
in
the
fine
arts
,
foreign
influence
made
itself
felt
during
the
mongol
epoch
much
more
than
in
literature.
this
was
due
in
part
to
the
mongol
rulers
'
predilection
for
the
lamaism
that
was
widespread
in
their
homeland.
lamaism
is
a
special
form
of
buddhism
which
developed
in
tibet
,
where
remnants
of
the
old
national
tibetan
cult
(
_bon_
)
were
fused
with
buddhism
into
a
distinctive
religion.
during
the
rise
of
the
mongols
this
religion
,
which
closely
resembled
the
shamanism
of
the
ancient
mongols
,
spread
in
mongolia
,
and
through
the
mongols
it
made
great
progress
in
china
,
where
it
had
been
insignificant
until
their
time.
religious
sculpture
especially
came
entirely
under
tibetan
influence
(
particularly
that
of
the
sculptor
aniko
,
who
came
from
nepal
,
where
he
was
born
in
##number##
)
.
this
influence
was
noticeable
in
the
chinese
sculptor
liu
yuean
;
after
him
it
became
stronger
and
stronger
,
lasting
until
the
manchu
epoch.
in
architecture
,
too
,
indian
and
tibetan
influence
was
felt
in
this
period.
the
tibetan
pagodas
came
into
special
prominence
alongside
the
previously
known
form
of
pagoda
,
which
has
many
storeys
,
growing
smaller
as
they
go
upward
;
these
towers
originally
contained
relics
of
buddha
and
his
disciples.
the
tibetan
pagoda
has
not
this
division
into
storeys
,
and
its
lower
part
is
much
larger
in
circumference
,
and
often
round.
to
this
day
peking
is
rich
in
pagodas
in
the
tibetan
style.
the
mongols
also
developed
in
china
the
art
of
carpet-knotting
,
which
to
this
day
is
found
only
in
north
china
in
the
zone
of
northern
influence.
there
were
carpets
before
these
,
but
they
were
mainly
of
felt.
the
knotted
carpets
were
produced
in
imperial
workshops
--
only
,
of
course
,
for
the
mongols
,
who
were
used
to
carpets.
a
further
development
probably
also
due
to
west
asian
influence
was
that
of
cloisonne
technique
in
china
in
this
period.
painting
,
on
the
other
hand
,
remained
free
from
alien
influence
,
with
the
exception
of
the
craft
painting
for
the
temples.
the
most
famous
painters
of
the
mongol
epoch
were
chao
meng-fu
(
also
called
chao
chung-mu
,
##number##
)
,
a
relative
of
the
deposed
imperial
family
of
the
sung
dynasty
,
and
ni
tsan
(
##number##
)
.
(
b
)
the
ming
epoch
(
##number##
)
##number##
_start.
national
feeling_
it
was
necessary
to
give
special
attention
to
the
reasons
for
the
downfall
of
mongol
rule
in
china
,
in
order
to
make
clear
the
cause
and
the
character
of
the
ming
epoch
that
followed
it.
it
is
possible
that
the
erroneous
impression
might
be
gained
that
the
mongol
epoch
in
china
was
entirely
without
merits
,
and
that
the
mongol
rule
over
china
differed
entirely
from
the
mongol
rule
over
other
countries
of
asia.
chinese
historians
have
no
good
word
to
say
of
the
mongol
epoch
and
avoid
the
subject
as
far
as
they
can.
it
is
true
that
the
union
of
the
national
mongol
culture
with
chinese
culture
,
as
envisaged
by
the
mongol
rulers
,
was
not
a
sound
conception
,
and
consequently
did
not
endure
for
long.
nevertheless
,
the
mongol
epoch
in
china
left
indelible
traces
,
and
without
it
china
's
further
development
would
certainly
have
taken
a
different
course.
the
many
popular
risings
during
the
latter
half
of
the
period
of
mongol
rule
in
china
were
all
of
a
purely
economic
and
social
character
,
and
at
first
they
were
not
directed
at
all
against
the
mongols
as
representatives
of
an
alien
people.
the
rising
under
chu
yuean-chang
,
which
steadily
gained
impetus
,
was
at
first
a
purely
social
movement
;
indeed
,
it
may
fairly
be
called
revolutionary.
chu
was
of
the
humblest
origin
;
he
became
a
monk
and
a
peasant
leader
at
one
and
the
same
time.
only
three
times
in
chinese
history
has
a
man
of
the
peasantry
become
emperor
and
founder
of
a
dynasty.
the
first
of
these
three
men
founded
the
han
dynasty
;
the
second
founded
the
first
of
the
so-called
"
five
dynasties
"
in
the
tenth
century
;
chu
was
the
third.
not
until
the
mongols
had
answered
chu
's
rising
with
a
tightening
of
the
nationality
laws
did
the
revolutionary
movement
become
a
national
movement
,
directed
against
the
foreigners
as
such.
and
only
when
chu
came
under
the
influence
of
the
first
people
of
the
gentry
who
joined
him
,
whether
voluntarily
or
perforce
,
did
what
had
been
a
revolutionary
movement
become
a
struggle
for
the
substitution
of
one
dynasty
for
another
without
interfering
with
the
existing
social
system.
both
these
points
were
of
the
utmost
importance
to
the
whole
development
of
the
ming
epoch.
the
mongols
were
driven
out
fairly
quickly
and
without
great
difficulty.
the
chinese
drew
from
the
ease
of
their
success
a
sense
of
superiority
and
a
clear
feeling
of
nationalism.
this
feeling
should
not
be
confounded
with
the
very
old
feeling
of
chinese
as
a
culturally
superior
group
according
to
which
,
at
least
in
theory
though
rarely
in
practice
,
every
person
who
assimilated
chinese
cultural
values
and
traits
was
a
"
chinese
"
.
the
roots
of
nationalism
seem
to
lie
in
the
southern
sung
period
,
growing
up
in
the
course
of
contacts
with
the
juchen
and
mongols
;
but
the
discriminatory
laws
of
the
mongols
greatly
fostered
this
feeling.
from
now
on
,
it
was
regarded
a
shame
to
serve
a
foreigner
as
official
,
even
if
he
was
a
ruler
of
china.
##number##
_wars
against
mongols
and
japanese_
it
had
been
easy
to
drive
the
mongols
out
of
china
,
but
they
were
never
really
beaten
in
their
own
country.
on
the
contrary
,
they
seem
to
have
regained
strength
after
their
withdrawal
from
china
:
they
reorganized
themselves
and
were
soon
capable
of
counter-thrusts
,
while
chinese
offensives
had
as
a
rule
very
little
success
,
and
at
all
events
no
decisive
success.
in
the
course
of
time
,
however
,
the
chinese
gained
a
certain
influence
over
turkestan
,
but
it
was
never
absolute
,
always
challenged.
after
the
mongol
empire
had
fallen
to
pieces
,
small
states
came
into
existence
in
turkestan
,
for
a
long
time
with
varying
fortunes
;
the
most
important
one
during
the
ming
epoch
was
that
of
hami
,
until
in
##number##
it
was
occupied
by
the
city-state
of
turfan.
at
this
time
china
actively
intervened
in
the
policy
of
turkestan
in
a
number
of
combats
with
the
mongols.
as
the
situation
changed
from
time
to
time
,
these
city-states
united
more
or
less
closely
with
china
or
fell
away
from
her
altogether.
in
this
period
,
however
,
turkestan
was
of
no
military
or
economic
importance
to
china.
in
the
time
of
the
ming
there
also
began
in
the
east
and
south
the
plague
of
japanese
piracy.
japanese
contacts
with
the
coastal
provinces
of
china
(
kiangsu
,
chekiang
and
fukien
)
had
a
very
long
history
:
pilgrims
from
japan
often
went
to
these
places
in
order
to
study
buddhism
in
the
famous
monasteries
of
central
china
;
businessmen
sold
at
high
prices
japanese
swords
and
other
japanese
products
here
and
bought
chinese
products
;
they
also
tried
to
get
chinese
copper
coins
which
had
a
higher
value
in
japan.
chinese
merchants
co-operated
with
japanese
merchants
and
also
with
pirates
in
the
guise
of
merchants.
some
chinese
who
were
or
felt
persecuted
by
the
government
,
became
pirates
themselves.
this
trade-piracy
had
started
already
at
the
end
of
the
sung
dynasty
,
when
japanese
navigation
had
become
superior
to
korean
shipping
which
had
in
earlier
times
dominated
the
eastern
seaboard.
these
conditions
may
even
have
been
one
of
the
reasons
why
the
mongols
tried
to
subdue
japan.
as
early
as
##number##
the
chinese
had
to
begin
the
building
of
fortifications
along
the
eastern
and
southern
coasts
of
the
country
;
the
japanese
attacks
now
often
took
the
character
of
organized
raids
:
a
small
,
fast-sailing
flotilla
would
land
in
a
bay
,
as
far
as
possible
without
attracting
notice
;
the
soldiers
would
march
against
the
nearest
town
,
generally
overcoming
it
,
looting
,
and
withdrawing.
the
defensive
measures
adopted
from
time
to
time
during
the
ming
epoch
were
of
little
avail
,
as
it
was
impossible
effectively
to
garrison
the
whole
coast.
some
of
the
coastal
settlements
were
transferred
inland
,
to
prevent
the
chinese
from
co-operating
with
the
japanese
,
and
to
give
the
japanese
so
long
a
march
inland
as
to
allow
time
for
defensive
measures.
the
japanese
pirates
prevented
the
creation
of
a
chinese
navy
in
this
period
by
their
continual
threats
to
the
coastal
cities
in
which
the
shipyards
lay.
not
until
much
later
,
at
a
time
of
unrest
in
japan
in
##number##
,
was
there
any
peace
from
the
japanese
pirates.
the
japanese
attacks
were
especially
embarrassing
for
the
chinese
government
for
one
other
reason.
large
armies
had
to
be
kept
all
along
china
's
northern
border
,
from
manchuria
to
central
asia.
food
supplies
could
not
be
collected
in
north
china
which
did
not
have
enough
surplusses.
canal
transportation
from
central
china
was
not
reliable
,
as
the
canals
did
not
always
have
enough
water
and
were
often
clogged
by
hundreds
of
ships.
and
even
if
canals
were
used
,
grain
still
had
to
be
transported
by
land
from
the
end
of
the
canals
to
the
frontier.
the
ming
government
therefore
,
had
organized
an
overseas
flotilla
of
grain
ships
which
brought
grain
from
central
china
directly
to
the
front
in
liao-tung
and
manchuria.
and
these
ships
,
vitally
important
,
were
so
often
attacked
by
the
pirates
,
that
this
plan
later
had
to
be
given
up
again.
these
activities
along
the
coast
led
the
chinese
to
the
belief
that
basically
all
foreigners
who
came
by
ships
were
"
barbarians
"
;
when
towards
the
end
of
the
ming
epoch
the
japanese
were
replaced
by
europeans
who
did
not
behave
much
differently
and
were
also
pirate-merchants
,
the
nations
of
western
europe
,
too
,
were
regarded
as
"
barbarians
"
and
were
looked
upon
with
great
suspicion.
on
the
other
side
,
continental
powers
,
even
if
they
were
enemies
,
had
long
been
regarded
as
"
states
"
,
sometimes
even
as
equals.
therefore
,
when
at
a
much
later
time
the
chinese
came
into
contact
with
russians
,
their
attitude
towards
them
was
similar
to
that
which
they
had
taken
towards
other
asian
continental
powers.
##number##
_social
legislation
within
the
existing
order_
at
the
time
when
chu
yuean-chang
conquered
peking
,
in
##number##
,
becoming
the
recognized
emperor
of
china
(
ming
dynasty
)
,
it
seemed
as
though
he
would
remain
a
revolutionary
in
spite
of
everything.
his
first
laws
were
directed
against
the
rich.
many
of
the
rich
were
compelled
to
migrate
to
the
capital
,
nanking
,
thus
losing
their
land
and
the
power
based
on
it.
land
was
redistributed
among
poor
peasants
;
new
land
registers
were
also
compiled
,
in
order
to
prevent
the
rich
from
evading
taxation.
the
number
of
monks
living
in
idleness
was
cut
down
and
precisely
determined
;
the
possessions
of
the
temples
were
reduced
,
land
exempted
from
taxation
being
thus
made
taxable
--
all
this
,
incidentally
,
although
chu
had
himself
been
a
monk
!
these
laws
might
have
paved
the
way
to
social
harmony
and
removed
the
worst
of
the
poverty
of
the
mongol
epoch.
but
all
this
was
frustrated
in
the
very
first
years
of
chu
's
reign.
the
laws
were
only
half
carried
into
effect
or
not
at
all
,
especially
in
the
hinterland
of
the
present
shanghai.
that
region
had
been
conquered
by
chu
at
the
very
beginning
of
the
ming
epoch
;
in
it
lived
the
wealthy
landowners
who
had
already
been
paying
the
bulk
of
the
taxes
under
the
mongols.
the
emperor
depended
on
this
wealthy
class
for
the
financing
of
his
great
armies
,
and
so
could
not
be
too
hard
on
it.
chu
yuean-chang
and
his
entourage
were
also
unable
to
free
themselves
from
some
of
the
ideas
of
the
mongol
epoch.
neither
chu
,
nor
anybody
else
before
and
long
after
him
discussed
the
possibility
of
a
form
of
government
other
than
that
of
a
monarchy.
the
first
ever
to
discuss
this
question
,
although
very
timidly
,
was
huang
tsung-hsi
(
##number##
)
,
at
the
end
of
the
ming
dynasty.
chu
's
conception
of
an
emperor
was
that
of
an
absolute
monarch
,
master
over
life
and
death
of
his
subjects
;
it
was
formed
by
the
mongol
emperors
with
their
magnificence
and
the
huge
expenditure
of
their
life
in
peking
;
chu
was
oblivious
of
the
fact
that
peking
had
been
the
capital
of
a
vast
empire
embracing
almost
the
whole
of
asia
,
and
expenses
could
well
be
higher
than
for
a
capital
only
of
china.
it
did
not
occur
to
chu
and
his
supporters
that
they
could
have
done
without
imperial
state
and
splendour
;
on
the
contrary
,
they
felt
compelled
to
display
it.
at
first
chu
personally
showed
no
excessive
signs
of
this
tendency
,
though
they
emerged
later
;
but
he
conferred
great
land
grants
on
all
his
relatives
,
friends
,
and
supporters
;
he
would
give
to
a
single
person
land
sufficient
for
##number##
peasant
families
;
he
ordered
the
payment
of
state
pensions
to
members
of
the
imperial
family
,
just
as
the
mongols
had
done
,
and
the
total
of
these
pension
payments
was
often
higher
than
the
revenue
of
the
region
involved.
for
the
capital
alone
over
eight
million
_shih_
of
grain
had
to
be
provided
in
payment
of
pensions
--
that
is
to
say
,
more
than
##number##
tons
!
these
pension
payments
were
in
themselves
a
heavy
burden
on
the
state
;
not
only
that
,
but
they
formed
a
difficult
transport
problem
!
we
have
no
close
figure
of
the
total
population
at
the
beginning
of
the
ming
epoch
;
about
##number##
it
is
estimated
to
have
been
##number##
,
and
this
population
had
to
provide
some
##number##
_shih_
in
taxes.
at
the
beginning
of
the
ming
epoch
the
population
and
revenue
must
,
however
,
have
been
smaller.
the
laws
against
the
merchants
and
the
restrictions
under
which
the
craftsmen
worked
,
remained
essentially
as
they
had
been
under
the
sung
,
but
now
the
remaining
foreign
merchants
of
mongol
time
also
fell
under
these
laws
,
and
their
influence
quickly
diminished.
all
craftsmen
,
a
total
of
some
##number##
men
with
families
,
were
still
registered
and
had
to
serve
the
government
in
the
capital
for
three
months
once
every
three
years
;
others
had
to
serve
ten
days
per
month
,
if
they
lived
close
by.
they
were
a
hereditary
caste
as
were
the
professional
soldiers
,
and
not
allowed
to
change
their
occupation
except
by
special
imperial
permission.
when
a
craftsman
or
soldier
died
,
another
family
member
had
to
replace
him
;
therefore
,
families
of
craftsmen
were
not
allowed
to
separate
into
small
nuclear
families
,
in
which
there
might
not
always
be
a
suitable
male.
yet
,
in
an
empire
as
large
as
that
of
the
ming
,
this
system
did
not
work
too
well
:
craftsmen
lost
too
much
time
in
travelling
and
often
succeeded
in
running
away
while
travelling.
therefore
,
from
##number##
on
,
they
had
to
pay
a
tax
instead
of
working
for
the
government
,
and
from
then
on
the
craftsmen
became
relatively
free.
##number##
_colonization
and
agricultural
developments_
as
already
mentioned
,
the
ming
had
to
keep
a
large
army
along
the
northern
frontiers.
but
they
also
had
to
keep
armies
in
south
china
,
especially
in
yuennan.
here
,
the
mongol
invasions
of
burma
and
thailand
had
brought
unrest
among
the
tribes
,
especially
the
shan.
the
ming
did
not
hold
burma
but
kept
it
in
a
loose
dependency
as
"
tributary
nation
"
.
in
order
to
supply
armies
so
far
away
from
all
agricultural
surplus
centres
,
the
ming
resorted
to
the
old
system
of
"
military
colonies
"
which
seems
to
have
been
invented
in
the
second
century
b.c.
and
is
still
used
even
today
(
in
sinkiang
)
.
soldiers
were
settled
in
camps
called
_ying_
,
and
therefore
there
are
so
many
place
names
ending
with
_ying_
in
the
outlying
areas
of
china.
they
worked
as
state
farmers
and
accumulated
surplusses
which
were
used
in
case
of
war
in
which
these
same
farmers
turned
soldiers
again.
many
criminals
were
sent
to
these
state
farms
,
too.
this
system
,
especially
in
south
china
,
transformed
territories
formerly
inhabited
by
native
tribes
or
uninhabited
,
into
solidly
chinese
areas.
in
addition
to
these
military
colonies
,
a
steady
stream
of
settlers
from
central
china
and
the
coast
continued
to
move
into
kwangtung
and
hunan
provinces.
they
felt
protected
by
the
army
against
attacks
by
natives.
yet
ming
texts
are
full
of
reports
on
major
and
minor
clashes
with
the
natives
,
from
kiangsi
and
fukien
to
kwangtung
and
kwangsi.
but
the
production
of
military
colonies
was
still
not
enough
to
feed
the
armies
,
and
the
government
in
chu
's
time
resorted
to
a
new
design.
it
promised
to
give
merchants
who
transported
grain
from
central
china
to
the
borders
,
government
salt
certificates.
upon
the
receipt
,
the
merchants
could
acquire
a
certain
amount
of
salt
and
sell
it
with
high
profits.
soon
,
these
merchants
began
to
invest
some
of
their
capital
in
local
land
which
was
naturally
cheap.
they
then
attracted
farmers
from
their
home
countries
as
tenants.
the
rent
of
the
tenants
,
paid
in
form
of
grain
,
was
then
sold
to
the
army
,
and
the
merchant
's
gains
increased.
tenants
could
easily
be
found
:
the
density
of
population
in
the
yangtze
plains
had
further
increased
since
the
sung
time.
this
system
of
merchant
colonization
did
not
last
long
,
because
soon
,
in
order
to
curb
the
profits
of
the
merchants
,
money
was
given
instead
of
salt
certificates
,
and
the
merchants
lost
interest
in
grain
transports.
thus
,
grain
prices
along
the
frontiers
rose
and
the
effectiveness
of
the
armies
was
diminished.
although
the
history
of
chinese
agriculture
is
as
yet
only
partially
known
,
a
number
of
changes
in
this
field
,
which
began
to
show
up
from
sung
time
on
,
seem
to
have
produced
an
"
agricultural
revolution
"
in
ming
time.
we
have
already
mentioned
the
sung
attempts
to
increase
production
near
the
big
cities
by
deep-lying
fields
,
cultivation
on
and
in
lakes.
at
the
same
time
,
there
was
an
increase
in
cultivation
of
mountain
slopes
by
terracing
and
by
distributing
water
over
the
terraces
in
balanced
systems.
new
irrigation
machines
,
especially
the
so-called
persian
wheel
,
were
introduced
in
the
ming
time.
perhaps
the
most
important
innovation
,
however
,
was
the
introduction
of
rice
from
indo-china
's
kingdom
champa
in
##number##
into
fukien
from
where
it
soon
spread.
this
rice
had
three
advantages
over
ordinary
chinese
rice
:
it
was
drought-resistant
and
could
,
therefore
,
be
planted
in
areas
with
poor
or
even
no
irrigation.
it
had
a
great
productivity
,
and
it
could
be
sown
very
early
in
the
year.
at
first
it
had
the
disadvantage
that
it
had
a
vegetation
period
of
a
hundred
days.
but
soon
,
the
chinese
developed
a
quick-growing
champa
rice
,
and
the
speediest
varieties
took
only
sixty
days
from
transplantation
into
the
fields
to
the
harvest.
this
made
it
possible
to
grow
two
rice
harvests
instead
of
only
one
and
more
than
doubled
the
production.
rice
varieties
which
grew
again
after
being
cut
and
produced
a
second
,
but
very
much
smaller
harvest
,
disappeared
from
now
on.
furthermore
,
fish
were
kept
in
the
ricefields
and
produced
not
only
food
for
the
farmers
but
also
fertilized
the
fields
,
so
that
continuous
cultivation
of
ricefields
without
any
decrease
in
fertility
became
possible.
incidentally
,
fish
control
the
malaria
mosquitoes
;
although
the
chinese
did
not
know
this
fact
,
large
areas
in
south
china
which
had
formerly
been
avoided
by
chinese
because
of
malaria
,
gradually
became
inhabitable.
the
importance
of
alternating
crops
was
also
discovered
and
from
now
on
,
the
old
system
of
fallow
cultivation
was
given
up
and
continuous
cultivation
with
,
in
some
areas
,
even
more
than
one
harvest
per
field
per
year
,
was
introduced
even
in
wheat-growing
areas.
considering
that
under
the
fallow
system
from
one
half
to
one
third
of
all
fields
remained
uncultivated
each
year
,
the
increase
in
production
under
the
new
system
must
have
been
tremendous.
we
believe
that
the
population
revolution
which
in
china
started
about
##number##
,
was
the
result
of
this
earlier
agrarian
revolution.
from
the
eighteenth
century
on
we
get
reports
on
depletion
of
fields
due
to
wrong
application
of
the
new
system.
another
plant
deeply
affected
chinese
agriculture
:
cotton.
it
is
often
forgotten
that
,
from
very
early
times
,
the
chinese
in
the
south
had
used
kapok
and
similar
fibres
,
and
that
the
cocoons
of
different
kinds
of
worms
had
been
used
for
silk.
real
cotton
probably
came
from
bengal
over
south-east
asia
first
to
the
coastal
provinces
of
china
and
spread
quickly
into
fukien
and
kwangtung
in
sung
time.
on
the
other
side
,
cotton
reached
china
through
central
asia
,
and
already
in
the
thirteenth
century
we
find
it
in
shensi
in
north-western
china.
farmers
in
the
north
could
in
many
places
grow
cotton
in
summer
and
wheat
in
winter
,
and
cotton
was
a
high-priced
product.
they
ginned
the
cotton
with
iron
rods
;
a
mechanical
cotton
gin
was
introduced
not
until
later.
the
raw
cotton
was
sold
to
merchants
who
transported
it
into
the
industrial
centre
of
the
time
,
the
yangtze
valley
,
and
who
re-exported
cotton
cloth
to
the
north.
raw
cotton
,
loosened
by
the
string
of
the
bow
(
a
method
which
was
known
since
sung
)
,
could
now
in
the
north
also
be
used
for
quilts
and
padded
winter
garments.
##number##
_commercial
and
industrial
developments_
intensivation
and
modernization
of
agriculture
led
to
strong
population
increases
especially
in
the
yangtze
valley
from
sung
time
on.
thus
,
in
this
area
commerce
and
industry
also
developed
most
quickly.
urbanization
was
greatest
here.
nanking
,
the
new
ming
capital
,
grew
tremendously
because
of
the
presence
of
the
court
and
administration
,
and
even
when
later
the
capital
was
moved
,
nanking
continued
to
remain
the
cultural
capital
of
china.
the
urban
population
needed
textiles
and
food.
from
ming
time
on
,
fashions
changed
quickly
as
soon
as
government
regulations
which
determined
colour
and
material
of
the
dress
of
each
social
class
were
relaxed
or
as
soon
as
they
could
be
circumvented
by
bribery
or
ingenious
devices.
now
,
only
factories
could
produce
the
amounts
which
the
consumers
wanted.
we
hear
of
many
men
who
started
out
with
one
loom
and
later
ended
up
with
over
forty
looms
,
employing
many
weavers.
shanghai
began
to
emerge
as
a
centre
of
cotton
cloth
production.
a
system
of
middle-men
developed
who
bought
raw
cotton
and
raw
silk
from
the
producers
and
sold
it
to
factories.
consumption
in
the
yangtze
cities
raised
the
value
of
the
land
around
the
cities.
the
small
farmers
who
were
squeezed
out
,
migrated
to
the
south.
absentee
landlords
in
cities
relied
partly
on
migratory
,
seasonal
labour
supplied
by
small
farmers
from
chekiang
who
came
to
the
yangtze
area
after
they
had
finished
their
own
harvest.
more
and
more
,
vegetables
and
mulberries
or
cotton
were
planted
in
the
vicinity
of
the
cities.
as
rice
prices
went
up
quickly
a
large
organization
of
rice
merchants
grew
up.
they
ran
large
ships
up
to
hankow
where
they
bought
rice
which
was
brought
down
from
hunan
in
river
boats
by
smaller
merchants.
the
small
merchants
again
made
contracts
with
the
local
gentry
who
bought
as
much
rice
from
the
producers
as
they
could
and
sold
it
to
these
grain
merchants.
thus
,
local
grain
prices
went
up
and
we
hear
of
cases
where
the
local
population
attacked
the
grain
boats
in
order
to
prevent
the
depletion
of
local
markets.
next
to
these
grain
merchants
,
the
above-mentioned
salt
merchants
have
to
be
mentioned
again.
their
centre
soon
became
the
city
of
hsin-an
,
a
city
on
the
border
of
chekiang
and
anhui
,
or
in
more
general
terms
,
the
cities
in
the
district
of
hui-chou.
when
the
grain
transportation
to
the
frontiers
came
to
an
end
in
early
ming
time
,
the
hsin-an
merchants
specialized
first
in
silver
trade.
later
in
ming
time
,
they
spread
their
activities
all
over
china
and
often
monopolized
the
salt
,
silver
,
rice
,
cotton
,
silk
or
tea
businesses.
in
the
sixteenth
century
they
had
well-established
contacts
with
smugglers
on
the
fukien
coast
and
brought
foreign
goods
into
the
interior.
their
home
was
also
close
to
the
main
centres
of
porcelain
production
in
kiangsi
which
was
exported
to
overseas
and
to
the
urban
centres.
the
demand
for
porcelain
had
increased
so
much
that
state
factories
could
not
fulfil
it.
the
state
factories
seem
often
to
have
suffered
from
a
lack
of
labour
:
indented
artisans
were
imported
from
other
provinces
and
later
sent
back
on
state
expenses
or
were
taken
away
from
other
state
industries.
thus
,
private
porcelain
factories
began
to
develop
,
and
in
connection
with
quickly
changing
fashions
a
great
diversification
of
porcelain
occurred.
one
other
industry
should
also
be
mentioned.
with
the
development
of
printing
,
which
will
be
discussed
below
,
the
paper
industry
was
greatly
stimulated.
the
state
also
needed
special
types
of
paper
for
the
paper
currency.
printing
and
book
selling
became
a
profitable
business
,
and
with
the
application
of
block
print
to
textiles
(
probably
first
used
in
sung
time
)
another
new
field
of
commercial
activity
was
opened.
as
already
mentioned
,
silver
in
form
of
bars
had
been
increasingly
used
as
currency
in
sung
time.
the
yearly
government
production
of
silver
was
_c_.
##number##
kg.
mongol
currency
was
actually
based
upon
silver.
the
ming
,
however
,
reverted
to
copper
as
basic
unit
,
in
addition
to
the
use
of
paper
money.
this
encouraged
the
use
of
silver
for
speculative
purposes.
the
development
of
business
changed
the
face
of
cities.
from
sung
time
on
,
the
division
of
cities
into
wards
with
gates
which
were
closed
during
the
night
,
began
to
break
down.
ming
cities
had
no
more
wards.
business
was
no
more
restricted
to
official
markets
but
grew
up
in
all
parts
of
the
cities.
the
individual
trades
were
no
more
necessarily
all
in
one
street.
shops
did
not
have
to
close
at
sunset.
the
guilds
developed
and
in
some
cases
were
able
to
exercise
locally
some
influence
upon
the
officials.
##number##
_growth
of
the
small
gentry_
with
the
spread
of
book
printing
,
all
kinds
of
books
became
easily
accessible
,
including
reprints
of
examination
papers.
even
businessmen
and
farmers
increasingly
learned
to
read
and
to
write
,
and
many
people
now
could
prepare
themselves
for
the
examinations.
attendance
,
however
,
at
the
examinations
cost
a
good
deal.
the
candidate
had
to
travel
to
the
local
or
provincial
capital
,
and
for
the
higher
examinations
to
the
capital
of
the
country
;
he
had
to
live
there
for
several
months
and
,
as
a
rule
,
had
to
bribe
the
examiners
or
at
least
to
gain
the
favour
of
influential
people.
there
were
many
cases
of
candidates
becoming
destitute.
most
of
them
were
heavily
in
debt
when
at
last
they
gained
a
position.
they
naturally
set
to
work
at
once
to
pay
their
debts
out
of
their
salary
,
and
to
accumulate
fresh
capital
to
meet
future
emergencies.
the
salaries
of
officials
were
,
however
,
so
small
that
it
was
impossible
to
make
ends
meet
;
and
at
the
same
time
every
official
was
liable
with
his
own
capital
for
the
receipt
in
full
of
the
taxes
for
the
collection
of
which
he
was
responsible.
consequently
every
official
began
at
once
to
collect
more
taxes
than
were
really
due
,
so
as
to
be
able
to
cover
any
deficits
,
and
also
to
cover
his
own
cost
of
living
--
including
not
only
the
repayment
of
his
debts
but
the
acquisition
of
capital
or
land
so
as
to
rise
in
the
social
scale.
the
old
gentry
had
been
rich
landowners
,
and
had
no
need
to
exploit
the
peasants
on
such
a
scale.
the
chinese
empire
was
greater
than
it
had
been
before
the
mongol
epoch
,
and
the
population
was
also
greater
,
so
that
more
officials
were
needed.
thus
in
the
ming
epoch
there
began
a
certain
democratization
,
larger
sections
of
the
population
having
the
opportunity
of
gaining
government
positions
;
but
this
democratization
brought
no
benefit
to
the
general
population
but
resulted
in
further
exploitation
of
the
peasants.
the
new
"
small
gentry
"
did
not
consist
of
great
families
like
the
original
gentry.
when
,
therefore
,
people
of
that
class
wanted
to
play
a
political
part
in
the
central
government
,
or
to
gain
a
position
there
,
they
had
either
to
get
into
close
touch
with
one
of
the
families
of
the
gentry
,
or
to
try
to
approach
the
emperor
directly.
in
the
immediate
entourage
of
the
emperor
,
however
,
were
the
eunuchs.
a
good
many
members
of
the
new
class
had
themselves
castrated
after
they
had
passed
their
state
examination.
originally
eunuchs
were
forbidden
to
acquire
education.
but
soon
the
ming
emperors
used
the
eunuchs
as
a
tool
to
counteract
the
power
of
gentry
cliques
and
thus
to
strengthen
their
personal
power.
when
,
later
,
eunuchs
controlled
appointments
to
government
posts
,
long
established
practices
of
bureaucratic
administration
were
eliminated
and
the
court
,
i.e.
the
emperor
and
his
tools
,
the
eunuchs
,
could
create
a
rule
by
way
of
arbitrary
decisions
,
a
despotic
rule.
for
such
purposes
,
eunuchs
had
to
have
education
,
and
these
new
educated
eunuchs
,
when
they
had
once
secured
a
position
,
were
able
to
gain
great
influence
in
the
immediate
entourage
of
the
emperor
;
later
such
educated
eunuchs
were
preferred
,
especially
as
many
offices
were
created
which
were
only
filled
by
eunuchs
and
for
which
educated
eunuchs
were
needed.
whole
departments
of
eunuchs
came
into
existence
at
court
,
and
these
were
soon
made
use
of
for
confidential
business
of
the
emperor
's
outside
the
palace.
these
eunuchs
worked
,
of
course
,
in
the
interest
of
their
families.
on
the
other
hand
,
they
were
very
ready
to
accept
large
bribes
from
the
gentry
for
placing
the
desires
of
people
of
the
gentry
before
the
emperor
and
gaining
his
consent.
thus
the
eunuchs
generally
accumulated
great
wealth
,
which
they
shared
with
their
small
gentry
relatives.
the
rise
of
the
small
gentry
class
was
therefore
connected
with
the
increased
influence
of
the
eunuchs
at
court.
##number##
_literature
,
art
,
crafts_
the
growth
of
the
small
gentry
which
had
its
stronghold
in
the
provincial
towns
and
cities
,
as
well
as
the
rise
of
the
merchant
class
and
the
liberation
of
the
artisans
,
are
reflected
in
the
new
literature
of
ming
time.
while
the
mongols
had
developed
the
theatre
,
the
novel
may
be
regarded
as
the
typical
ming
creation.
its
precursors
were
the
stories
of
story-tellers
centuries
ago.
they
had
developed
many
styles
,
one
of
which
,
for
instance
,
consisted
of
prose
with
intercalated
poetic
parts
(
_pien-wen_
)
.
buddhists
monks
had
used
these
forms
of
popular
literature
and
spread
their
teachings
in
similar
forms
;
due
to
them
,
many
indian
stories
and
tales
found
their
way
into
the
chinese
folklore.
soon
,
these
stories
of
story-tellers
or
monks
were
written
down
,
and
out
of
them
developed
the
chinese
classical
novel.
it
preserved
many
traits
of
the
stories
:
it
was
cut
into
chapters
corresponding
with
the
interruptions
which
the
story-teller
made
in
order
to
collect
money
;
it
was
interspersed
with
poems.
but
most
of
all
,
it
was
written
in
everyday
language
,
not
in
the
language
of
the
gentry.
to
this
day
every
chinese
knows
and
reads
with
enthusiasm
_shui-hu-chuan_
(
"
the
story
of
the
river
bank
"
)
,
probably
written
about
##number##
by
wang
tao-k
'un
,
in
which
the
ruling
class
was
first
described
in
its
decay.
against
it
are
held
up
as
ideals
representatives
of
the
middle
class
in
the
guise
of
the
gentleman
brigand.
every
chinese
also
knows
the
great
satirical
novel
_hsi-yu-chi_
(
"
the
westward
journey
"
)
,
by
feng
meng-lung
(
##number##
)
,
in
which
ironical
treatment
is
meted
out
to
all
religions
and
sects
against
a
mythological
background
,
with
a
freedom
that
would
not
have
been
possible
earlier.
the
characters
are
not
presented
as
individuals
but
as
representatives
of
human
types
:
the
intellectual
,
the
hedonist
,
the
pious
man
,
and
the
simpleton
,
are
drawn
with
incomparable
skill
,
with
their
merits
and
defects.
a
third
famous
novel
is
_san-kuo
yen-i_
(
"
the
tale
of
the
three
kingdoms
"
)
,
by
lo
kuan-chung.
just
as
the
european
middle
class
read
with
avidity
the
romances
of
chivalry
,
so
the
comfortable
class
in
china
was
enthusiastic
over
romanticized
pictures
of
the
struggle
of
the
gentry
in
the
third
century.
"
the
tale
of
the
three
kingdoms
"
became
the
model
for
countless
historical
novels
of
its
own
and
subsequent
periods.
later
,
mainly
in
the
sixteenth
century
,
the
sensational
and
erotic
novel
developed
,
most
of
all
in
nanking.
it
has
deeply
influenced
japanese
writers
,
but
was
mercilessly
suppressed
by
the
chinese
gentry
which
resented
the
frivolity
of
this
wealthy
and
luxurious
urban
class
of
middle
or
small
gentry
families
who
associated
with
rich
merchants
,
actors
,
artists
and
musicians.
censorship
of
printed
books
had
started
almost
with
the
beginning
of
book
printing
as
a
private
enterprise
:
to
the
famous
historian
,
anti-buddhist
and
conservative
ou-yang
hsiu
(
##number##
)
,
the
enemy
of
wang
an-shih
,
belongs
the
sad
glory
of
having
developed
the
first
censorship
rules.
since
ming
time
,
it
became
a
permanent
feature
of
chinese
governments.
the
best
known
of
the
erotic
novels
is
the
_chin-p
'ing-mei_
which
,
for
reasons
of
our
own
censors
can
be
published
only
in
expurgated
translations.
it
was
written
probably
towards
the
end
of
the
sixteenth
century.
this
novel
,
as
all
others
,
has
been
written
and
re-written
by
many
authors
,
so
that
many
different
versions
exist.
it
might
be
pointed
out
that
many
novels
were
printed
in
hui-chou
,
the
commercial
centre
of
the
time.
the
short
story
which
formerly
served
the
entertainment
of
the
educated
only
and
which
was
,
therefore
,
written
in
classical
chinese
,
now
also
became
a
literary
form
appreciated
by
the
middle
classes.
the
collection
_chin-ku
ch
'i-kuan_
(
"
strange
stories
of
new
times
and
old
"
)
,
compiled
by
feng
meng-lung
,
is
the
best-known
of
these
collections
in
vernacular
chinese.
little
original
work
was
done
in
the
ming
epoch
in
the
fields
generally
regarded
as
"
literature
"
by
educated
chinese
,
those
of
poetry
and
the
essay.
there
are
some
admirable
essays
,
but
these
are
only
isolated
examples
out
of
thousands.
so
also
with
poetry
:
the
poets
of
the
gentry
,
united
in
"
clubs
"
,
chose
the
poets
of
the
sung
epoch
as
their
models
to
emulate.
the
chinese
drama
made
further
progress
in
the
ming
epoch.
many
of
the
finest
chinese
dramas
were
written
under
the
ming
;
they
are
still
produced
again
and
again
to
this
day.
the
most
famous
dramatists
of
the
ming
epoch
are
wang
shih-chen
(
##number##
)
and
t
'ang
hsien-tsu
(
##number##
)
.
t
'ang
wrote
the
well-known
drama
_mu-tan-ting_
(
"
the
peony
pavilion
"
)
,
one
of
the
finest
love-stories
of
chinese
literature
,
full
of
romance
and
remote
from
all
reality.
this
is
true
also
of
the
other
dramas
by
t
'ang
,
especially
his
"
four
dreams
"
,
a
series
of
four
plays.
in
them
a
man
lives
in
dream
through
many
years
of
his
future
life
,
with
the
result
that
he
realizes
the
worthlessness
of
life
and
decides
to
become
a
monk.
together
with
the
development
of
the
drama
(
or
,
rather
,
the
opera
)
in
the
ming
epoch
went
an
important
endeavour
in
the
modernization
of
music
,
the
attempt
to
create
a
"
well-tempered
scale
"
made
in
##number##
by
chu
tsai-yue.
this
solved
in
china
a
problem
which
was
not
tackled
till
later
in
europe.
the
first
chinese
theorists
of
music
who
occupied
themselves
with
this
problem
were
ching
fang
(
##number##
b.c.
)
and
ho
ch
'eng-t
'ien
(
a.d.
##number##
)
.
in
the
mongol
epoch
,
most
of
the
chinese
painters
had
lived
in
central
china
;
this
remained
so
in
the
ming
epoch.
of
the
many
painters
of
the
ming
epoch
,
all
held
in
high
esteem
in
china
,
mention
must
be
made
especially
of
ch
'in
ying
(
_c_.
##number##
)
,
t
'ang
yin
(
##number##
)
,
and
tung
ch
'i-ch
'ang
(
##number##
)
.
ch
'in
ying
painted
in
the
academic
style
,
indicating
every
detail
,
however
small
,
and
showing
preference
for
a
turquoise-green
ground.
t
'ang
yin
was
the
painter
of
elegant
women
;
tung
became
famous
especially
as
a
calligraphist
and
a
theoretician
of
the
art
of
painting
;
a
textbook
of
the
art
was
written
by
him.
just
as
puppet
plays
and
shadow
theatre
are
the
"
opera
of
the
common
man
"
and
took
a
new
development
in
ming
time
,
the
wood-cut
and
block-printing
developed
largely
as
a
cheap
substitute
of
real
paintings.
the
new
urbanites
wanted
to
have
paintings
of
the
masters
and
found
in
the
wood-cut
which
soon
became
a
multi-colour
print
a
cheap
mass
medium.
block
printing
in
colours
,
developed
in
the
yangtze
valley
,
was
adopted
by
japan
and
found
its
highest
refinement
there.
but
the
ming
are
also
famous
for
their
monumental
architecture
which
largely
followed
mongol
patterns.
among
the
most
famous
examples
is
the
famous
great
wall
which
had
been
in
dilapidation
and
was
rebuilt
;
the
great
city
walls
of
peking
;
and
large
parts
of
the
palaces
of
peking
,
begun
in
the
mongol
epoch.
it
was
at
this
time
that
the
official
style
which
we
may
observe
to
this
day
in
north
china
was
developed
,
the
style
employed
everywhere
,
until
in
the
age
of
concrete
it
lost
its
justification.
in
the
ming
epoch
the
porcelain
with
blue
decoration
on
a
white
ground
became
general
;
the
first
examples
,
from
the
famous
kilns
in
ching-te-chen
,
in
the
province
of
kiangsi
,
were
relatively
coarse
,
but
in
the
fifteenth
century
the
production
was
much
finer.
in
the
sixteenth
century
the
quality
deteriorated
,
owing
to
the
disuse
of
the
cobalt
from
the
middle
east
(
perhaps
from
persia
)
in
favour
of
sumatra
cobalt
,
which
did
not
yield
the
same
brilliant
colour.
in
the
ming
epoch
there
also
appeared
the
first
brilliant
red
colour
,
a
product
of
iron
,
and
a
start
was
then
made
with
three-colour
porcelain
(
with
lead
glaze
)
or
five-colour
(
enamel
)
.
the
many
porcelains
exported
to
western
asia
and
europe
first
influenced
european
ceramics
(
delft
)
,
and
then
were
imitated
in
europe
(
boettger
)
;
the
early
european
porcelains
long
showed
chinese
influence
(
the
so-called
onion
pattern
,
blue
on
a
white
ground
)
.
in
addition
to
the
porcelain
of
the
ming
epoch
,
of
which
the
finest
specimens
are
in
the
palace
at
istanbul
,
especially
famous
are
the
lacquers
(
carved
lacquer
,
lacquer
painting
,
gold
lacquer
)
of
the
ming
epoch
and
the
cloisonne
work
of
the
same
period.
these
are
closely
associated
with
the
contemporary
work
in
japan.
##number##
_politics
at
court_
after
the
founding
of
the
dynasty
by
chu
yuean-chang
,
important
questions
had
to
be
dealt
with
apart
from
the
social
legislation.
what
was
to
be
done
,
for
instance
,
with
chu
's
helpers
?
chu
,
like
many
revolutionaries
before
and
after
him
,
recognized
that
these
people
had
been
serviceable
in
the
years
of
struggle
but
could
no
longer
remain
useful.
he
got
rid
of
them
by
the
simple
device
of
setting
one
against
another
so
that
they
murdered
one
another.
in
the
first
decades
of
his
rule
the
dangerous
cliques
of
gentry
had
formed
again
,
and
were
engaged
in
mutual
struggles.
the
most
formidable
clique
was
led
by
hu
wei-yung.
hu
was
a
man
of
the
gentry
of
chu
's
old
homeland
,
and
one
of
his
oldest
supporters.
hu
and
his
relations
controlled
the
country
after
##number##
,
until
in
##number##
chu
succeeded
in
beheading
hu
and
exterminating
his
clique.
new
cliques
formed
before
long
and
were
exterminated
in
turn.
chu
had
founded
nanking
in
the
years
of
revolution
,
and
he
made
it
his
capital.
in
so
doing
he
met
the
wishes
of
the
rich
grain
producers
of
the
yangtze
delta.
but
the
north
was
the
most
threatened
part
of
his
empire
,
so
that
troops
had
to
be
permanently
stationed
there
in
considerable
strength.
thus
peking
,
where
chu
placed
one
of
his
sons
as
"
king
"
,
was
a
post
of
exceptional
importance.
in
chu
yuean-chang
's
last
years
(
he
was
named
t
'ai
tsu
as
emperor
)
difficulties
arose
in
regard
to
the
dynasty.
the
heir
to
the
throne
died
in
##number##
;
and
when
the
emperor
himself
died
in
##number##
,
the
son
of
the
late
heir-apparent
was
installed
as
emperor
(
hui
ti
,
##number##
)
.
this
choice
had
the
support
of
some
of
the
influential
confucian
gentry
families
of
the
south.
but
a
protest
against
his
enthronement
came
from
the
other
son
of
chu
yuean-chang
,
who
as
king
in
peking
had
hoped
to
become
emperor.
with
his
strong
army
this
prince
,
ch
'eng
tsu
,
marched
south
and
captured
nanking
,
where
the
palaces
were
burnt
down.
there
was
a
great
massacre
of
supporters
of
the
young
emperor
,
and
the
victor
made
himself
emperor
(
better
known
under
his
reign
name
,
yung-lo
)
.
as
he
had
established
himself
in
peking
,
he
transferred
the
capital
to
peking
,
where
it
remained
throughout
the
ming
epoch.
nanking
became
a
sort
of
subsidiary
capital.
this
transfer
of
the
capital
to
the
north
,
as
the
result
of
the
victory
of
the
military
party
and
buddhists
allied
to
them
,
produced
a
new
element
of
instability
:
the
north
was
of
military
importance
,
but
the
yangtze
region
remained
the
economic
centre
of
the
country.
the
interests
of
the
gentry
of
the
yangtze
region
were
injured
by
the
transfer.
the
first
ming
emperor
had
taken
care
to
make
his
court
resemble
the
court
of
the
mongol
rulers
,
but
on
the
whole
had
exercised
relative
economy.
yung-lo
(
##number##
)
,
however
,
lived
in
the
actual
palaces
of
the
mongol
rulers
,
and
all
the
luxury
of
the
mongol
epoch
was
revived.
this
made
the
reign
of
yung-lo
the
most
magnificent
period
of
the
ming
epoch
,
but
beneath
the
surface
decay
had
begun.
typical
of
the
unmitigated
absolutism
which
developed
now
,
was
the
word
of
one
of
the
emperor
's
political
and
military
advisors
,
significantly
a
buddhist
monk
:
"
i
know
the
way
of
heaven.
why
discuss
the
hearts
of
the
people
?
"
##number##
_navy.
southward
expansion_
after
the
collapse
of
mongol
rule
in
indo-china
,
partly
through
the
simple
withdrawal
of
the
mongols
,
and
partly
through
attacks
from
various
chinese
generals
,
there
were
independence
movements
in
south-west
china
and
indo-china.
in
##number##
wars
broke
out
in
annam.
yung-lo
considered
that
the
time
had
come
to
annex
these
regions
to
china
and
so
to
open
a
new
field
for
chinese
trade
,
which
was
suffering
continual
disturbance
from
the
japanese.
he
sent
armies
to
yuennan
and
indo-china
;
at
the
same
time
he
had
a
fleet
built
by
one
of
his
eunuchs
,
cheng
ho.
the
fleet
was
successfully
protected
from
attack
by
the
japanese.
cheng
ho
,
who
had
promoted
the
plan
and
also
carried
it
out
,
began
in
##number##
his
famous
mission
to
indo-china
,
which
had
been
envisaged
as
giving
at
least
moral
support
to
the
land
operations
,
but
was
also
intended
to
renew
trade
connections
with
indo-china
,
where
they
had
been
interrupted
by
the
collapse
of
mongol
rule.
cheng
ho
sailed
past
indo-china
and
ultimately
reached
the
coast
of
arabia.
his
account
of
his
voyage
is
an
important
source
of
information
about
conditions
in
southern
asia
early
in
the
fifteenth
century.
cheng
ho
and
his
fleet
made
some
further
cruises
,
but
they
were
discontinued.
there
may
have
been
several
reasons
,
(
##number##
)
as
state
enterprises
,
the
expeditions
were
very
costly.
foreign
goods
could
be
obtained
more
cheaply
and
with
less
trouble
if
foreign
merchants
came
themselves
to
china
or
chinese
merchants
travelled
at
their
own
risk.
(
##number##
)
the
moral
success
of
the
naval
enterprises
was
assured.
china
was
recognized
as
a
power
throughout
southern
asia
,
and
annam
had
been
reconquered.
(
##number##
)
after
the
collapse
of
the
mongol
emperor
timur
,
who
died
in
##number##
,
there
no
longer
existed
any
great
power
in
central
asia
,
so
that
trade
missions
from
the
kingdom
of
the
shahruk
in
north
persia
were
able
to
make
their
way
to
china
,
including
the
famous
mission
of
##number##
(
##number##
)
finally
,
the
fleet
would
have
had
to
be
permanently
guarded
against
the
japanese
,
as
it
had
been
stationed
not
in
south
china
but
in
the
yangtze
region.
as
early
as
##number##
the
canals
had
been
repaired
,
and
from
##number##
onward
all
the
traffic
of
the
country
went
by
the
canals
,
so
evading
the
japanese
peril.
this
ended
the
short
chapter
of
chinese
naval
history.
these
travels
of
cheng
ho
seem
to
have
had
one
more
cultural
result
:
a
large
number
of
fairy-tales
from
the
middle
east
were
brought
to
china
,
or
at
all
events
reached
china
at
that
time.
the
chinese
,
being
a
realistically-minded
people
,
have
produced
few
fairy-tales
of
their
own.
the
bulk
of
their
finest
fairy-tales
were
brought
by
buddhist
monks
,
in
the
course
of
the
first
millennium
a.d.
,
from
india
by
way
of
central
asia.
the
buddhists
made
use
of
them
to
render
their
sermons
more
interesting
and
impressive.
as
time
went
on
,
these
stories
spread
all
over
china
,
modified
in
harmony
with
the
spirit
of
the
people
and
adapted
to
the
chinese
environment.
only
the
fables
failed
to
strike
root
in
china
:
the
matter-of-fact
chinese
was
not
interested
in
animals
that
talked
and
behaved
to
each
other
like
human
beings.
in
addition
,
however
,
to
these
early
fairy-tales
,
there
was
another
group
of
stories
that
did
not
spread
throughout
china
,
but
were
found
only
in
the
south-eastern
coastal
provinces.
these
came
from
the
middle
east
,
especially
from
persia.
the
fairy-tales
of
indian
origin
spread
not
only
to
central
asia
but
at
the
same
time
to
persia
,
where
they
found
a
very
congenial
soil.
the
persians
made
radical
changes
in
the
stories
and
gave
them
the
form
in
which
they
came
to
europe
by
various
routes
--
through
north
africa
to
spain
and
france
;
through
constantinople
,
venice
,
or
genoa
to
france
;
through
russian
turkestan
to
russia
,
finland
,
and
sweden
;
through
turkey
and
the
balkans
to
hungary
and
germany.
thus
the
stories
found
a
european
home.
and
this
same
persian
form
was
carried
by
sea
in
cheng
ho
's
time
to
south
china.
thus
we
have
the
strange
experience
of
finding
some
of
our
own
finest
fairy-tales
in
almost
the
same
form
in
south
china.
##number##
_struggles
between
cliques_
yung-lo
's
successor
died
early.
under
the
latter
's
son
,
the
emperor
hsuean
tsung
(
##number##
;
reign
name
hsuean-te
)
,
fixed
numbers
of
candidates
were
assigned
for
the
state
examinations.
it
had
been
found
that
almost
the
whole
of
the
gentry
in
the
yangtze
region
sat
at
the
examinations
;
and
that
at
these
examinations
their
representatives
made
sure
,
through
their
mutual
relations
,
that
only
their
members
should
pass
,
so
that
the
candidates
from
the
north
were
virtually
excluded.
the
important
military
clique
in
the
north
protested
against
this
,
and
a
compromise
was
arrived
at
:
at
every
examination
one-third
of
the
candidates
must
come
from
the
north
and
two-thirds
from
the
south.
this
system
lasted
for
a
long
time
,
and
led
to
many
disputes.
at
his
death
hsuean
tsung
left
the
empire
to
his
eight-year-old
son
ying
tsung
(
##number##
and
##number##
)
,
who
was
entirely
in
the
hands
of
the
yang
clique
,
which
was
associated
with
his
grandmother.
soon
,
however
,
another
clique
,
led
by
the
eunuch
wang
chen
,
gained
the
upper
hand
at
court.
the
mongols
were
very
active
at
this
time
,
and
made
several
raids
on
the
province
of
shansi
;
wang
chen
proposed
a
great
campaign
against
them
,
and
in
this
campaign
he
took
with
him
the
young
emperor
,
who
had
reached
his
twenty-first
birthday
in
##number##
the
emperor
had
grown
up
in
the
palace
and
knew
nothing
of
the
world
outside
;
he
was
therefore
glad
to
go
with
wang
chen
;
but
that
eunuch
had
also
lived
in
the
palace
and
also
knew
nothing
of
the
world
,
and
in
particular
of
war.
consequently
he
failed
in
the
organization
of
reinforcements
for
his
army
,
some
##number##
strong
;
after
a
few
brief
engagements
the
oirat-mongol
prince
esen
had
the
imperial
army
surrounded
and
the
emperor
a
prisoner.
the
eunuch
wang
chen
came
to
his
end
,
and
his
clique
,
of
course
,
no
longer
counted.
the
mongols
had
no
intention
of
killing
the
emperor
;
they
proposed
to
hold
him
to
ransom
,
at
a
high
price.
the
various
cliques
at
court
cared
little
,
however
,
about
their
ruler.
after
the
fall
of
the
wang
clique
there
were
two
others
,
of
which
one
,
that
of
general
yue
,
became
particularly
powerful
,
as
he
had
been
able
to
repel
a
mongol
attack
on
peking.
yue
proclaimed
a
new
emperor
--
not
the
captive
emperor
's
son
,
a
baby
,
but
his
brother
,
who
became
the
emperor
ching
tsung.
the
yang
clique
insisted
on
the
rights
of
the
imperial
baby.
from
all
this
the
mongols
saw
that
the
chinese
were
not
inclined
to
spend
a
lot
of
money
on
their
imperial
captive.
accordingly
they
made
an
enormous
reduction
in
the
ransom
demanded
,
and
more
or
less
forced
the
chinese
to
take
back
their
former
emperor.
the
mongols
hoped
that
this
would
at
least
produce
political
disturbances
by
which
they
might
profit
,
once
the
old
emperor
was
back
in
peking.
and
this
did
soon
happen.
at
first
the
ransomed
emperor
was
pushed
out
of
sight
into
a
palace
,
and
ching
tsung
continued
to
reign.
but
in
##number##
ching
tsung
fell
ill
,
and
a
successor
to
him
had
to
be
chosen.
the
yue
clique
wanted
to
have
the
son
of
ching
tsung
;
the
yang
clique
wanted
the
son
of
the
deposed
emperor
ying
tsung.
no
agreement
was
reached
,
so
that
in
the
end
a
third
clique
,
led
by
the
soldier
shih
heng
,
who
had
helped
to
defend
peking
against
the
mongols
,
found
its
opportunity
,
and
by
a
_coup
d
'etat_
reinstated
the
deposed
emperor
ying
tsung.
this
was
not
done
out
of
love
for
the
emperor
,
but
because
shih
heng
hoped
that
under
the
rule
of
the
completely
incompetent
ying
tsung
he
could
best
carry
out
a
plan
of
his
own
,
to
set
up
his
own
dynasty.
it
is
not
so
easy
,
however
,
to
carry
a
conspiracy
to
success
when
there
are
several
rival
parties
,
each
of
which
is
ready
to
betray
any
of
the
others.
shih
heng
's
plan
became
known
before
long
,
and
he
himself
was
beheaded
(
##number##
)
.
the
next
forty
years
were
filled
with
struggles
between
cliques
,
which
steadily
grew
in
ferocity
,
particularly
since
a
special
office
,
a
sort
of
secret
police
headquarters
,
was
set
up
in
the
palace
,
with
functions
which
it
extended
beyond
the
palace
,
with
the
result
that
many
people
were
arrested
and
disappeared.
this
office
was
set
up
by
the
eunuchs
and
the
clique
at
their
back
,
and
was
the
first
dictatorial
organ
created
in
the
course
of
a
development
towards
despotism
that
made
steady
progress
in
these
years.
in
##number##
wu
tsung
came
to
the
throne
,
an
inexperienced
youth
of
fifteen
who
was
entirely
controlled
by
the
eunuchs
who
had
brought
him
up.
the
leader
of
the
eunuchs
was
liu
chin
,
who
had
the
support
of
a
group
of
people
of
the
gentry
and
the
middle
class.
liu
chin
succeeded
within
a
year
in
getting
rid
of
the
eunuchs
at
court
who
belonged
to
other
cliques
and
were
working
against
him.
after
that
he
proceeded
to
establish
his
power.
he
secured
in
entirely
official
form
the
emperor
's
permission
for
him
to
issue
all
commands
himself
;
the
emperor
devoted
himself
only
to
his
pleasures
,
and
care
was
taken
that
they
should
keep
him
sufficiently
occupied
to
have
no
chance
to
notice
what
was
going
on
in
the
country.
the
first
important
decree
issued
by
liu
chin
resulted
in
the
removal
from
office
or
the
punishment
or
murder
of
over
three
hundred
prominent
persons
,
the
leaders
of
the
cliques
opposed
to
him.
he
filled
their
posts
with
his
own
supporters
,
until
all
the
higher
posts
in
every
department
were
in
the
hands
of
members
of
his
group.
he
collected
large
sums
of
money
which
he
quite
openly
extracted
from
the
provinces
as
a
special
tax
for
his
own
benefit.
when
later
his
house
was
searched
there
were
found
##number##
bars
and
##number##
pieces
of
gold
(
a
bar
was
equivalent
of
ten
pieces
)
,
##number##
ounces
and
##number##
bars
of
silver
(
a
bar
was
five
ounces
)
,
three
bushels
of
precious
stones
,
two
gold
cuirasses
,
##number##
gold
rings
,
and
much
else
--
of
a
total
value
exceeding
the
annual
budget
of
the
state
!
the
treasure
was
to
have
been
used
to
finance
a
revolt
planned
by
liu
chin
and
his
supporters.
among
the
people
whom
liu
chin
had
punished
were
several
members
of
the
former
clique
of
the
yang
,
and
also
the
philosopher
wang
yang-ming
,
who
later
became
so
famous
,
a
member
of
the
wang
family
which
was
allied
to
the
yang.
in
##number##
the
yang
won
over
one
of
the
eunuchs
in
the
palace
and
so
became
acquainted
with
liu
chin
's
plans.
when
a
revolt
broke
out
in
western
china
,
this
eunuch
(
whose
political
allegiance
was
,
of
course
,
unknown
to
liu
chin
)
secured
appointment
as
army
commander.
with
the
army
intended
for
the
crushing
of
the
revolt
,
liu
chin
's
palace
was
attacked
when
he
was
asleep
,
and
he
and
all
his
supporters
were
arrested.
thus
the
other
group
came
into
power
in
the
palace
,
including
the
philosopher
wang
yang-ming
(
##number##
)
.
liu
chin
's
rule
had
done
great
harm
to
the
country
,
as
enormous
taxation
had
been
expended
for
the
private
benefit
of
his
clique.
on
top
of
this
had
been
the
young
emperor
's
extravagance
:
his
latest
pleasures
had
been
the
building
of
palaces
and
the
carrying
out
of
military
games
;
he
constantly
assumed
new
military
titles
and
was
burning
to
go
to
war.
##number##
_risings_
the
emperor
might
have
had
a
good
opportunity
for
fighting
,
for
his
misrule
had
resulted
in
a
great
popular
rising
which
began
in
the
west
,
in
szechwan
,
and
then
spread
to
the
east.
as
always
,
the
rising
was
joined
by
some
ruined
scholars
,
and
the
movement
,
which
had
at
first
been
directed
against
the
gentry
as
such
,
was
turned
into
a
movement
against
the
government
of
the
moment.
no
longer
were
all
the
wealthy
and
all
officials
murdered
,
but
only
those
who
did
not
join
the
movement.
in
##number##
the
rebels
were
finally
overcome
,
not
so
much
by
any
military
capacity
of
the
government
armies
as
through
the
loss
of
the
rebels
'
fleet
of
boats
in
a
typhoon.
in
##number##
a
new
favourite
of
the
emperor
's
induced
him
to
make
a
great
tour
in
the
north
,
to
which
the
favourite
belonged.
the
tour
and
the
hunting
greatly
pleased
the
emperor
,
so
that
he
continued
his
journeying.
this
was
the
year
in
which
the
portuguese
fernao
pires
de
andrade
landed
in
canton
--
the
first
modern
european
to
enter
china.
in
##number##
wang
yang-ming
,
the
philosopher
general
,
crushed
a
rising
in
kiangsi.
the
rising
had
been
the
outcome
of
years
of
unrest
,
which
had
two
causes
:
native
risings
of
the
sort
we
described
above
,
and
loss
for
the
gentry
due
to
the
transfer
of
the
capital.
the
province
of
kiangsi
was
a
part
of
the
yangtze
region
,
and
the
great
landowners
there
had
lived
on
the
profit
from
their
supplies
to
nanking.
when
the
capital
was
moved
to
peking
,
their
takings
fell.
they
placed
themselves
under
a
prince
who
lived
in
nanking.
this
prince
regarded
wang
yang-ming
's
move
into
kiangsi
as
a
threat
to
him
,
and
so
rose
openly
against
the
government
and
supported
the
kiangsi
gentry.
wang
yang-ming
defeated
him
,
and
so
came
into
the
highest
favour
with
the
incompetent
emperor.
when
peace
had
been
restored
in
nanking
,
the
emperor
dressed
himself
up
as
an
army
commander
,
marched
south
,
and
made
a
triumphal
entry
into
nanking.
one
other
aspect
of
wang
yang-ming
's
expeditions
has
not
yet
been
studied
:
he
crushed
also
the
so-called
salt-merchant
rebels
in
the
southernmost
part
of
kiangsi
and
adjoining
kwangtung.
these
merchants-turned-rebels
had
dominated
a
small
area
,
off
and
on
since
the
eleventh
century.
at
this
moment
,
they
seem
to
have
had
connections
with
the
rich
inland
merchants
of
hsin-an
and
perhaps
also
with
foreigners.
information
is
still
too
scanty
to
give
more
details
,
but
a
local
movement
as
persistent
as
this
one
deserves
attention.
wang
yang-ming
became
acquainted
as
early
as
##number##
with
the
first
european
rifles
,
imported
by
the
portuguese
who
had
landed
in
##number##
(
the
chinese
then
called
them
fu-lan-chi
,
meaning
franks.
wang
was
the
first
chinese
who
spoke
of
the
"
franks
"
.
)
the
chinese
had
already
had
mortars
which
hurled
stones
,
as
early
as
the
second
century
a.d.
in
the
seventh
or
eighth
century
their
mortars
had
sent
stones
of
a
couple
of
hundredweights
some
four
hundred
yards.
there
is
mention
in
the
eleventh
century
of
cannon
which
apparently
shot
with
a
charge
of
a
sort
of
gunpowder.
the
mongols
were
already
using
true
cannon
in
their
sieges.
in
##number##
,
the
first
portuguese
were
presented
to
the
chinese
emperor
in
nanking
,
where
they
were
entertained
for
about
a
year
in
a
hostel
,
a
certain
lin
hsuen
learned
about
their
rifles
and
copied
them
for
wang
yang-ming.
in
general
,
however
,
the
chinese
had
no
respect
for
the
europeans
,
whom
they
described
as
"
bandits
"
who
had
expelled
the
lawful
king
of
malacca
and
had
now
come
to
china
as
its
representatives.
later
they
were
regarded
as
a
sort
of
japanese
,
because
they
,
too
,
practiced
piracy.
##number##
_machiavellism_
all
main
schools
of
chinese
philosophy
were
still
based
on
confucius.
wang
yang-ming
's
philosophy
also
followed
confucius
,
but
he
liberated
himself
from
the
neo-confucian
tendency
as
represented
by
chu
hsi
,
which
started
in
the
sung
epoch
and
continued
to
rule
in
china
in
his
time
and
after
him
;
he
introduced
into
confucian
philosophy
the
conception
of
"
intuition
"
.
he
regarded
intuition
as
the
decisive
philosophic
experience
;
only
through
intuition
could
man
come
to
true
knowledge.
this
idea
shows
an
element
of
meditative
buddhism
along
lines
which
the
philosopher
lu
hsiang-shan
(
##number##
)
had
first
developed
,
while
classical
neo-confucianism
was
more
an
integration
of
monastic
buddhism
into
confucianism.
lu
had
felt
himself
close
to
wang
an-shih
(
##number##
)
,
and
this
whole
school
,
representing
the
small
gentry
of
the
yangtze
area
,
was
called
the
southern
or
the
lin-ch
'uan
school
,
lin-ch
'uan
in
kiangsi
being
wang
an-shih
's
home.
during
the
mongol
period
,
a
taoist
group
,
the
_cheng-i-chiao_
(
correct
unity
sect
)
had
developed
in
lin-ch
'uan
and
had
accepted
some
of
the
lin-ch
'uan
school
's
ideas.
originally
,
this
group
was
a
continuation
of
chang
ling
's
church
taoism.
through
the
_cheng-i_
adherents
,
the
southern
school
had
gained
political
influence
on
the
despotic
mongol
rulers.
the
despotic
yung-lo
emperor
had
favoured
the
monk
tao-yen
(
_c_.
##number##
)
who
had
also
taoist
training
and
proposed
a
philosophy
which
also
stressed
intuition.
he
was
,
incidentally
,
in
charge
of
the
compilation
of
the
largest
encyclopaedia
ever
written
,
the
_yung-lo
ta-tien_
commissioned
by
the
yung-lo
emperor.
wang
yang-ming
followed
the
lin-ch
'uan
tradition.
the
introduction
of
the
conception
of
intuition
,
a
highly
subjective
conception
,
into
the
system
of
a
practical
state
philosophy
like
confucianism
could
not
but
lead
in
the
practice
of
the
statesman
to
machiavellism.
the
statesman
who
followed
the
teaching
of
wang
yang-ming
had
the
opportunity
of
justifying
whatever
he
did
by
his
intuition.
wang
yang-ming
failed
to
gain
acceptance
for
his
philosophy.
his
disciples
also
failed
to
establish
his
doctrine
in
china
,
because
it
served
the
interests
of
an
individual
despot
against
those
of
the
gentry
as
a
class
,
and
the
middle
class
,
which
might
have
formed
a
counterweight
against
them
,
was
not
yet
politically
ripe
for
the
seizure
of
the
opportunity
here
offered
to
it.
in
japan
,
however
,
wang
's
doctrine
gained
many
followers
,
because
it
admirably
served
the
dictatorial
state
system
which
had
developed
in
that
country.
incidentally
,
chiang
kai-shek
in
those
years
in
which
he
showed
fascist
tendencies
,
also
got
interested
in
wang
yang-ming.
##number##
_foreign
relations
in
the
sixteenth
century_
the
feeble
emperor
wu
tsung
died
in
##number##
,
after
an
ineffective
reign
,
without
leaving
an
heir.
the
clique
then
in
power
at
court
looked
among
the
possible
pretenders
for
the
one
who
seemed
least
likely
to
do
anything
,
and
their
choice
fell
on
the
fifteen-year-old
shih
tsung
,
who
was
made
emperor.
the
forty-five
years
of
his
reign
were
filled
in
home
affairs
with
intrigues
between
the
cliques
at
court
,
with
growing
distress
in
the
country
,
and
with
revolts
on
a
larger
and
larger
scale.
abroad
there
were
wars
with
annam
,
increasing
raids
by
the
japanese
,
and
,
above
all
,
long-continued
fighting
against
the
famous
mongol
ruler
yen-ta
,
from
##number##
onward.
at
one
time
yen-ta
reached
peking
and
laid
siege
to
it.
the
emperor
,
who
had
no
knowledge
of
affairs
,
and
to
whom
yen-ta
had
been
represented
as
a
petty
bandit
,
was
utterly
dismayed
and
ready
to
do
whatever
yen-ta
asked
;
in
the
end
he
was
dissuaded
from
this
,
and
an
agreement
was
arrived
at
with
yen-ta
for
state-controlled
markets
to
be
set
up
along
the
frontier
,
where
the
mongols
could
dispose
of
their
goods
against
chinese
goods
on
very
favourable
terms.
after
further
difficulties
lasting
many
years
,
a
compromise
was
arrived
at
:
the
mongols
were
earning
good
profits
from
the
markets
,
and
in
##number##
yen-ta
accepted
a
chinese
title.
on
the
chinese
side
,
this
mongol
trade
,
which
continued
in
rather
different
form
in
the
manchu
epoch
,
led
to
the
formation
of
a
local
merchant
class
in
the
frontier
province
of
shansi
,
with
great
experience
in
credit
business
;
later
the
first
chinese
bankers
came
almost
entirely
from
this
quarter.
after
a
brief
interregnum
there
came
once
more
to
the
throne
a
ten-year-old
boy
,
the
emperor
shen
tsung
(
reign
name
wan-li
;
##number##
)
.
he
,
too
,
was
entirely
under
the
influence
of
various
cliques
,
at
first
that
of
his
tutor
,
the
scholar
chang
chue-chan.
about
the
time
of
the
death
,
in
##number##
,
of
yen-ta
we
hear
for
the
first
time
of
a
new
people.
in
##number##
there
had
been
unrest
in
southern
manchuria.
the
mongolian
tribal
federation
of
the
tuemet
attacked
china
,
and
there
resulted
collisions
not
only
with
the
chinese
but
between
the
different
tribes
living
there.
in
southern
and
central
manchuria
were
remnants
of
the
tungus
juchen.
the
mongols
had
subjugated
the
juchen
,
but
the
latter
had
virtually
become
independent
after
the
collapse
of
mongol
rule
over
china.
they
had
formed
several
tribal
alliances
,
but
in
##number##
these
fought
each
other
,
so
that
one
of
the
alliances
to
all
intents
was
destroyed.
the
chinese
intervened
as
mediators
in
these
struggles
,
and
drew
a
demarcation
line
between
the
territories
of
the
various
tungus
tribes.
all
this
is
only
worth
mention
because
it
was
from
these
tribes
that
there
developed
the
tribal
league
of
the
manchus
,
who
were
then
to
rule
china
for
some
three
hundred
years.
in
##number##
the
japanese
invaded
korea.
this
was
their
first
real
effort
to
set
foot
on
the
continent
,
a
purely
imperialistic
move.
korea
,
as
a
chinese
vassal
,
appealed
for
chinese
aid.
at
first
the
chinese
army
had
no
success
,
but
in
##number##
the
japanese
were
forced
to
abandon
korea.
they
revenged
themselves
by
intensifying
their
raids
on
the
coast
of
central
china
;
they
often
massacred
whole
towns
,
and
burned
down
the
looted
houses.
the
fighting
in
korea
had
its
influence
on
the
tungus
tribes
:
as
they
were
not
directly
involved
,
it
contributed
to
their
further
strengthening.
the
east
india
company
was
founded
in
##number##
at
this
time
,
while
the
english
were
trying
to
establish
themselves
in
india
,
the
chinese
tried
to
gain
increased
influence
in
the
south
by
wars
in
annam
,
burma
,
and
thailand
(
##number##
)
.
these
wars
were
for
china
colonial
wars
,
similar
to
the
colonial
fighting
by
the
british
in
india.
but
there
began
to
be
defined
already
at
that
time
in
the
south
of
asia
the
outlines
of
the
states
as
they
exist
at
the
present
time.
in
##number##
the
first
european
,
the
jesuit
matteo
ricci
,
succeeded
in
gaining
access
to
the
chinese
court
,
through
the
agency
of
a
eunuch.
he
made
some
presents
,
and
the
chinese
regarded
his
visit
as
a
mission
from
europe
bringing
tribute.
ricci
was
therefore
permitted
to
remain
in
peking.
he
was
an
astronomer
and
was
able
to
demonstrate
to
his
chinese
colleagues
the
latest
achievements
of
european
astronomy.
in
##number##
,
after
ricci
's
death
,
the
jesuits
and
some
chinese
whom
they
had
converted
were
commissioned
to
reform
the
chinese
calendar.
in
the
time
of
the
mongols
,
arabs
had
been
at
work
in
peking
as
astronomers
,
and
their
influence
had
continued
under
the
ming
until
the
europeans
came.
by
his
astronomical
labours
ricci
won
a
place
of
honour
in
chinese
literature
;
he
is
the
european
most
often
mentioned.
the
missionary
work
was
less
effective.
the
missionaries
penetrated
by
the
old
trade
routes
from
canton
and
macao
into
the
province
of
kiangsi
and
then
into
nanking.
kiangsi
and
nanking
were
their
chief
centres.
they
soon
realized
that
missionary
activity
that
began
in
the
lower
strata
would
have
no
success
;
it
was
necessary
to
work
from
above
,
beginning
with
the
emperor
,
and
then
,
they
hoped
,
the
whole
country
could
be
converted
to
christianity.
when
later
the
emperors
of
the
ming
dynasty
were
expelled
and
fugitives
in
south
china
,
one
of
the
pretenders
to
the
throne
was
actually
converted
--
but
it
was
politically
too
late.
the
missionaries
had
,
moreover
,
mistaken
ideas
as
to
the
nature
of
chinese
religion
;
we
know
today
that
a
universal
adoption
of
christianity
in
china
would
have
been
impossible
even
if
an
emperor
had
personally
adopted
that
foreign
faith
:
there
were
emperors
who
had
been
interested
in
buddhism
or
in
taoism
,
but
that
had
been
their
private
affair
and
had
never
prevented
them
,
as
heads
of
the
state
,
from
promoting
the
religious
system
which
politically
was
the
most
expedient
--
that
is
to
say
,
usually
confucianism.
what
we
have
said
here
in
regard
to
the
christian
mission
at
the
ming
court
is
applicable
also
to
the
missionaries
at
the
court
of
the
first
manchu
emperors
,
in
the
seventeenth
century.
early
in
the
eighteenth
century
missionary
activity
was
prohibited
--
not
for
religious
but
for
political
reasons
,
and
only
under
the
pressure
of
the
capitulations
in
the
nineteenth
century
were
the
missionaries
enabled
to
resume
their
labours.
##number##
_external
and
internal
perils_
towards
the
end
of
the
reign
of
wan-li
,
about
##number##
,
the
danger
that
threatened
the
empire
became
more
and
more
evident.
the
manchus
complained
,
no
doubt
with
justice
,
of
excesses
on
the
part
of
chinese
officials
;
the
friction
constantly
increased
,
and
the
manchus
began
to
attack
the
chinese
cities
in
manchuria.
in
##number##
,
after
his
first
considerable
successes
,
their
leader
nurhachu
assumed
the
imperial
title
;
the
name
of
the
dynasty
was
tai
ch
'ing
(
interpreted
as
"
the
great
clarity
"
,
but
probably
a
transliteration
of
a
manchurian
word
meaning
"
hero
"
)
.
in
##number##
,
the
year
in
which
the
thirty
years
war
started
in
europe
,
the
manchus
conquered
the
greater
part
of
manchuria
,
and
in
##number##
their
capital
was
liaoyang
,
then
the
largest
town
in
manchuria.
but
the
manchu
menace
was
far
from
being
the
only
one.
on
the
south-east
coast
a
pirate
made
himself
independent
;
later
,
with
his
family
,
he
dominated
formosa
and
fought
many
battles
with
the
europeans
there
(
european
sources
call
him
coxinga
)
.
in
western
china
there
came
a
great
popular
rising
,
in
which
some
of
the
natives
joined
,
and
which
spread
through
a
large
part
of
the
southern
provinces.
this
rising
was
particularly
sanguinary
,
and
when
it
was
ultimately
crushed
by
the
manchus
the
province
of
szechwan
,
formerly
so
populous
,
was
almost
depopulated
,
so
that
it
had
later
to
be
resettled.
and
in
the
province
of
shantung
in
the
east
there
came
another
great
rising
,
also
very
sanguinary
,
that
of
the
secret
society
of
the
"
white
lotus
"
.
we
have
already
pointed
out
that
these
risings
of
secret
societies
were
always
a
sign
of
intolerable
conditions
among
the
peasantry.
this
was
now
the
case
once
more.
all
the
elements
of
danger
which
we
mentioned
at
the
outset
of
this
chapter
began
during
this
period
,
between
##number##
and
##number##
,
to
develop
to
the
full.
then
there
were
the
conditions
in
the
capital
itself.
the
struggles
between
cliques
came
to
a
climax.
on
the
death
of
shen
tsung
(
or
wan-li
;
##number##
)
,
he
was
succeeded
by
his
son
,
who
died
scarcely
a
month
later
,
and
then
by
his
sixteen-year-old
grandson.
the
grandson
had
been
from
his
earliest
youth
under
the
influence
of
a
eunuch
,
wei
chung-hsien
,
who
had
castrated
himself.
with
the
emperor
's
wet-nurse
and
other
people
,
mostly
of
the
middle
class
,
this
man
formed
a
powerful
group.
the
moment
the
new
emperor
ascended
the
throne
,
wei
was
all-powerful.
he
began
by
murdering
every
eunuch
who
did
not
belong
to
his
clique
,
and
then
murdered
the
rest
of
his
opponents.
meanwhile
the
gentry
had
concluded
among
themselves
a
defensive
alliance
that
was
a
sort
of
party
;
this
party
was
called
the
tung-lin
academy.
it
was
confined
to
literati
among
the
gentry
,
and
included
in
particular
the
literati
who
had
failed
to
make
their
way
at
court
,
and
who
lived
on
their
estates
in
central
china
and
were
trying
to
gain
power
themselves.
this
group
was
opposed
to
wei
chung-hsien
,
who
ruthlessly
had
every
discoverable
member
murdered.
the
remainder
went
into
hiding
and
organized
themselves
secretly
under
another
name.
as
the
new
emperor
had
no
son
,
the
attempt
was
made
to
foist
a
son
upon
him
;
at
his
death
in
##number##
,
eight
women
of
the
harem
were
suddenly
found
to
be
pregnant
!
he
was
succeeded
by
his
brother
,
who
was
one
of
the
opponents
of
wei
chung-hsien
and
,
with
the
aid
of
the
opposing
clique
,
was
able
to
bring
him
to
his
end.
the
new
emperor
tried
to
restore
order
at
court
and
in
the
capital
by
means
of
political
and
economic
decrees
,
but
in
spite
of
his
good
intentions
and
his
unquestionable
capacity
he
was
unable
to
cope
with
the
universal
confusion.
there
was
insurrection
in
every
part
of
the
country.
the
gentry
,
organized
in
their
"
academies
"
,
and
secretly
at
work
in
the
provinces
,
no
longer
supported
the
government
;
the
central
power
no
longer
had
adequate
revenues
,
so
that
it
was
unable
to
pay
the
armies
that
should
have
marched
against
all
the
rebels
and
also
against
external
enemies.
it
was
clear
that
the
dynasty
was
approaching
its
end
,
and
the
only
uncertainty
was
as
to
its
successor.
the
various
insurgents
negotiated
or
fought
with
each
other
;
generals
loyal
to
the
government
won
occasional
successes
against
the
rebels
;
other
generals
went
over
to
the
rebels
or
to
the
manchus.
the
two
most
successful
leaders
of
bands
were
li
tz
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'eng
and
chang
hsien-chung.
li
came
from
the
province
of
shensi
;
he
had
come
to
the
fore
during
a
disastrous
famine
in
his
country.
the
years
around
##number##
brought
several
widespread
droughts
in
north
china
,
a
natural
phenomenon
that
was
repeated
in
the
nineteenth
century
,
when
unrest
again
ensued.
chang
hsien-chung
returned
for
a
time
to
the
support
of
the
government
,
but
later
established
himself
in
western
china.
it
was
typical
,
however
,
of
all
these
insurgents
that
none
of
them
had
any
great
objective
in
view.
they
wanted
to
get
enough
to
eat
for
themselves
and
their
followers
;
they
wanted
to
enrich
themselves
by
conquest
;
but
they
were
incapable
of
building
up
an
ordered
and
new
administration.
li
ultimately
made
himself
"
king
"
in
the
province
of
shensi
and
called
his
dynasty
"
shun
"
,
but
this
made
no
difference
:
there
was
no
distribution
of
land
among
the
peasants
serving
in
li
's
army
;
no
plan
was
set
into
operation
for
the
collection
of
taxes
;
not
one
of
the
pressing
problems
was
faced.
meanwhile
the
manchus
were
gaining
support.
almost
all
the
mongol
princes
voluntarily
joined
them
and
took
part
in
the
raids
into
north
china.
in
##number##
the
united
manchus
and
mongols
conquered
korea.
their
power
steadily
grew.
what
the
insurgents
in
china
failed
to
achieve
,
the
manchus
achieved
with
the
aid
of
their
chinese
advisers
:
they
created
a
new
military
organization
,
the
"
banner
organization
"
.
the
men
fit
for
service
were
distributed
among
eight
"
banners
"
,
and
these
banners
became
the
basis
of
the
manchu
state
administration.
by
this
device
the
manchus
emerged
from
the
stage
of
tribal
union
,
just
as
before
them
turks
and
other
northern
peoples
had
several
times
abandoned
the
traditional
authority
of
a
hierarchy
of
tribal
leaders
,
a
system
of
ruling
families
,
in
favour
of
the
authority
,
based
on
efficiency
,
of
military
leaders.
at
the
same
time
the
manchus
set
up
a
central
government
with
special
ministries
on
the
chinese
model.
in
##number##
the
manchus
appeared
before
peking
,
but
they
retired
once
more.
manchu
armies
even
reached
the
province
of
shantung.
they
were
hampered
by
the
death
at
the
critical
moment
of
the
manchu
ruler
abahai
(
##number##
)
.
his
son
fu
lin
was
not
entirely
normal
and
was
barely
six
years
old
;
there
was
a
regency
of
princes
,
the
most
prominent
among
them
being
prince
dorgon.
meanwhile
li
tz
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'eng
broke
through
to
peking.
the
city
had
a
strong
garrison
,
but
owing
to
the
disorganization
of
the
government
the
different
commanders
were
working
against
each
other
;
and
the
soldiers
had
no
fighting
spirit
because
they
had
no
pay
for
a
long
time.
thus
the
city
fell
,
on
april
24th
,
##number##
,
and
the
last
ming
emperor
killed
himself.
a
prince
was
proclaimed
emperor
;
he
fled
through
western
and
southern
china
,
continually
trying
to
make
a
stand
,
but
it
was
too
late
;
without
the
support
of
the
gentry
he
had
no
resource
,
and
ultimately
,
in
##number##
,
he
was
compelled
to
flee
into
burma.
thus
li
tz
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'eng
was
now
emperor.
it
should
have
been
his
task
rapidly
to
build
up
a
government
,
and
to
take
up
arms
against
the
other
rebels
and
against
the
manchus.
instead
of
this
he
behaved
in
such
a
way
that
he
was
unable
to
gain
any
support
from
the
existing
officials
in
the
capital
;
and
as
there
was
no
one
among
his
former
supporters
who
had
any
positive
,
constructive
ideas
,
just
nothing
was
done.
this
,
however
,
improved
the
chances
of
all
the
other
aspirants
to
the
imperial
throne.
the
first
to
realize
this
clearly
,
and
also
to
possess
enough
political
sagacity
to
avoid
alienating
the
gentry
,
was
general
wu
san-kui
,
who
was
commanding
on
the
manchu
front.
he
saw
that
in
the
existing
conditions
in
the
capital
he
could
easily
secure
the
imperial
throne
for
himself
if
only
he
had
enough
soldiers.
accordingly
he
negotiated
with
the
manchu
prince
dorgon
,
formed
an
alliance
with
the
manchus
,
and
with
them
entered
peking
on
june
6th
,
##number##
li
tz
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'eng
quickly
looted
the
city
,
burned
down
whatever
he
could
,
and
fled
into
the
west
,
continually
pursued
by
wu
san-kui.
in
the
end
he
was
abandoned
by
all
his
supporters
and
killed
by
peasants.
the
manchus
,
however
,
had
no
intention
of
leaving
wu
san-kui
in
power
:
they
established
themselves
in
peking
,
and
wu
became
their
general.
(
c
)
the
manchu
dynasty
(
##number##
)
##number##
_installation
of
manchus_
the
manchus
had
gained
the
mastery
over
china
owing
rather
to
china
's
internal
situation
than
to
their
military
superiority.
how
was
it
that
the
dynasty
could
endure
for
so
long
,
although
the
manchus
were
not
numerous
,
although
the
first
manchu
ruler
(
fu
lin
,
known
under
the
rule
name
shun-chih
;
##number##
)
was
a
psychopathic
youth
,
although
there
were
princes
of
the
ming
dynasty
ruling
in
south
china
,
and
although
there
were
strong
groups
of
rebels
all
over
the
country
?
the
manchus
were
aliens
;
at
that
time
the
national
feeling
of
the
chinese
had
already
been
awakened
;
aliens
were
despised.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
manchus
demanded
that
as
a
sign
of
their
subjection
the
chinese
should
wear
pigtails
and
assume
manchurian
clothing
(
law
of
##number##
)
.
such
laws
could
not
but
offend
national
pride.
moreover
,
marriages
between
manchus
and
chinese
were
prohibited
,
and
a
dual
government
was
set
up
,
with
manchus
always
alongside
chinese
in
every
office
,
the
manchus
being
of
course
in
the
superior
position.
the
manchu
soldiers
were
distributed
in
military
garrisons
among
the
great
cities
,
and
were
paid
state
pensions
,
which
had
to
be
provided
by
taxation.
they
were
the
master
race
,
and
had
no
need
to
work.
manchus
did
not
have
to
attend
the
difficult
state
examinations
which
the
chinese
had
to
pass
in
order
to
gain
an
appointment.
how
was
it
that
in
spite
of
all
this
the
manchus
were
able
to
establish
themselves
?
the
conquering
manchu
generals
first
went
south
from
eastern
china
,
and
in
##number##
captured
nanking
,
where
a
ming
prince
had
ruled.
the
region
round
nanking
was
the
economic
centre
of
china.
soon
the
manchus
were
in
the
adjoining
southern
provinces
,
and
thus
they
conquered
the
whole
of
the
territory
of
the
landowning
gentry
,
who
after
the
events
of
the
beginning
of
the
seventeenth
century
had
no
longer
trusted
the
ming
rulers.
the
ming
prince
in
nanking
was
just
as
incapable
,
and
surrounded
by
just
as
evil
a
clique
,
as
the
ming
emperors
of
the
past.
the
gentry
were
not
inclined
to
defend
him.
a
considerable
section
of
the
gentry
were
reduced
to
utter
despair
;
they
had
no
desire
to
support
the
ming
any
longer
;
in
their
own
interest
they
could
not
support
the
rebel
leaders
;
and
they
regarded
the
manchus
as
just
a
particular
sort
of
"
rebels
"
.
interpreting
the
refusal
of
some
sung
ministers
to
serve
the
foreign
mongols
as
an
act
of
loyalty
,
it
was
now
regarded
as
shameful
to
desert
a
dynasty
when
it
came
to
an
end
and
to
serve
the
new
ruler
,
even
if
the
new
regime
promised
to
be
better.
many
thousands
of
officials
,
scholars
,
and
great
landowners
committed
suicide.
many
books
,
often
really
moving
and
tragic
,
are
filled
with
the
story
of
their
lives.
some
of
them
tried
to
form
insurgent
bands
with
their
peasants
and
went
into
the
mountains
,
but
they
were
unable
to
maintain
themselves
there.
the
great
bulk
of
the
elite
soon
brought
themselves
to
collaborate
with
the
conquerors
when
they
were
offered
tolerable
conditions.
in
the
end
the
manchus
did
not
interfere
in
the
ownership
of
land
in
central
china.
at
the
time
when
in
europe
louis
xiv
was
reigning
,
the
thirty
years
war
was
coming
to
an
end
,
and
cromwell
was
carrying
out
his
reforms
in
england
,
the
manchus
conquered
the
whole
of
china.
chang
hsien-chung
and
li
tz
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'eng
were
the
first
to
fall
;
the
pirate
coxinga
lasted
a
little
longer
and
was
even
able
to
plunder
nanking
in
##number##
,
but
in
##number##
he
had
to
retire
to
formosa.
wu
san-kui
,
who
meanwhile
had
conquered
western
china
,
saw
that
the
situation
was
becoming
difficult
for
him.
his
task
was
to
drive
out
the
last
ming
pretenders
for
the
manchus.
as
he
had
already
been
opposed
to
the
ming
in
##number##
,
and
as
the
ming
no
longer
had
any
following
among
the
gentry
,
he
could
not
suddenly
work
with
them
against
the
manchus.
he
therefore
handed
over
to
the
manchus
the
last
ming
prince
,
whom
the
burmese
had
delivered
up
to
him
in
##number##
wu
san-kui
's
only
possible
allies
against
the
manchus
were
the
gentry.
but
in
the
west
,
where
he
was
in
power
,
the
gentry
counted
for
nothing
;
they
had
in
any
case
been
weaker
in
the
west
,
and
they
had
been
decimated
by
the
insurrection
of
chang
hsien-chung.
thus
wu
san-kui
was
compelled
to
try
to
push
eastwards
,
in
order
to
unite
with
the
gentry
of
the
yangtze
region
against
the
manchus.
the
manchus
guessed
wu
san-kui
's
plan
,
and
in
##number##
,
after
every
effort
at
accommodation
had
failed
,
open
war
came.
wu
san-kui
made
himself
emperor
,
and
the
manchus
marched
against
him.
meanwhile
,
the
chinese
gentry
of
the
yangtze
region
had
come
to
terms
with
the
manchus
,
and
they
gave
wu
san-kui
no
help.
he
vegetated
in
the
south-west
,
a
region
too
poor
to
maintain
an
army
that
could
conquer
all
china
,
and
too
small
to
enable
him
to
last
indefinitely
as
an
independent
power.
he
was
able
to
hold
his
own
until
his
death
,
although
,
with
the
loss
of
the
support
of
the
gentry
,
he
had
no
prospect
of
final
success.
not
until
##number##
was
his
successor
,
his
grandson
wu
shih-fan
,
defeated.
the
end
of
the
rule
of
wu
san-kui
and
his
successor
marked
the
end
of
the
national
governments
of
china
;
the
whole
country
was
now
under
alien
domination
,
for
the
simple
reason
that
all
the
opponents
of
the
manchus
had
failed.
only
the
manchus
were
accredited
with
the
ability
to
bring
order
out
of
the
universal
confusion
,
so
that
there
was
clearly
no
alternative
but
to
put
up
with
the
many
insults
and
humiliations
they
inflicted
--
with
the
result
that
the
national
feeling
that
had
just
been
aroused
died
away
,
except
where
it
was
kept
alive
in
a
few
secret
societies.
there
will
be
more
to
say
about
this
,
once
the
works
which
were
suppressed
by
the
manchus
are
published.
in
the
first
phase
of
the
manchu
conquest
the
gentry
had
refused
to
support
either
the
ming
princes
or
wu
san-kui
,
or
any
of
the
rebels
,
or
the
manchus
themselves.
a
second
phase
began
about
twenty
years
after
the
capture
of
peking
,
when
the
manchus
won
over
the
gentry
by
desisting
from
any
interference
with
the
ownership
of
land
,
and
by
the
use
of
manchu
troops
to
clear
away
the
"
rebels
"
who
were
hostile
to
the
gentry.
a
reputable
government
was
then
set
up
in
peking
,
free
from
eunuchs
and
from
all
the
old
cliques
;
in
their
place
the
government
looked
for
chinese
scholars
for
its
administrative
posts.
literati
and
scholars
streamed
into
peking
,
especially
members
of
the
"
academies
"
that
still
existed
in
secret
,
men
who
had
been
the
chief
sufferers
from
the
conditions
at
the
end
of
the
ming
epoch.
the
young
emperor
sheng
tsu
(
##number##
;
k
'ang-hsi
is
the
name
by
which
his
rule
was
known
,
not
his
name
)
was
keenly
interested
in
chinese
culture
and
gave
privileged
treatment
to
the
scholars
of
the
gentry
who
came
forward.
a
rapid
recovery
quite
clearly
took
place.
the
disturbances
of
the
years
that
had
passed
had
got
rid
of
the
worst
enemies
of
the
people
,
the
formidable
rival
cliques
and
the
individuals
lusting
for
power
;
the
gentry
had
become
more
cautious
in
their
behaviour
to
the
peasants
;
and
bribery
had
been
largely
stamped
out.
finally
,
the
empire
had
been
greatly
expanded.
all
these
things
helped
to
stabilize
the
regime
of
the
manchus.
##number##
_decline
in
the
eighteenth
century_
the
improvement
continued
until
the
middle
of
the
eighteenth
century.
about
the
time
of
the
french
revolution
there
began
a
continuous
decline
,
slow
at
first
and
then
gathering
speed.
the
european
works
on
china
offer
various
reasons
for
this
:
the
many
foreign
wars
(
to
which
we
shall
refer
later
)
of
the
emperor
,
known
by
the
name
of
his
ruling
period
,
ch
'ien-lung
,
his
craze
for
building
,
and
the
irruption
of
the
europeans
into
chinese
trade.
in
the
eighteenth
century
the
court
surrounded
itself
with
great
splendour
,
and
countless
palaces
and
other
luxurious
buildings
were
erected
,
but
it
must
be
borne
in
mind
that
so
great
an
empire
as
the
china
of
that
day
possessed
very
considerable
financial
strength
,
and
could
support
this
luxury.
the
wars
were
certainly
not
inexpensive
,
as
they
took
place
along
the
russian
frontier
and
entailed
expenditure
on
the
transport
of
reinforcements
and
supplies
;
the
wars
against
turkestan
and
tibet
were
carried
on
with
relatively
small
forces.
this
expenditure
should
not
have
been
beyond
the
resources
of
an
ordered
budget.
interestingly
enough
,
the
period
between
##number##
and
##number##
belongs
to
those
periods
for
which
almost
no
significant
work
in
the
field
of
internal
social
and
economic
developments
has
been
made
;
western
scholars
have
been
too
much
interested
in
the
impact
of
western
economy
and
culture
or
in
the
military
events.
chinese
scholars
thus
far
have
shown
a
prejudice
against
the
manchu
dynasty
and
were
mainly
interested
in
the
study
of
anti-manchu
movements
and
the
downfall
of
the
dynasty.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
documentary
material
for
this
period
is
extremely
extensive
,
and
many
years
of
work
are
necessary
to
reach
any
general
conclusions
even
in
one
single
field.
the
following
remarks
should
,
therefore
,
be
taken
as
very
tentative
and
preliminary
,
and
they
are
,
naturally
,
fragmentary.
[
illustration
:
##number##
aborigines
of
south
china
,
of
the
'black
miao
'
tribe
,
at
a
festival.
china-ink
drawing
of
the
eighteenth
century.
_collection
of
the
museum
fuer
voelkerkunde
,
berlin.
no.
1d
##number##
,
68_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
pavilion
on
the
'coal
hill
'
at
peking
,
in
which
the
last
ming
emperor
committed
suicide.
_photo
eberhard_.
]
[
illustration
:
chart
population
growth
of
china
]
the
decline
of
the
manchu
dynasty
began
at
a
time
when
the
european
trade
was
still
insignificant
,
and
not
as
late
as
after
##number##
,
when
china
had
to
submit
to
the
foreign
capitulations.
these
cannot
have
been
the
true
cause
of
the
decline.
above
all
,
the
decline
was
not
so
noticeable
in
the
state
of
the
exchequer
as
in
a
general
impoverishment
of
china.
the
number
of
really
wealthy
persons
among
the
gentry
diminished
,
but
the
middle
class
,
that
is
to
say
the
people
who
had
education
but
little
or
no
money
and
property
,
grew
steadily
in
number.
one
of
the
deeper
reasons
for
the
decline
of
the
manchu
dynasty
seems
to
lie
in
the
enormous
increase
in
the
population.
here
are
a
few
chinese
statistics
:
_year_
_population_
##number##
(
before
the
manchus
)
##number##
families
or
##number##
individuals
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
"
[
*
]
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
"
[
*
]
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
"
[
*
]
##number##
"
##number##
"
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
##number##
"
##number##
##number##
"
(
##number##
)
(
##number##
"
)
[
*
]
approximately
it
may
be
objected
that
these
figures
are
incorrect
and
exaggerated.
undoubtedly
they
contain
errors.
but
the
first
figure
(
for
##number##
)
of
some
sixty
millions
is
in
close
agreement
with
all
other
figures
of
early
times
;
the
figure
for
##number##
seems
high
,
but
cannot
be
far
wrong
,
for
even
after
the
great
t
'ai
p
'ing
rebellion
of
##number##
,
which
,
together
with
its
after-effects
,
costs
the
lives
of
countless
millions
,
all
statisticians
of
today
estimate
the
population
of
china
at
more
than
four
hundred
millions.
if
we
enter
these
data
together
with
the
census
of
##number##
into
a
chart
(
see
p.
##number##
)
,
a
fairly
smooth
curve
emerges
;
the
special
features
are
that
already
under
the
ming
the
population
was
increasing
and
,
secondly
,
that
the
high
rate
of
increase
in
the
population
began
with
the
long
period
of
internal
peace
since
about
##number##
from
that
time
onwards
,
all
china
's
wars
were
fought
at
so
great
a
distance
from
china
proper
that
the
population
was
not
directly
affected.
moreover
,
in
the
seventeenth
and
eighteenth
centuries
the
manchus
saw
to
the
maintenance
of
the
river
dykes
,
so
that
the
worst
inundations
were
prevented.
thus
there
were
not
so
many
of
the
floods
which
had
often
cost
the
lives
of
many
million
people
in
china
;
and
there
were
no
internal
wars
,
with
their
heavy
cost
in
lives.
but
while
the
population
increased
,
the
tillage
failed
to
increase
in
the
needed
proportion.
i
have
,
unfortunately
,
no
statistics
for
all
periods
;
but
the
general
tendency
is
shown
by
the
following
table
:
_date
cultivated
area_
mou
_per
person_
_in_
mou
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
##number##
(
##number##
)
(
##number##
)
(
##number##
)
six
_mou_
are
about
one
acre.
in
##number##
,
there
were
##number##
_mou_
land
per
family
of
the
total
population.
this
was
close
to
the
figures
regarded
as
ideal
by
chinese
early
economists
for
the
producing
family
(
##number##
_mou_
)
considering
the
fact
that
about
##number##
per
cent
of
all
families
at
that
time
were
producers.
by
##number##
it
was
only
##number##
_mou_
per
family
,
i.e.
the
land
had
to
produce
almost
twice
as
much
as
before.
we
have
shown
that
the
agricultural
developments
in
the
ming
time
greatly
increased
the
productivity
of
the
land.
this
then
,
obviously
resulted
in
an
increase
of
population.
but
by
the
middle
of
the
eighteenth
century
,
assuming
that
production
doubled
since
the
sixteenth
century
,
population
pressure
was
again
as
heavy
as
it
had
been
then.
and
after
_c_.
##number##
,
population
pressure
continued
to
build
up
to
the
present
time.
internal
colonization
continued
during
the
manchu
time
;
there
was
a
continuous
,
but
slow
flow
of
people
into
kwangsi
,
kweichow
,
yuennan.
in
spite
of
laws
which
prohibited
emigration
,
chinese
also
moved
into
south-east
asia.
chinese
settlement
in
manchuria
was
allowed
only
in
the
last
years
of
the
manchus.
but
such
internal
colonization
or
emigration
could
alleviated
the
pressure
only
in
some
areas
,
while
it
continued
to
build
up
in
others.
in
europe
as
well
as
in
japan
,
we
find
a
strong
population
increase
;
in
europe
at
almost
the
same
time
as
in
china.
but
before
population
pressure
became
too
serious
in
europe
or
japan
,
industry
developed
and
absorbed
the
excess
population.
thus
,
farms
did
not
decrease
too
much
in
size.
too
small
farms
are
always
and
in
many
ways
uneconomical.
with
the
development
of
industries
,
the
percentage
of
farm
population
decreased.
in
china
,
however
,
the
farm
population
was
still
as
high
as
##number##
per
cent
of
the
total
population
in
##number##
and
the
percentage
rose
to
##number##
per
cent
in
##number##
from
the
middle
of
the
seventeenth
century
on
,
commercial
activities
,
especially
along
the
coast
,
continued
to
increase
and
we
find
gentry
families
who
equip
sons
who
were
unwilling
or
not
capable
to
study
and
to
enter
the
ranks
of
the
officials
,
but
who
were
too
unruly
to
sit
in
villages
and
collect
the
rent
from
the
tenants
of
the
family
,
with
money
to
enter
business.
the
newly
settled
areas
of
kwangtung
and
kwangsi
were
ideal
places
for
them
:
here
they
could
sell
chinese
products
to
the
native
tribes
or
to
the
new
settlers
at
high
prices.
some
of
these
men
introduced
new
techniques
from
the
old
provinces
of
china
into
the
"
colonial
"
areas
and
set
up
dye
factories
,
textile
factories
,
etc.
,
in
the
new
towns
of
the
south.
but
the
greatest
stimulus
for
these
commercial
activities
was
foreign
,
european
trade.
american
silver
which
had
flooded
europe
in
the
sixteenth
century
,
began
to
flow
into
china
from
the
beginning
of
the
seventeenth
century
on.
the
influx
was
stopped
not
until
between
##number##
and
##number##
when
the
government
again
prohibited
coastal
shipping
and
removed
coastal
settlements
into
the
interior
in
order
to
stop
piracy
along
the
coasts
of
fukien
and
independence
movements
on
formosa.
but
even
during
these
twenty-three
years
,
the
price
of
silver
was
so
low
that
home
production
was
given
up
because
it
did
not
pay
off.
in
the
eighteenth
century
,
silver
again
continued
to
enter
china
,
while
silk
and
tea
were
exported.
this
demand
led
to
a
strong
rise
in
the
prices
of
silk
and
tea
,
and
benefited
the
merchants.
when
,
from
the
late
eighteenth
century
on
,
opium
began
to
be
imported
,
the
silver
left
china
again.
the
merchants
profited
this
time
from
the
opium
trade
,
but
farmers
had
to
suffer
:
the
price
of
silver
went
up
,
and
taxes
had
to
be
paid
in
silver
,
while
farm
products
were
sold
for
copper.
by
##number##
,
the
ounce
of
silver
had
a
value
of
##number##
copper
coins
instead
of
one
thousand
before
##number##
high
gains
in
commerce
prevented
investment
in
industries
,
because
they
would
give
lower
and
later
profits
than
commerce.
from
the
nineteenth
century
on
,
more
and
more
industrial
goods
were
offered
by
importers
which
also
prevented
industrialization.
finally
,
the
gentry
basically
remained
anti-industrial
and
anti-business.
they
tried
to
operate
necessary
enterprises
such
as
mining
,
melting
,
porcelain
production
as
far
as
possible
as
government
establishments
;
but
as
the
operators
were
officials
,
they
were
not
too
business-minded
and
these
enterprises
did
not
develop
well.
the
businessmen
certainly
had
enough
capital
,
but
they
invested
it
in
land
instead
of
investing
it
in
industries
which
could
at
any
moment
be
taken
away
by
the
government
,
controlled
by
the
officials
or
forced
to
sell
at
set
prices
,
and
which
were
always
subject
to
exploitation
by
dishonest
officials.
a
businessman
felt
secure
only
when
he
had
invested
in
land
,
when
he
had
received
an
official
title
upon
the
payment
of
large
sums
of
money
,
or
when
he
succeeded
to
push
at
least
one
of
his
sons
into
the
government
bureaucracy.
no
doubt
,
in
spite
of
all
this
,
chinese
business
and
industry
kept
on
developing
in
the
manchu
time
,
but
they
did
not
develop
at
such
a
speed
as
to
transform
the
country
from
an
agrarian
into
a
modern
industrial
nation.
##number##
_expansion
in
central
asia
;
the
first
state
treaty_
the
rise
of
the
manchu
dynasty
actually
began
under
the
k
'ang-hsi
rule
(
##number##
)
.
the
emperor
had
three
tasks.
the
first
was
the
removal
of
the
last
supporters
of
the
ming
dynasty
and
of
the
generals
,
such
as
wu
san-kui
,
who
had
tried
to
make
themselves
independent.
this
necessitated
a
long
series
of
campaigns
,
most
of
them
in
the
south-west
or
south
of
china
;
these
scarcely
affected
the
population
of
china
proper.
in
##number##
formosa
was
occupied
and
the
last
of
the
insurgent
army
commanders
was
defeated.
it
was
shown
above
that
the
situation
of
all
these
leaders
became
hopeless
as
soon
as
the
manchus
had
occupied
the
rich
yangtze
region
and
the
intelligentsia
and
the
gentry
of
that
region
had
gone
over
to
them.
a
quite
different
type
of
insurgent
commander
was
the
mongol
prince
galdan.
he
,
too
,
planned
to
make
himself
independent
of
manchu
overlordship.
at
first
the
mongols
had
readily
supported
the
manchus
,
when
the
latter
were
making
raids
into
china
and
there
was
plenty
of
booty.
now
,
however
,
the
manchus
,
under
the
influence
of
the
chinese
gentry
whom
they
brought
,
and
could
not
but
bring
,
to
their
court
,
were
rapidly
becoming
chinese
in
respect
to
culture.
even
in
the
time
of
k
'ang-hsi
the
manchus
began
to
forget
manchurian
;
they
brought
tutors
to
court
to
teach
the
young
manchus
chinese.
later
even
the
emperors
did
not
understand
manchurian
!
as
a
result
of
this
process
,
the
mongols
became
alienated
from
the
manchurians
,
and
the
situation
began
once
more
to
be
the
same
as
at
the
time
of
the
ming
rulers.
thus
galdan
tried
to
found
an
independent
mongol
realm
,
free
from
chinese
influence.
the
manchus
could
not
permit
this
,
as
such
a
realm
would
have
threatened
the
flank
of
their
homeland
,
manchuria
,
and
would
have
attracted
those
manchus
who
objected
to
sinification.
between
##number##
and
##number##
there
were
battles
,
in
which
the
emperor
actually
took
part
in
person.
galdan
was
defeated.
in
##number##
,
however
,
there
were
new
disturbances
,
this
time
in
western
mongolia.
tsewang
rabdan
,
whom
the
chinese
had
made
khan
of
the
oeloet
,
rose
against
the
chinese.
the
wars
that
followed
,
extending
far
into
turkestan
and
also
involving
its
turkish
population
together
with
the
dzungars
,
ended
with
the
chinese
conquest
of
the
whole
of
mongolia
and
of
parts
of
eastern
turkestan.
as
tsewang
rabdan
had
tried
to
extend
his
power
as
far
as
tibet
,
a
campaign
was
undertaken
also
into
tibet
,
lhasa
was
occupied
,
a
new
dalai
lama
was
installed
there
as
supreme
ruler
,
and
tibet
was
made
into
a
protectorate.
since
then
tibet
has
remained
to
this
day
under
some
form
of
chinese
colonial
rule.
this
penetration
of
the
chinese
into
turkestan
took
place
just
at
the
time
when
the
russians
were
enormously
expanding
their
empire
in
asia
,
and
this
formed
the
third
problem
for
the
manchus.
in
##number##
the
russians
had
established
a
fort
by
the
river
amur.
the
manchus
regarded
the
amur
(
which
they
called
the
"
river
of
the
black
dragon
"
)
as
part
of
their
own
territory
,
and
in
##number##
they
destroyed
the
russian
settlement.
after
this
there
were
negotiations
,
which
culminated
in
##number##
in
the
treaty
of
nerchinsk.
this
treaty
was
the
first
concluded
by
the
chinese
state
with
a
european
power.
jesuit
missionaries
played
a
part
in
the
negotiations
as
interpreters.
owing
to
the
difficulties
of
translation
the
text
of
the
treaty
,
in
chinese
,
russian
,
and
manchurian
,
contained
some
obscurities
,
particularly
in
regard
to
the
frontier
line.
accordingly
,
in
##number##
the
russians
asked
for
a
revision
of
the
old
treaty.
the
chinese
emperor
,
whose
rule
name
was
yung-cheng
,
arranged
for
the
negotiations
to
be
carried
on
at
the
frontier
,
in
the
town
of
kyakhta
,
in
mongolia
,
where
after
long
discussions
a
new
treaty
was
concluded.
under
this
treaty
the
russians
received
permission
to
set
up
a
legation
and
a
commercial
agency
in
peking
,
and
also
to
maintain
a
church.
this
was
the
beginning
of
the
foreign
capitulations.
from
the
chinese
point
of
view
there
was
nothing
special
in
a
facility
of
this
sort.
for
some
fifteen
centuries
all
the
"
barbarians
"
who
had
to
bring
tribute
had
been
given
houses
in
the
capital
,
where
their
envoys
could
wait
until
the
emperor
would
receive
them
--
usually
on
new
year
's
day.
the
custom
had
sprung
up
at
the
reception
of
the
huns.
moreover
,
permission
had
always
been
given
for
envoys
to
be
accompanied
by
a
few
merchants
,
who
during
the
envoy
's
stay
did
a
certain
amount
of
business.
furthermore
the
time
had
been
when
the
uighurs
were
permitted
to
set
up
a
temple
of
their
own.
at
the
time
of
the
permission
given
to
the
russians
to
set
up
a
"
legation
"
,
a
similar
office
was
set
up
(
in
##number##
)
for
"
uighur
"
peoples
(
meaning
mohammedans
)
,
again
under
the
control
of
an
office
,
called
the
office
for
regulation
of
barbarians.
the
mohammedan
office
was
placed
under
two
mohammedan
leaders
who
lived
in
peking.
the
europeans
,
however
,
had
quite
different
ideas
about
a
"
legation
"
,
and
about
the
significance
of
permission
to
trade.
they
regarded
this
as
the
opening
of
diplomatic
relations
between
states
on
terms
of
equality
,
and
the
carrying
on
of
trade
as
a
special
privilege
,
a
sort
of
capitulation.
this
reciprocal
misunderstanding
produced
in
the
nineteenth
century
a
number
of
serious
political
conflicts.
the
europeans
charged
the
chinese
with
breach
of
treaties
,
failure
to
meet
their
obligations
,
and
other
such
things
,
while
the
chinese
considered
that
they
had
acted
with
perfect
correctness.
##number##
_culture_
in
this
k
'ang-hsi
period
culture
began
to
flourish
again.
the
emperor
had
attracted
the
gentry
,
and
so
the
intelligentsia
,
to
his
court
because
his
uneducated
manchus
could
not
alone
have
administered
the
enormous
empire
;
and
he
showed
great
interest
in
chinese
culture
,
himself
delved
deeply
into
it
,
and
had
many
works
compiled
,
especially
works
of
an
encyclopaedic
character.
the
encyclopaedias
enabled
information
to
be
rapidly
gained
on
all
sorts
of
subjects
,
and
thus
were
just
what
an
interested
ruler
needed
,
especially
when
,
as
a
foreigner
,
he
was
not
in
a
position
to
gain
really
thorough
instruction
in
things
chinese.
the
chinese
encyclopaedias
of
the
seventeenth
and
especially
of
the
eighteenth
century
were
thus
the
outcome
of
the
initiative
of
the
manchurian
emperor
,
and
were
compiled
for
his
information
;
they
were
not
due
,
like
the
french
encyclopaedias
of
the
eighteenth
century
,
to
a
movement
for
the
spread
of
knowledge
among
the
people.
for
this
latter
purpose
the
gigantic
encyclopaedias
of
the
manchus
,
each
of
which
fills
several
bookcases
,
were
much
too
expensive
and
were
printed
in
much
too
limited
editions.
the
compilations
began
with
the
great
geographical
encyclopaedia
of
ku
yen-wu
(
##number##
)
,
and
attained
their
climax
in
the
gigantic
eighteenth-century
encyclopaedia
_t
'u-shu
chi-ch
'eng_
,
scientifically
impeccable
in
the
accuracy
of
its
references
to
sources.
here
were
already
the
beginnings
of
the
"
archaeological
school
"
,
built
up
in
the
course
of
the
eighteenth
century.
this
school
was
usually
called
"
han
school
"
because
the
adherents
went
back
to
the
commentaries
of
the
classical
texts
written
in
han
time
and
discarded
the
orthodox
explanations
of
chu
hsi
's
school
of
sung
time.
later
,
its
most
prominent
leader
was
tai
chen
(
##number##
)
.
tai
was
greatly
interested
in
technology
and
science
;
he
can
be
regarded
as
the
first
philosopher
who
exhibited
an
empirical
,
scientific
way
of
thinking.
late
nineteenth
and
early
twentieth
century
chinese
scholarship
is
greatly
obliged
to
him.
the
most
famous
literary
works
of
the
manchu
epoch
belong
once
more
to
the
field
which
chinese
do
not
regard
as
that
of
true
literature
--
the
novel
,
the
short
story
,
and
the
drama.
poetry
did
exist
,
but
it
kept
to
the
old
paths
and
had
few
fresh
ideas.
all
the
various
forms
of
the
sung
period
were
made
use
of.
the
essayists
,
too
,
offered
nothing
new
,
though
their
number
was
legion.
one
of
the
best
known
is
yuean
mei
(
##number##
)
,
who
was
also
the
author
of
the
collection
of
short
stories
_tse-pu-yue_
(
"
the
master
did
not
tell
"
)
,
which
is
regarded
very
highly
by
the
chinese.
the
volume
of
short
stories
entitled
_liao-chai
chich-i_
,
by
p
'u
sung-lin
(
##number##
?
)
,
is
world-famous
and
has
been
translated
into
every
civilized
language.
both
collections
are
distinguished
by
their
simple
but
elegant
style.
the
short
story
was
popular
among
the
greater
gentry
;
it
abandoned
the
popular
style
it
had
in
the
ming
epoch
,
and
adopted
the
polished
language
of
scholars.
the
manchu
epoch
has
left
to
us
what
is
by
general
consent
the
finest
novel
in
chinese
literature
,
_hung-lou-meng_
(
"
the
dream
of
the
red
chamber
"
)
,
by
ts
'ao
hsueeh-ch
'in
,
who
died
in
##number##
it
describes
the
downfall
of
a
rich
and
powerful
family
from
the
highest
rank
of
the
gentry
,
and
the
decadent
son
's
love
of
a
young
and
emotional
lady
of
the
highest
circles.
the
story
is
clothed
in
a
mystical
garb
that
does
something
to
soften
its
tragic
ending.
the
interesting
novel
_ju-lin
wai-shih_
(
"
private
reports
from
the
life
of
scholars
"
)
,
by
wu
ching-tz
[
)
u
]
(
##number##
)
,
is
a
mordant
criticism
of
confucianism
with
its
rigid
formalism
,
of
the
social
system
,
and
of
the
examination
system.
social
criticism
is
the
theme
of
many
novels.
the
most
modern
in
spirit
of
the
works
of
this
period
is
perhaps
the
treatment
of
feminism
in
the
novel
_ching-hua-yuean_
,
by
li
yu-chen
(
d.
##number##
)
,
which
demanded
equal
rights
for
men
and
women.
the
drama
developed
quickly
in
the
manchu
epoch
,
particularly
in
quantity
,
especially
since
the
emperors
greatly
appreciated
the
theatre.
a
catalogue
of
plays
compiled
in
##number##
contains
##number##
titles
!
some
of
these
dramas
were
of
unprecedented
length.
one
of
them
was
played
in
##number##
parts
containing
##number##
acts
;
a
performance
took
two
years
to
complete
!
probably
the
finest
dramas
of
the
manchu
epoch
are
those
of
li
yue
(
born
##number##
)
,
who
also
became
the
first
of
the
chinese
dramatic
critics.
what
he
had
to
say
about
the
art
of
the
theatre
,
and
about
aesthetics
in
general
,
is
still
worth
reading.
about
the
middle
of
the
nineteenth
century
the
influence
of
europe
became
more
and
more
marked.
translation
began
with
yen
fu
(
##number##
)
,
who
translated
the
first
philosophical
and
scientific
books
and
books
on
social
questions
and
made
his
compatriots
acquainted
with
western
thought.
at
the
same
time
lin
shu
(
##number##
)
translated
the
first
western
short
stories
and
novels.
with
these
two
began
the
new
style
,
which
was
soon
elaborated
by
liang
ch
'i-ch
'ao
,
a
collaborator
of
sun
yat-sen
's
,
and
by
others
,
and
which
ultimately
produced
the
"
literary
revolution
"
of
##number##
translation
has
continued
to
this
day
;
almost
every
book
of
outstanding
importance
in
world
literature
is
translated
within
a
few
months
of
its
appearance
,
and
on
the
average
these
translations
are
of
a
fairly
high
level.
particularly
fine
work
was
produced
in
the
field
of
porcelain
in
the
manchu
epoch.
in
##number##
the
famous
kilns
in
the
province
of
kiangsi
were
reopened
,
and
porcelain
that
is
among
the
most
artistically
perfect
in
the
world
was
fired
in
them.
among
the
new
colours
were
especially
green
shades
(
one
group
is
known
as
_famille
verte_
)
and
also
black
and
yellow
compositions.
monochrome
porcelain
also
developed
further
,
including
very
fine
dark
blue
,
brilliant
red
(
called
"
ox-blood
"
)
,
and
white.
in
the
eighteenth
century
,
however
,
there
began
an
unmistakable
decline
,
which
has
continued
to
this
day
,
although
there
are
still
a
few
craftsmen
and
a
few
kilns
that
produce
outstanding
work
(
usually
attempts
to
imitate
old
models
)
,
often
in
small
factories.
in
painting
,
european
influence
soon
shows
itself.
the
best-known
example
of
this
is
lang
shih-ning
,
an
italian
missionary
whose
original
name
was
giuseppe
castiglione
(
##number##
)
;
he
began
to
work
in
china
in
##number##
he
learned
the
chinese
method
of
painting
,
but
introduced
a
number
of
technical
tricks
of
european
painters
,
which
were
adopted
in
general
practice
in
china
,
especially
by
the
official
court
painters
:
the
painting
of
the
scholars
who
lived
in
seclusion
remained
uninfluenced.
dutch
flower-painting
also
had
some
influence
in
china
as
early
as
the
eighteenth
century.
the
missionaries
played
an
important
part
at
court.
the
first
manchu
emperors
were
as
generous
in
this
matter
as
the
mongols
had
been
,
and
allowed
the
foreigners
to
work
in
peace.
they
showed
special
interest
in
the
european
science
introduced
by
the
missionaries
;
they
had
less
sympathy
for
their
religious
message.
the
missionaries
,
for
their
part
,
sent
to
europe
enthusiastic
accounts
of
the
wonderful
conditions
in
china
,
and
so
helped
to
popularize
the
idea
that
was
being
formed
in
europe
of
an
"
enlightened
"
,
a
constitutional
,
monarchy.
the
leaders
of
the
enlightenment
read
these
reports
with
enthusiasm
,
with
the
result
that
they
had
an
influence
on
the
french
revolution.
confucius
was
found
particularly
attractive
,
and
was
regarded
as
a
forerunner
of
the
enlightenment.
the
"
monadism
"
of
the
philosopher
leibniz
was
influenced
by
these
reports.
the
missionaries
gained
a
reputation
at
court
as
"
scientists
"
,
and
in
this
they
were
of
service
both
to
china
and
to
europe.
the
behaviour
of
the
european
merchants
who
followed
the
missions
,
spreading
gradually
in
growing
numbers
along
the
coasts
of
china
,
was
not
by
any
means
so
irreproachable.
the
chinese
were
certainly
justified
when
they
declared
that
european
ships
often
made
landings
on
the
coast
and
simply
looted
,
just
as
the
japanese
had
done
before
them.
reports
of
this
came
to
the
court
,
and
as
captured
foreigners
described
themselves
as
"
christians
"
and
also
seemed
to
have
some
connection
with
the
missionaries
living
at
court
,
and
as
disputes
had
broken
out
among
the
missionaries
themselves
in
connection
with
papal
ecclesiastical
policy
,
in
the
yung-cheng
period
(
##number##
;
the
name
of
the
emperor
was
shih
tsung
)
christianity
was
placed
under
a
general
ban
,
being
regarded
as
a
secret
political
organization.
##number##
_relations
with
the
outer
world_
during
the
yung-cheng
period
there
was
long-continued
guerrilla
fighting
with
natives
in
south-west
china.
the
pressure
of
population
in
china
sought
an
outlet
in
emigration.
more
and
more
chinese
moved
into
the
south-west
,
and
took
the
land
from
the
natives
,
and
the
fighting
was
the
consequence
of
this.
at
the
beginning
of
the
ch
'ien-lung
period
(
##number##
)
,
fighting
started
again
in
turkestan.
mongols
,
now
called
kalmuks
,
defeated
by
the
chinese
,
had
migrated
to
the
ili
region
,
where
after
heavy
fighting
they
gained
supremacy
over
some
of
the
kazaks
and
other
turkish
peoples
living
there
and
in
western
turkestan.
some
kazak
tribes
went
over
to
the
russians
,
and
in
##number##
the
russian
colonialists
founded
the
town
of
orenburg
in
the
western
kazak
region.
the
kalmuks
fought
the
chinese
without
cessation
until
,
in
##number##
,
they
entered
into
an
agreement
under
which
they
ceded
half
their
territory
to
manchu
china
,
retaining
only
the
ili
region.
the
kalmuks
subsequently
reunited
with
other
sections
of
the
kazaks
against
the
chinese.
in
##number##
peace
was
again
concluded
with
china
,
but
it
was
followed
by
raids
on
both
sides
,
so
that
the
manchus
determined
to
enter
on
a
great
campaign
against
the
ili
region.
this
ended
with
a
decisive
victory
for
the
chinese
(
##number##
)
.
in
the
years
that
followed
,
however
,
the
chinese
began
to
be
afraid
that
the
various
kazak
tribes
might
unite
in
order
to
occupy
the
territory
of
the
kalmuks
,
which
was
almost
unpopulated
owing
to
the
mass
slaughter
of
kalmuks
by
the
chinese.
unrest
began
among
the
mohammedans
throughout
the
neighbouring
western
turkestan
,
and
the
same
chinese
generals
who
had
fought
the
kalmuks
marched
into
turkestan
and
captured
the
mohammedan
city
states
of
uch
,
kashgar
,
and
yarkand.
the
reinforcements
for
these
campaigns
,
and
for
the
garrisons
which
in
the
following
decades
were
stationed
in
the
ili
region
and
in
the
west
of
eastern
turkestan
,
marched
along
the
road
from
peking
that
leads
northward
through
mongolia
to
the
far
distant
uliassutai
and
kobdo.
the
cost
of
transport
for
one
_shih_
(
about
##number##
lb.
)
amounted
to
##number##
pieces
of
silver.
in
##number##
certain
economies
were
introduced
,
but
between
##number##
and
##number##
over
##number##
tons
,
making
some
##number##
tons
a
day
,
was
transported
to
that
region.
the
cost
of
transport
for
supplies
alone
amounted
in
the
course
of
time
to
the
not
inconsiderable
sum
of
##number##
pieces
of
silver.
in
addition
to
this
there
was
the
cost
of
the
transported
goods
and
of
the
pay
of
soldiers
and
of
the
administration.
these
figures
apply
to
the
period
of
occupation
,
of
relative
peace
:
during
the
actual
wars
of
conquest
the
expenditure
was
naturally
far
higher.
thus
these
campaigns
,
though
i
do
not
think
they
brought
actual
economic
ruin
to
china
,
were
nevertheless
a
costly
enterprise
,
and
one
which
produced
little
positive
advantage.
in
addition
to
this
,
these
wars
brought
china
into
conflict
with
the
european
colonial
powers.
in
the
years
during
which
the
chinese
armies
were
fighting
in
the
ili
region
,
the
russians
were
putting
out
their
feelers
in
that
direction
,
and
the
chinese
annals
show
plainly
how
the
russians
intervened
in
the
fighting
with
the
kalmuks
and
kazaks.
the
hi
region
remained
thereafter
a
bone
of
contention
between
china
and
russia
,
until
it
finally
went
to
russia
,
bit
by
bit
,
between
##number##
and
##number##
the
kalmuks
and
kazaks
played
a
special
part
in
russo-chinese
relations.
the
chinese
had
sent
a
mission
to
the
kalmuks
farthest
west
,
by
the
lower
volga
,
and
had
entered
into
relations
with
them
,
as
early
as
##number##
as
russian
pressure
on
the
volga
region
continually
grew
,
these
kalmuks
(
mainly
the
turgut
tribe
)
,
who
had
lived
there
since
##number##
,
decided
to
return
into
chinese
territory
(
##number##
)
.
during
this
enormously
difficult
migration
,
almost
entirely
through
hostile
territory
,
a
large
number
of
the
turgut
perished
;
##number##
,
however
,
reached
the
hi
region
,
where
they
were
settled
by
the
chinese
on
the
lands
of
the
eastern
kalmuks
,
who
had
been
largely
exterminated.
in
the
south
,
too
,
the
chinese
came
into
direct
touch
with
the
european
powers.
in
##number##
the
english
occupied
calcutta
,
and
in
##number##
the
province
of
bengal.
in
##number##
a
manchu
general
,
ming
jui
,
who
had
been
victorious
in
the
fighting
for
eastern
turkestan
,
marched
against
burma
,
which
was
made
a
dependency
once
more
in
##number##
and
in
##number##
the
chinese
conquered
nepal
,
south
of
tibet
,
because
nepalese
had
made
two
attacks
on
tibet.
thus
english
and
chinese
political
interests
came
here
into
contact.
for
the
ch
'ien-lung
period
's
many
wars
of
conquest
there
seem
to
have
been
two
main
reasons.
the
first
was
the
need
for
security.
the
mongols
had
to
be
overthrown
because
otherwise
the
homeland
of
the
manchus
was
menaced
;
in
order
to
make
sure
of
the
suppression
of
the
eastern
mongols
,
the
western
mongols
(
kalmuks
)
had
to
be
overthrown
;
to
make
them
harmless
,
turkestan
and
the
ili
region
had
to
be
conquered
;
tibet
was
needed
for
the
security
of
turkestan
and
mongolia
--
and
so
on.
vast
territories
,
however
,
were
conquered
in
this
process
which
were
of
no
economic
value
,
and
most
of
which
actually
cost
a
great
deal
of
money
and
brought
nothing
in.
they
were
conquered
simply
for
security.
that
advantage
had
been
gained
:
an
aggressor
would
have
to
cross
great
areas
of
unproductive
territory
,
with
difficult
conditions
for
reinforcements
,
before
he
could
actually
reach
china.
in
the
second
place
,
the
chinese
may
actually
have
noticed
the
efforts
that
were
being
made
by
the
european
powers
,
especially
russia
and
england
,
to
divide
asia
among
themselves
,
and
accordingly
they
made
sure
of
their
own
good
share.
##number##
_decline
;
revolts_
the
period
of
ch
'ien-lung
is
not
only
that
of
the
greatest
expansion
of
the
chinese
empire
,
but
also
that
of
the
greatest
prosperity
under
the
manchu
regime.
but
there
began
at
the
same
time
to
be
signs
of
internal
decline.
if
we
are
to
fix
a
particular
year
for
this
,
perhaps
it
should
be
the
year
##number##
,
in
which
came
the
first
great
popular
rising
,
in
the
province
of
shantung.
in
##number##
there
came
another
popular
rising
,
in
honan
--
that
of
the
"
society
of
the
white
lotus
"
.
this
society
,
which
had
long
existed
as
a
secret
organization
and
had
played
a
part
in
the
ming
epoch
,
had
been
reorganized
by
a
man
named
liu
sung.
liu
sung
was
captured
and
was
condemned
to
penal
servitude.
his
followers
,
however
,
regrouped
themselves
,
particularly
in
the
province
of
anhui.
these
risings
had
been
produced
,
as
always
,
by
excessive
oppression
of
the
people
by
the
government
or
the
governing
class.
as
,
however
,
the
anger
of
the
population
was
naturally
directed
also
against
the
idle
manchus
of
the
cities
,
who
lived
on
their
state
pensions
,
did
no
work
,
and
behaved
as
a
ruling
class
,
the
government
saw
in
these
movements
a
nationalist
spirit
,
and
took
drastic
steps
against
them.
the
popular
leaders
now
altered
their
program
,
and
acclaimed
a
supposed
descendant
from
the
ming
dynasty
as
the
future
emperor.
government
troops
caught
the
leader
of
the
"
white
lotus
"
agitation
,
but
he
succeeded
in
escaping.
in
the
regions
through
which
the
society
had
spread
,
there
then
began
a
sort
of
inquisition
,
of
exceptional
ferocity.
six
provinces
were
affected
,
and
in
and
around
the
single
city
of
wuch
'ang
in
four
months
more
than
##number##
people
were
beheaded.
the
cost
of
the
rising
to
the
government
ran
into
millions.
in
answer
to
this
oppression
,
the
popular
leaders
tightened
their
organization
and
marched
north-west
from
the
western
provinces
of
which
they
had
gained
control.
the
rising
was
suppressed
only
by
a
very
big
military
operation
,
and
not
until
##number##
there
had
been
very
heavy
fighting
between
##number##
and
##number##
--
just
when
in
europe
,
in
the
french
revolution
,
another
oppressed
population
won
its
freedom.
the
ch
'ien-lung
emperor
abdicated
on
new
year
's
day
,
##number##
,
after
ruling
for
sixty
years.
he
died
in
##number##
his
successor
was
jen
tsung
(
##number##
;
reign
name
:
chia-ch
'ing
)
.
in
the
course
of
his
reign
the
rising
of
the
"
white
lotus
"
was
suppressed
,
but
in
##number##
there
began
a
new
rising
,
this
time
in
north
china
--
again
that
of
a
secret
organization
,
the
"
society
of
heaven
's
law
"
.
one
of
its
leaders
bribed
some
eunuchs
,
and
penetrated
with
a
group
of
followers
into
the
palace
;
he
threw
himself
upon
the
emperor
,
who
was
only
saved
through
the
intervention
of
his
son.
at
the
same
time
the
rising
spread
in
the
provinces.
once
more
the
government
succeeded
in
suppressing
it
and
capturing
the
leaders.
but
the
memory
of
these
risings
was
kept
alive
among
the
chinese
people.
for
the
government
failed
to
realize
that
the
actual
cause
of
the
risings
was
the
general
impoverishment
,
and
saw
in
them
a
nationalist
movement
,
thus
actually
arousing
a
national
consciousness
,
stronger
than
in
the
ming
epoch
,
among
the
middle
and
lower
classes
of
the
people
,
together
with
hatred
of
the
manchus.
they
were
held
responsible
for
every
evil
suffered
,
regardless
of
the
fact
that
similar
evils
had
existed
earlier.
##number##
_european
imperialism
in
the
far
east_
with
the
tao-kuang
period
(
##number##
)
began
a
new
period
in
chinese
history
,
which
came
to
an
end
only
in
##number##
in
foreign
affairs
these
ninety
years
were
marked
by
the
steadily
growing
influence
of
the
western
powers
,
aimed
at
turning
china
into
a
colony.
culturally
this
period
was
that
of
the
gradual
infiltration
of
western
civilization
into
the
far
east
;
it
was
recognized
in
china
that
it
was
necessary
to
learn
from
the
west.
in
home
affairs
we
see
the
collapse
of
the
dynasty
and
the
destruction
of
the
unity
of
the
empire
;
of
four
great
civil
wars
,
one
almost
brought
the
dynasty
to
its
end.
north
and
south
china
,
the
coastal
area
and
the
interior
,
developed
in
different
ways.
great
britain
had
made
several
attempts
to
improve
her
trade
relations
with
china
,
but
the
mission
of
##number##
had
no
success
,
and
that
of
##number##
also
failed.
english
merchants
,
like
all
foreign
merchants
,
were
only
permitted
to
settle
in
a
small
area
adjoining
canton
and
at
macao
,
and
were
only
permitted
to
trade
with
a
particular
group
of
monopolists
,
known
as
the
"
hong
"
.
the
hong
had
to
pay
taxes
to
the
state
,
but
they
had
a
wonderful
opportunity
of
enriching
themselves.
the
europeans
were
entirely
at
their
mercy
,
for
they
were
not
allowed
to
travel
inland
,
and
they
were
not
allowed
to
try
to
negotiate
with
other
merchants
,
to
secure
lower
prices
by
competition.
the
europeans
concentrated
especially
on
the
purchase
of
silk
and
tea
;
but
what
could
they
import
into
china
?
the
higher
the
price
of
the
goods
and
the
smaller
the
cargo
space
involved
,
the
better
were
the
chances
of
profit
for
the
merchants.
it
proved
,
however
,
that
european
woollens
or
luxury
goods
could
not
be
sold
;
the
chinese
would
probably
have
been
glad
to
buy
food
,
but
transport
was
too
expensive
to
permit
profitable
business.
thus
a
new
article
was
soon
discovered
--
opium
,
carried
from
india
to
china
:
the
price
was
high
and
the
cargo
space
involved
was
very
small.
the
chinese
were
familiar
with
opium
,
and
bought
it
readily.
accordingly
,
from
##number##
onwards
opium
became
more
and
more
the
chief
article
of
trade
,
especially
for
the
english
,
who
were
able
to
bring
it
conveniently
from
india.
opium
is
harmful
to
the
people
;
the
opium
trade
resulted
in
certain
groups
of
merchants
being
inordinately
enriched
;
a
great
deal
of
chinese
money
went
abroad.
the
government
became
apprehensive
and
sent
lin
tse-hsue
as
its
commissioner
to
canton.
in
##number##
he
prohibited
the
opium
trade
and
burned
the
chests
of
opium
found
in
british
possession.
the
british
view
was
that
to
tolerate
the
chinese
action
might
mean
the
destruction
of
british
trade
in
the
far
east
and
that
,
on
the
other
hand
,
it
might
be
possible
by
active
intervention
to
compel
the
chinese
to
open
other
ports
to
european
trade
and
to
shake
off
the
monopoly
of
the
canton
merchants.
in
##number##
british
ships-of-war
appeared
off
the
south-eastern
coast
of
china
and
bombarded
it.
in
##number##
the
chinese
opened
negotiations
and
dismissed
lin
tse-hsue.
as
the
chinese
concessions
were
regarded
as
inadequate
,
hostilities
continued
;
the
british
entered
the
yangtze
estuary
and
threatened
nanking.
in
this
first
armed
conflict
with
the
west
,
china
found
herself
defenceless
owing
to
her
lack
of
a
navy
,
and
it
was
also
found
that
the
european
weapons
were
far
superior
to
those
of
the
chinese.
in
##number##
china
was
compelled
to
capitulate
:
under
the
treaty
of
nanking
hong
kong
was
ceded
to
great
britain
,
a
war
indemnity
was
paid
,
certain
ports
were
thrown
open
to
european
trade
,
and
the
monopoly
was
brought
to
an
end.
a
great
deal
of
opium
came
,
however
,
into
china
through
smuggling
--
regrettably
,
for
the
state
lost
the
customs
revenue
!
this
treaty
introduced
the
period
of
the
capitulations.
it
contained
the
dangerous
clause
which
added
most
to
china
's
misfortunes
--
the
most
favoured
nation
clause
,
providing
that
if
china
granted
any
privilege
to
any
other
state
,
that
privilege
should
also
automatically
be
granted
to
great
britain.
in
connection
with
this
treaty
it
was
agreed
that
the
chinese
customs
should
be
supervised
by
european
consuls
;
and
a
trade
treaty
was
granted.
similar
treaties
followed
in
##number##
with
france
and
the
united
states.
the
missionaries
returned
;
until
##number##
,
however
,
they
were
only
permitted
to
work
in
the
treaty
ports.
shanghai
was
thrown
open
in
##number##
,
and
developed
with
extraordinary
rapidity
from
a
town
to
a
city
of
a
million
and
a
centre
of
world-wide
importance.
the
terms
of
the
nanking
treaty
were
not
observed
by
either
side
;
both
evaded
them.
in
order
to
facilitate
the
smuggling
,
the
british
had
permitted
certain
chinese
junks
to
fly
the
british
flag.
this
also
enabled
these
vessels
to
be
protected
by
british
ships-of-war
from
pirates
,
which
at
that
time
were
very
numerous
off
the
southern
coast
owing
to
the
economic
depression.
the
chinese
,
for
their
part
,
placed
every
possible
obstacle
in
the
way
of
the
british.
in
##number##
the
chinese
held
up
a
ship
sailing
under
the
british
flag
,
pulled
down
its
flag
,
and
arrested
the
crew
on
suspicion
of
smuggling.
in
connection
with
this
and
other
events
,
britain
decided
to
go
to
war.
thus
began
the
"
lorcha
war
"
of
##number##
,
in
which
france
joined
for
the
sake
of
the
booty
to
be
expected.
britain
had
just
ended
the
crimean
war
,
and
was
engaged
in
heavy
fighting
against
the
moguls
in
india.
consequently
only
a
small
force
of
a
few
thousand
men
could
be
landed
in
china
;
canton
,
however
,
was
bombarded
,
and
also
the
forts
of
tientsin.
there
still
seemed
no
prospect
of
gaining
the
desired
objectives
by
negotiation
,
and
in
##number##
a
new
expedition
was
fitted
out
,
this
time
some
##number##
strong.
the
troops
landed
at
tientsin
and
marched
on
peking
;
the
emperor
fled
to
jehol
and
did
not
return
;
he
died
in
##number##
the
new
treaty
of
tientsin
(
##number##
)
provided
for
(
a
)
the
opening
of
further
ports
to
european
traders
;
(
b
)
the
session
of
kowloon
,
the
strip
of
land
lying
opposite
hong
kong
;
(
c
)
the
establishment
of
a
british
legation
in
peking
;
(
d
)
freedom
of
navigation
along
the
yangtze
;
(
e
)
permission
for
british
subjects
to
purchase
land
in
china
;
(
f
)
the
british
to
be
subject
to
their
own
consular
courts
and
not
to
the
chinese
courts
;
(
g
)
missionary
activity
to
be
permitted
throughout
the
country.
in
addition
to
this
,
the
commercial
treaty
was
revised
,
the
opium
trade
was
permitted
once
more
,
and
a
war
indemnity
was
to
be
paid
by
china.
in
the
eyes
of
europe
,
britain
had
now
succeeded
in
turning
china
not
actually
into
a
colony
,
but
at
all
events
into
a
semi-colony
;
china
must
be
expected
soon
to
share
the
fate
of
india.
china
,
however
,
with
her
very
different
conceptions
of
intercourse
between
states
,
did
not
realize
the
full
import
of
these
terms
;
some
of
them
were
regarded
as
concessions
on
unimportant
points
,
which
there
was
no
harm
in
granting
to
the
trading
"
barbarians
"
,
as
had
been
done
in
the
past
;
some
were
regarded
as
simple
injustices
,
which
at
a
given
moment
could
be
swept
away
by
administrative
action.
but
the
result
of
this
european
penetration
was
that
china
's
balance
of
trade
was
adverse
,
and
became
more
and
more
so
,
as
under
the
commercial
treaties
she
could
neither
stop
the
importation
of
european
goods
nor
set
a
duty
on
them
;
and
on
the
other
hand
she
could
not
compel
foreigners
to
buy
chinese
goods.
the
efflux
of
silver
brought
general
impoverishment
to
china
,
widespread
financial
stringency
to
the
state
,
and
continuous
financial
crises
and
inflation.
china
had
never
had
much
liquid
capital
,
and
she
was
soon
compelled
to
take
up
foreign
loans
in
order
to
pay
her
debts.
at
that
time
internal
loans
were
out
of
the
question
(
the
first
internal
loan
was
floated
in
##number##
)
:
the
population
did
not
even
know
what
a
state
loan
meant
;
consequently
the
loans
had
to
be
issued
abroad.
this
,
however
,
entailed
the
giving
of
securities
,
generally
in
the
form
of
economic
privileges.
under
the
most
favoured
nation
clause
,
however
,
these
privileges
had
then
to
be
granted
to
other
states
which
had
made
no
loans
to
china.
clearly
a
vicious
spiral
,
which
in
the
end
could
only
bring
disaster.
the
only
exception
to
the
general
impoverishment
,
in
which
not
only
the
peasants
but
the
old
upper
classes
were
involved
,
was
a
certain
section
of
the
trading
community
and
the
middle
class
,
which
had
grown
rich
through
its
dealings
with
the
europeans.
these
people
now
accumulated
capital
,
became
europeanized
with
their
staffs
,
acquired
land
from
the
impoverished
gentry
,
and
sent
their
sons
abroad
to
foreign
universities.
they
founded
the
first
industrial
undertakings
,
and
learned
european
capitalist
methods.
this
class
was
,
of
course
,
to
be
found
mainly
in
the
treaty
ports
in
the
south
and
in
their
environs.
the
south
,
as
far
north
as
shanghai
,
became
more
modern
and
more
advanced
;
the
north
made
no
advance.
in
the
south
,
european
ways
of
thought
were
learnt
,
and
chinese
and
european
theories
were
compared.
criticism
began.
the
first
revolutionary
societies
were
formed
in
this
atmosphere
in
the
south.
##number##
_risings
in
turkestan
and
within
china
:
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
rebellion_
but
the
emperor
hsuean
tsung
(
reign
name
tao-kuang
)
,
a
man
in
poor
health
though
not
without
ability
,
had
much
graver
anxieties
than
those
caused
by
the
europeans.
he
did
not
yet
fully
realize
the
seriousness
of
the
european
peril.
[
illustration
:
##number##
the
imperial
summer
palace
of
the
manchu
rulers
,
at
jehol.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
]
[
illustration
:
##number##
tower
on
the
city
wall
of
peking.
_photo
h.
hammer-morrisson_.
]
in
turkestan
,
where
turkish
mohammedans
lived
under
chinese
rule
,
conditions
were
far
from
being
as
the
chinese
desired.
the
chinese
,
a
fundamentally
rationalistic
people
,
regarded
religion
as
a
purely
political
matter
,
and
accordingly
required
every
citizen
to
take
part
in
the
official
form
of
worship.
subject
to
that
,
he
might
privately
belong
to
any
other
religion.
to
a
mohammedan
,
this
was
impossible
and
intolerable.
the
mohammedans
were
only
ready
to
practice
their
own
religion
,
and
absolutely
refused
to
take
part
in
any
other.
the
chinese
also
tried
to
apply
to
turkestan
in
other
matters
the
same
legislation
that
applied
to
all
china
,
but
this
proved
irreconcilable
with
the
demands
made
by
islam
on
its
followers.
all
this
produced
continual
unrest.
turkestan
had
a
feudal
system
of
government
with
a
number
of
feudal
lords
(
_beg_
)
,
who
tried
to
maintain
their
influence
and
who
had
the
support
of
the
mohammedan
population.
the
chinese
had
come
to
turkestan
as
soldiers
and
officials
,
to
administer
the
country.
they
regarded
themselves
as
the
lords
of
the
land
and
occupied
themselves
with
the
extraction
of
taxes.
most
of
the
officials
were
also
associated
with
the
chinese
merchants
who
travelled
throughout
turkestan
and
as
far
as
siberia.
the
conflicts
implicit
in
this
situation
produced
great
mohammedan
risings
in
the
nineteenth
century.
the
first
came
in
##number##
;
in
##number##
a
second
rising
flamed
up
,
and
thirty
years
later
these
revolts
led
to
the
temporary
loss
of
the
whole
of
turkestan.
in
##number##
,
native
unrest
began
in
the
province
of
hunan
,
as
a
result
of
the
constantly
growing
pressure
of
the
chinese
settlers
on
the
native
population
;
in
the
same
year
there
was
unrest
farther
south
,
in
the
province
of
kwangsi
,
this
time
in
connection
with
the
influence
of
the
europeans.
the
leader
was
a
quite
simple
man
of
hakka
blood
,
hung
hsiu-ch
'uean
(
born
##number##
)
,
who
gathered
impoverished
hakka
peasants
round
him
as
every
peasant
leader
had
done
in
the
past.
very
often
the
nucleus
of
these
peasant
movements
had
been
a
secret
society
with
a
particular
religious
tinge
;
this
time
the
peasant
revolutionaries
came
forward
as
at
the
same
time
the
preachers
of
a
new
religion
of
their
own.
hung
had
heard
of
christianity
from
missionaries
(
##number##
)
,
and
he
mixed
up
christian
ideas
with
those
of
ancient
china
and
proclaimed
to
his
followers
a
doctrine
that
promised
the
kingdom
of
god
on
earth.
he
called
himself
"
christ
's
younger
brother
"
,
and
his
kingdom
was
to
be
called
_t
'ai
p
'ing_
(
"
supreme
peace
"
)
.
he
made
his
first
comrades
,
charcoal
makers
,
local
doctors
,
peddlers
and
farmers
,
into
kings
,
and
made
himself
emperor.
at
bottom
the
movement
,
like
all
similar
ones
before
it
,
was
not
religious
but
social
;
and
it
produced
a
great
response
from
the
peasants.
the
program
of
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
,
in
some
points
influenced
by
christian
ideas
but
more
so
by
traditional
chinese
thought
,
was
in
many
points
revolutionary
:
(
a
)
all
property
was
communal
property
;
(
b
)
land
was
classified
into
categories
according
to
its
fertility
and
equally
distributed
among
men
and
women.
every
producer
kept
of
the
produce
as
much
as
he
and
his
family
needed
and
delivered
the
rest
into
the
communal
granary
;
(
c
)
administration
and
tax
systems
were
revised
;
(
d
)
women
were
given
equal
rights
:
they
fought
together
with
men
in
the
army
and
had
access
to
official
position.
they
had
to
marry
,
but
monogamy
was
requested
;
(
e
)
the
use
of
opium
,
tobacco
and
alcohol
was
prohibited
,
prostitution
was
illegal
;
(
f
)
foreigners
were
regarded
as
equals
,
capitulations
as
the
manchus
had
accepted
were
not
recognized.
a
large
part
of
the
officials
,
and
particularly
of
the
soldiers
sent
against
the
revolutionaries
,
were
manchus
,
and
consequently
the
movement
very
soon
became
a
nationalist
movement
,
much
as
the
popular
movement
at
the
end
of
the
mongol
epoch
had
done.
hung
made
rapid
progress
;
in
##number##
he
captured
hankow
,
and
in
##number##
nanking
,
the
important
centre
in
the
east.
with
clear
political
insight
he
made
nanking
his
capital.
in
this
he
returned
to
the
old
traditions
of
the
beginning
of
the
ming
epoch
,
no
doubt
expecting
in
this
way
to
attract
support
from
the
eastern
chinese
gentry
,
who
had
no
liking
for
a
capital
far
away
in
the
north.
he
made
a
parade
of
adhesion
to
the
ancient
chinese
tradition
:
his
followers
cut
off
their
pigtails
and
allowed
their
hair
to
grow
as
in
the
past.
he
did
not
succeed
,
however
,
in
carrying
his
reforms
from
the
stage
of
sporadic
action
to
a
systematic
reorganization
of
the
country
,
and
he
also
failed
to
enlist
the
elements
needed
for
this
as
for
all
other
administrative
work
,
so
that
the
good
start
soon
degenerated
into
a
terrorist
regime.
hung
's
followers
pressed
on
from
nanking
,
and
in
##number##
they
advanced
nearly
to
tientsin
;
but
they
failed
to
capture
peking
itself.
the
new
t
'ai
p
'ing
state
faced
the
europeans
with
big
problems.
should
they
work
with
it
or
against
it
?
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
always
insisted
that
they
were
christians
;
the
missionaries
hoped
now
to
have
the
opportunity
of
converting
all
china
to
christianity.
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
treated
the
missionaries
well
but
did
not
let
them
operate.
after
long
hesitation
and
much
vacillation
,
however
,
the
europeans
placed
themselves
on
the
side
of
the
manchus.
not
out
of
any
belief
that
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
movement
was
without
justification
,
but
because
they
had
concluded
treaties
with
the
manchu
government
and
given
loans
to
it
,
of
which
nothing
would
have
remained
if
the
manchus
had
fallen
;
because
they
preferred
the
weak
manchu
government
to
a
strong
t
'ai
p
'ing
government
;
and
because
they
disliked
the
socialistic
element
in
many
of
the
measured
adopted
by
the
t
'ai
p
'ing.
at
first
it
seemed
as
if
the
manchus
would
be
able
to
cope
unaided
with
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
,
but
the
same
thing
happened
as
at
the
end
of
the
mongol
rule
:
the
imperial
armies
,
consisting
of
the
"
banners
"
of
the
manchus
,
the
mongols
,
and
some
chinese
,
had
lost
their
military
skill
in
the
long
years
of
peace
;
they
had
lost
their
old
fighting
spirit
and
were
glad
to
be
able
to
live
in
peace
on
their
state
pensions.
now
three
men
came
to
the
fore
--
a
mongol
named
seng-ko-lin-ch
'in
,
a
man
of
great
personal
bravery
,
who
defended
the
interests
of
the
manchu
rulers
;
and
two
chinese
,
tseng
kuo-fan
(
##number##
)
and
li
hung-chang
(
##number##
)
,
who
were
in
the
service
of
the
manchus
but
used
their
position
simply
to
further
the
interests
of
the
gentry.
the
mongol
saved
peking
from
capture
by
the
t
'ai
p
'ing.
the
two
chinese
were
living
in
central
china
,
and
there
they
recruited
,
li
at
his
own
expense
and
tseng
out
of
the
resources
at
his
disposal
as
a
provincial
governor
,
a
sort
of
militia
,
consisting
of
peasants
out
to
protect
their
homes
from
destruction
by
the
peasants
of
the
t
'ai
p
'ing.
thus
the
peasants
of
central
china
,
all
suffering
from
impoverishment
,
were
divided
into
two
groups
,
one
following
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
,
the
other
following
tseng
kuo-fan.
tseng
's
army
,
too
,
might
be
described
as
a
"
national
"
army
,
because
tseng
was
not
fighting
for
the
interests
of
the
manchus.
thus
the
peasants
,
all
anti-manchu
,
could
choose
between
two
sides
,
between
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
and
tseng
kuo-fan.
although
tseng
represented
the
gentry
and
was
thus
against
the
simple
common
people
,
peasants
fought
in
masses
on
his
side
,
for
he
paid
better
,
and
especially
more
regularly.
tseng
,
being
a
good
strategist
,
won
successes
and
gained
adherents.
thus
by
##number##
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
were
pressed
back
on
nanking
and
some
of
the
towns
round
it
;
in
##number##
nanking
was
captured.
while
in
the
central
provinces
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
rebellion
was
raging
,
china
was
suffering
grave
setbacks
owing
to
the
lorcha
war
of
##number##
;
and
there
were
also
great
and
serious
risings
in
other
parts
of
the
country.
in
##number##
the
yellow
river
had
changed
its
course
,
entering
the
sea
once
more
at
tientsin
,
to
the
great
loss
of
the
regions
of
honan
and
anhui.
in
these
two
central
provinces
the
peasant
rising
of
the
so-called
"
nien
fei
"
had
begun
,
but
it
only
became
formidable
after
##number##
,
owing
to
the
increasing
misery
of
the
peasants.
this
purely
peasant
revolt
was
not
suppressed
by
the
manchu
government
until
##number##
,
after
many
collisions.
then
,
however
,
there
began
the
so-called
"
mohammedan
risings
"
.
here
there
are
,
in
all
,
five
movements
to
distinguish
:
(
##number##
)
the
mohammedan
rising
in
kansu
(
##number##
)
;
(
##number##
)
the
salar
movement
in
shensi
;
(
##number##
)
the
mohammedan
revolt
in
yuennan
(
##number##
)
;
(
##number##
)
the
rising
in
kansu
(
##number##
)
;
(
##number##
)
the
rebellion
of
yakub
beg
in
turkestan
(
from
##number##
onward
)
.
while
we
are
fairly
well
informed
about
the
other
popular
risings
of
this
period
,
the
mohammedan
revolts
have
not
yet
been
well
studied.
we
know
from
unofficial
accounts
that
these
risings
were
suppressed
with
great
brutality.
to
this
day
there
are
many
mohammedans
in
,
for
instance
,
yuennan
,
but
the
revolt
there
is
said
to
have
cost
a
million
lives.
the
figures
all
rest
on
very
rough
estimates
:
in
kansu
the
population
is
said
to
have
fallen
from
fifteen
millions
to
one
million
;
the
turkestan
revolt
is
said
to
have
cost
ten
million
lives.
there
are
no
reliable
statistics
;
but
it
is
understandable
that
at
that
time
the
population
of
china
must
have
fallen
considerably
,
especially
if
we
bear
in
mind
the
equally
ferocious
suppression
of
the
risings
of
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
and
the
nien
fei
within
china
,
and
smaller
risings
of
which
we
have
made
no
mention.
the
mohammedan
risings
were
not
elements
of
a
general
mohammedan
revolt
,
but
separate
events
only
incidentally
connected
with
each
other.
the
risings
had
different
causes.
an
important
factor
was
the
general
distress
in
china.
this
was
partly
due
to
the
fact
that
the
officials
were
exploiting
the
peasant
population
more
ruthlessly
than
ever.
in
addition
to
this
,
owing
to
the
national
feeling
which
had
been
aroused
in
so
unfortunate
a
way
,
the
chinese
felt
a
revulsion
against
non-chinese
,
such
as
the
salars
,
who
were
of
turkish
race.
here
there
were
always
possibilities
of
friction
,
which
might
have
been
removed
with
a
little
consideration
but
which
swelled
to
importance
through
the
tactless
behaviour
of
chinese
officials.
finally
there
came
divisions
among
the
mohammedans
of
china
which
led
to
fighting
between
themselves.
all
these
risings
were
marked
by
two
characteristics.
they
had
no
general
political
aim
such
as
the
founding
of
a
great
and
universal
islamic
state.
separate
states
were
founded
,
but
they
were
too
small
to
endure
;
they
would
have
needed
the
protection
of
great
states.
but
they
were
not
moved
by
any
pan-islamic
idea.
secondly
,
they
all
took
place
on
chinese
soil
,
and
all
the
mohammedans
involved
,
except
in
the
rising
of
the
salars
,
were
chinese.
these
chinese
who
became
mohammedans
are
called
dungans.
the
dungans
are
,
of
course
,
no
longer
pure
chinese
,
because
chinese
who
have
gone
over
to
islam
readily
form
mixed
marriages
with
islamic
non-chinese
,
that
is
to
say
with
turks
and
mongols.
the
revolt
,
however
,
of
yakub
beg
in
turkestan
had
a
quite
different
character.
yakub
beg
(
his
chinese
name
was
an
chi-yeh
)
had
risen
to
the
chinese
governorship
when
he
made
himself
ruler
of
kashgar.
in
##number##
he
began
to
try
to
make
himself
independent
of
chinese
control.
he
conquered
ili
,
and
then
in
a
rapid
campaign
made
himself
master
of
all
turkestan.
his
state
had
a
much
better
prospect
of
endurance
than
the
other
mohammedan
states.
he
had
full
control
of
it
from
##number##
turkestan
was
connected
with
china
only
by
the
few
routes
that
led
between
the
desert
and
the
tibetan
mountains.
the
state
was
supported
against
china
by
russia
,
which
was
continually
pressing
eastward
,
and
in
the
south
by
great
britain
,
which
was
pressing
towards
tibet.
farther
west
was
the
great
ottoman
empire
;
the
attempt
to
gain
direct
contact
with
it
was
not
hopeless
in
itself
,
and
this
was
recognized
at
istanbul.
missions
went
to
and
fro
,
and
turkish
officers
came
to
yakub
beg
and
organized
his
army
;
yakub
beg
recognized
the
turkish
sultan
as
khalif.
he
also
concluded
treaties
with
russia
and
great
britain.
but
in
spite
of
all
this
he
was
unable
to
maintain
his
hold
of
turkestan.
in
##number##
the
famous
chinese
general
tso
tsung-t
'ang
(
##number##
)
,
who
had
fought
against
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
and
also
against
the
mohammedans
in
kansu
,
marched
into
turkestan
and
ended
yakub
beg
's
rule.
yakub
was
defeated
,
however
,
not
so
much
by
chinese
superiority
as
by
a
combination
of
circumstances.
in
order
to
build
up
his
kingdom
he
was
compelled
to
impose
heavy
taxation
,
and
this
made
him
unpopular
with
his
own
followers
:
they
had
to
pay
taxes
under
the
chinese
,
but
the
chinese
collection
had
been
much
less
rigorous
than
that
of
yakub
beg.
it
was
technically
impossible
for
the
ottoman
empire
to
give
him
any
aid
,
even
had
its
internal
situation
permitted
it.
britain
and
russia
would
probably
have
been
glad
to
see
a
weakening
of
the
chinese
hold
over
turkestan
,
but
they
did
not
want
a
strong
new
state
there
,
once
they
had
found
that
neither
of
them
could
control
the
country
while
it
was
in
yakub
beg
's
hands.
in
##number##
russia
occupied
the
ili
region
,
yakub
's
first
conquest.
in
the
end
the
two
great
powers
considered
it
better
for
turkestan
to
return
officially
into
the
hands
of
the
weakened
china
,
hoping
that
in
practice
they
would
be
able
to
bring
turkestan
more
and
more
under
their
control.
consequently
,
when
in
##number##
,
three
years
after
the
removal
of
yakub
beg
,
china
sent
a
mission
to
russia
with
the
request
for
the
return
of
the
ili
region
to
her
,
russia
gave
way
,
and
the
treaty
of
ili
was
concluded
,
ending
for
the
time
the
russian
penetration
of
turkestan.
in
##number##
the
manchu
government
raised
turkestan
to
a
"
new
frontier
"
(
sinkiang
)
with
a
special
administration.
this
process
of
colonial
penetration
of
turkestan
continued.
until
the
end
of
the
first
world
war
there
was
no
fundamental
change
in
the
situation
in
the
country
,
owing
to
the
rivalry
between
great
britain
and
russia.
but
after
##number##
a
period
began
in
which
turkestan
became
almost
independent
,
under
a
number
of
rulers
of
parts
of
the
country.
then
,
from
##number##
onward
,
a
more
and
more
thorough
penetration
by
russia
began
,
so
that
by
##number##
turkestan
could
almost
be
called
a
soviet
republic.
the
second
world
war
diverted
russian
attention
to
the
west
,
and
at
the
same
time
compelled
the
chinese
to
retreat
into
the
interior
from
the
japanese
,
so
that
by
##number##
the
country
was
more
firmly
held
by
the
chinese
government
than
it
had
been
for
seventy
years.
after
the
creation
of
the
people
's
democracy
mass
immigration
into
sinkiang
began
,
in
connection
with
the
development
of
oil
fields
and
of
many
new
industries
in
the
border
area
between
sinkiang
and
china
proper.
roads
and
air
communications
opened
sinkiang.
yet
,
the
differences
between
immigrant
chinese
and
local
,
muslim
turks
,
continue
to
play
a
role.
##number##
_collision
with
japan
;
further
capitulations_
the
reign
of
wen
tsung
(
reign
name
hsien-feng
##number##
)
was
marked
throughout
by
the
t
'ai
p
'ing
and
other
rebellions
and
by
wars
with
the
europeans
,
and
that
of
mu
tsung
(
reign
name
t
'ung-chih
:
##number##
)
by
the
great
mohammedan
disturbances.
there
began
also
a
conflict
with
japan
which
lasted
until
##number##
mu
tsung
came
to
the
throne
as
a
child
of
five
,
and
never
played
a
part
of
his
own.
it
had
been
the
general
rule
for
princes
to
serve
as
regents
for
minors
on
the
imperial
throne
,
but
this
time
the
princes
concerned
won
such
notoriety
through
their
intrigues
that
the
peking
court
circles
decided
to
entrust
the
regency
to
two
concubines
of
the
late
emperor.
one
of
these
,
called
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
(
born
##number##
)
,
of
the
manchu
tribe
of
the
yehe-nara
,
quickly
gained
the
upper
hand.
the
empress
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
was
one
of
the
strongest
personalities
of
the
later
nineteenth
century
who
played
an
active
part
in
chinese
political
life.
she
played
a
more
active
part
than
any
emperor
had
played
for
many
decades.
meanwhile
great
changes
had
taken
place
in
japan.
the
restoration
of
the
meiji
had
ended
the
age
of
feudalism
,
at
least
on
the
surface.
japan
rapidly
became
westernized
,
and
at
the
same
time
entered
on
an
imperialist
policy.
her
aims
from
##number##
onward
were
clear
,
and
remained
unaltered
until
the
end
of
the
second
world
war
:
she
was
to
be
surrounded
by
a
wide
girdle
of
territories
under
japanese
domination
,
in
order
to
prevent
the
approach
of
any
enemy
to
the
japanese
homeland.
this
girdle
was
divided
into
several
zones
--
(
##number##
)
the
inner
zone
with
the
kurile
islands
,
sakhalin
,
korea
,
the
ryukyu
archipelago
,
and
formosa
;
(
##number##
)
the
outer
zone
with
the
marianne
,
philippine
,
and
caroline
islands
,
eastern
china
,
manchuria
,
and
eastern
siberia
;
(
##number##
)
the
third
zone
,
not
clearly
defined
,
including
especially
the
netherlands
indies
,
indo-china
,
and
the
whole
of
china
,
a
zone
of
undefined
extent.
the
outward
form
of
this
subjugated
region
was
to
be
that
of
the
greater
japanese
empire
,
described
as
the
imperium
of
the
yellow
race
(
the
main
ideas
were
contained
in
the
tanaka
memorandum
##number##
and
in
the
tada
interview
of
##number##
)
.
round
japan
,
moreover
,
a
girdle
was
to
be
created
of
producers
of
raw
materials
and
purchasers
of
manufactures
,
to
provide
japanese
industry
with
a
market.
japan
had
sent
a
delegation
of
amity
to
china
as
early
as
##number##
,
and
a
first
sino-japanese
treaty
was
signed
in
##number##
;
from
then
on
,
japan
began
to
carry
out
her
imperialistic
plans.
in
##number##
she
attacked
the
ryukyu
islands
and
formosa
on
the
pretext
that
some
japanese
had
been
murdered
there.
under
the
treaty
of
##number##
japan
withdrew
once
more
,
only
demanding
a
substantial
indemnity
;
but
in
##number##
,
in
violation
of
the
treaty
and
without
a
declaration
of
war
,
she
annexed
the
ryukyu
islands.
in
##number##
began
the
japanese
penetration
into
korea
;
by
##number##
she
had
reached
the
stage
of
a
declaration
that
korea
was
a
joint
sphere
of
interest
of
china
and
japan
;
until
then
china
's
protectorate
over
korea
had
been
unchallenged.
at
the
same
time
(
##number##
)
great
britain
had
secured
further
capitulations
in
the
chefoo
convention
;
in
##number##
france
had
acquired
cochin
china
,
in
##number##
cambodia
,
in
##number##
tongking
,
and
in
##number##
annam.
this
led
in
##number##
to
war
between
france
and
china
,
in
which
the
french
did
not
by
any
means
gain
an
indubitable
victory
;
but
the
treaty
of
tientsin
left
them
with
their
acquisitions.
meanwhile
,
at
the
beginning
of
##number##
,
the
young
chinese
emperor
died
of
smallpox
,
without
issue.
under
the
influence
of
the
two
empresses
,
who
still
remained
regents
,
a
cousin
of
the
dead
emperor
,
the
three-year-old
prince
tsai
t
'ien
was
chosen
as
emperor
te
tsung
(
reign
name
kuang-hsue
:
##number##
)
.
he
came
of
age
in
##number##
and
took
over
the
government
of
the
country.
the
empress
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
retired
,
but
did
not
really
relinquish
the
reins.
in
##number##
the
sino-japanese
war
broke
out
over
korea
,
as
an
outcome
of
the
undefined
position
that
had
existed
since
##number##
owing
to
the
imperialistic
policy
of
the
japanese.
china
had
created
a
north
china
squadron
,
but
this
was
all
that
can
be
regarded
as
chinese
preparation
for
the
long-expected
war.
the
governor
general
of
chihli
(
now
hopei
--
the
province
in
which
peking
is
situated
)
,
li
hung-chang
,
was
a
general
who
had
done
good
service
,
but
he
lost
the
war
,
and
at
shimonoseki
(
##number##
)
he
had
to
sign
a
treaty
on
very
harsh
terms
,
in
which
china
relinquished
her
protectorate
over
korea
and
lost
formosa.
the
intervention
of
france
,
germany
,
and
russia
compelled
japan
to
content
herself
with
these
acquisitions
,
abandoning
her
demand
for
south
manchuria.
##number##
_russia
in
manchuria_
after
the
crimean
war
,
russia
had
turned
her
attention
once
more
to
the
east.
there
had
been
hostilities
with
china
over
eastern
siberia
,
which
were
brought
to
an
end
in
##number##
by
the
treaty
of
aigun
,
under
which
china
ceded
certain
territories
in
northern
manchuria.
this
made
possible
the
founding
of
vladivostok
in
##number##
russia
received
sakhalin
from
japan
in
##number##
in
exchange
for
the
kurile
islands.
she
received
from
china
the
important
port
arthur
as
a
leased
territory
,
and
then
tried
to
secure
the
whole
of
south
manchuria.
this
brought
japan
's
policy
of
expansion
into
conflict
with
russia
's
plans
in
the
far
east.
russia
wanted
manchuria
in
order
to
be
able
to
pursue
a
policy
in
the
pacific
;
but
japan
herself
planned
to
march
into
manchuria
from
korea
,
of
which
she
already
had
possession.
this
imperialist
rivalry
made
war
inevitable
:
russia
lost
the
war
;
under
the
treaty
of
portsmouth
in
##number##
russia
gave
japan
the
main
railway
through
manchuria
,
with
adjoining
territory.
thus
manchuria
became
japan
's
sphere
of
influence
and
was
lost
to
the
manchus
without
their
being
consulted
in
any
way.
the
japanese
penetration
of
manchuria
then
proceeded
stage
by
stage
,
not
without
occasional
setbacks
,
until
she
had
occupied
the
whole
of
manchuria
from
##number##
to
##number##
after
the
end
of
the
second
world
war
,
manchuria
was
returned
to
china
,
with
certain
reservations
in
favour
of
the
soviet
union
,
which
were
later
revoked.
##number##
_reform
and
reaction
:
the
boxer
rising_
china
had
lost
the
war
with
japan
because
she
was
entirely
without
modern
armament.
while
japan
went
to
work
at
once
with
all
her
energy
to
emulate
western
industrialization
,
the
ruling
class
in
china
had
shown
a
marked
repugnance
to
any
modernization
;
and
the
centre
of
this
conservatism
was
the
dowager
empress
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi.
she
was
a
woman
of
strong
personality
,
but
too
uneducated
--
in
the
modern
sense
--
to
be
able
to
realize
that
modernization
was
an
absolute
necessity
for
china
if
it
was
to
remain
an
independent
state.
the
empress
failed
to
realize
that
the
europeans
were
fundamentally
different
from
the
neighbouring
tribes
or
the
pirates
of
the
past
;
she
had
not
the
capacity
to
acquire
a
general
grasp
of
the
realities
of
world
politics.
she
felt
instinctively
that
europeanization
would
wreck
the
foundations
of
the
power
of
the
manchus
and
the
gentry
,
and
would
bring
another
class
,
the
middle
class
and
the
merchants
,
into
power.
there
were
reasonable
men
,
however
,
who
had
seen
the
necessity
of
reform
--
especially
li
hung-chang
,
who
has
already
been
mentioned.
in
##number##
he
went
on
a
mission
to
moscow
,
and
then
toured
europe.
the
reformers
were
,
however
,
divided
into
two
groups.
one
group
advocated
the
acquisition
of
a
certain
amount
of
technical
knowledge
from
abroad
and
its
introduction
by
slow
reforms
,
without
altering
the
social
structure
of
the
state
or
the
composition
of
the
government.
the
others
held
that
the
state
needed
fundamental
changes
,
and
that
superficial
loans
from
europe
were
not
enough.
the
failure
in
the
war
with
japan
made
the
general
desire
for
reform
more
and
more
insistent
not
only
in
the
country
but
in
peking.
until
now
japan
had
been
despised
as
a
barbarian
state
;
now
japan
had
won
!
the
europeans
had
been
despised
;
now
they
were
all
cutting
bits
out
of
china
for
themselves
,
extracting
from
the
government
one
privilege
after
another
,
and
quite
openly
dividing
china
into
"
spheres
of
interest
"
,
obviously
as
the
prelude
to
annexation
of
the
whole
country.
in
europe
at
that
time
the
question
was
being
discussed
over
and
over
again
,
why
japan
had
so
quickly
succeeded
in
making
herself
a
modern
power
,
and
why
china
was
not
succeeding
in
doing
so
;
the
japanese
were
praised
for
their
capacity
and
the
chinese
blamed
for
their
lassitude.
both
in
europe
and
in
chinese
circles
it
was
overlooked
that
there
were
fundamental
differences
in
the
social
structures
of
the
two
countries.
the
basis
of
the
modern
capitalist
states
of
the
west
is
the
middle
class.
japan
had
for
centuries
had
a
middle
class
(
the
merchants
)
that
had
entered
into
a
symbiosis
with
the
feudal
lords.
for
the
middle
class
the
transition
to
modern
capitalism
,
and
for
the
feudal
lords
the
way
to
western
imperialism
,
was
easy.
in
china
there
was
only
a
weak
middle
class
,
vegetating
under
the
dominance
of
the
gentry
;
the
middle
class
had
still
to
gain
the
strength
to
liberate
itself
before
it
could
become
the
support
for
a
capitalistic
state.
and
the
gentry
were
still
strong
enough
to
maintain
their
dominance
and
so
to
prevent
a
radical
reconstruction
;
all
they
would
agree
to
were
a
few
reforms
from
which
they
might
hope
to
secure
an
increase
of
power
for
their
own
ends.
in
##number##
and
in
##number##
a
scholar
,
k
'ang
yo-wei
,
who
was
admitted
into
the
presence
of
the
emperor
,
submitted
to
him
memoranda
in
which
he
called
for
radical
reform.
k
'ang
was
a
scholar
who
belonged
to
the
empiricist
school
of
philosophy
of
the
early
manchu
period
,
the
so-called
han
school.
he
was
a
man
of
strong
and
persuasive
personality
,
and
had
such
an
influence
on
the
emperor
that
in
##number##
the
emperor
issued
several
edicts
ordering
the
fundamental
reorganization
of
education
,
law
,
trade
,
communications
,
and
the
army.
these
laws
were
not
at
all
bad
in
themselves
;
they
would
have
paved
the
way
for
a
liberalization
of
chinese
society.
but
they
aroused
the
utmost
hatred
in
the
conservative
gentry
and
also
in
the
moderate
reformers
among
the
gentry.
k
'ang
yo-wei
and
his
followers
,
to
whom
a
number
of
well-known
modern
scholars
belonged
,
had
strong
support
in
south
china.
we
have
already
mentioned
that
owing
to
the
increased
penetration
of
european
goods
and
ideas
,
south
china
had
become
more
progressive
than
the
north
;
this
had
added
to
the
tension
already
existing
for
other
reasons
between
north
and
south.
in
foreign
policy
the
north
was
more
favourable
to
russia
and
radically
opposed
to
japan
and
great
britain
;
the
south
was
in
favour
of
co-operation
with
britain
and
japan
,
in
order
to
learn
from
those
two
states
how
reform
could
be
carried
through.
in
the
north
the
men
of
the
south
were
suspected
of
being
anti-manchu
and
revolutionary
in
feeling.
this
was
to
some
extent
true
,
though
k
'ang
yo-wei
and
his
friends
were
as
yet
largely
unconscious
of
it.
when
the
empress
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
saw
that
the
emperor
was
actually
thinking
about
reforms
,
she
went
to
work
with
lightning
speed.
very
soon
the
reformers
had
to
flee
;
those
who
failed
to
make
good
their
escape
were
arrested
and
executed.
the
emperor
was
made
a
prisoner
in
a
palace
near
peking
,
and
remained
a
captive
until
his
death
;
the
empress
resumed
her
regency
on
his
behalf.
the
period
of
reforms
lasted
only
for
a
few
months
of
##number##
a
leading
part
in
the
extermination
of
the
reformers
was
played
by
troops
from
kansu
under
the
command
of
a
mohammedan
,
tung
fu-hsiang.
general
yuean
shih-k
'ai
,
who
was
then
stationed
at
tientsin
in
command
of
##number##
troops
with
modern
equipment
,
the
only
ones
in
china
,
could
have
removed
the
empress
and
protected
the
reformers
;
but
he
was
already
pursuing
a
personal
policy
,
and
thought
it
safer
to
give
the
reformers
no
help.
there
now
began
,
from
##number##
,
a
thoroughly
reactionary
rule
of
the
dowager
empress.
but
china
's
general
situation
permitted
no
breathing-space.
in
##number##
came
the
so-called
boxer
rising
,
a
new
popular
movement
against
the
gentry
and
the
manchus
similar
to
the
many
that
had
preceded
it.
the
peking
government
succeeded
,
however
,
in
negotiations
that
brought
the
movement
into
the
service
of
the
government
and
directed
it
against
the
foreigners.
this
removed
the
danger
to
the
government
and
at
the
same
time
helped
it
against
the
hated
foreigners.
but
incidents
resulted
which
the
peking
government
had
not
anticipated.
an
international
army
was
sent
to
china
,
and
marched
from
tientsin
against
peking
,
to
liberate
the
besieged
european
legations
and
to
punish
the
government.
the
europeans
captured
peking
(
##number##
)
;
the
dowager
empress
and
her
prisoner
,
the
emperor
,
had
to
flee
;
some
of
the
palaces
were
looted.
the
peace
treaty
that
followed
exacted
further
concessions
from
china
to
the
europeans
and
enormous
war
indemnities
,
the
payment
of
which
continued
into
the
##number##
's
,
though
most
of
the
states
placed
the
money
at
china
's
disposal
for
educational
purposes.
when
in
##number##
the
dowager
empress
returned
to
peking
and
put
the
emperor
back
into
his
palace-prison
,
she
was
forced
by
what
had
happened
to
realize
that
at
all
events
a
certain
measure
of
reform
was
necessary.
the
reforms
,
however
,
which
she
decreed
,
mainly
in
##number##
,
were
very
modest
and
were
never
fully
carried
out.
they
were
only
intended
to
make
an
impression
on
the
outer
world
and
to
appease
the
continually
growing
body
of
supporters
of
the
reform
party
,
especially
numerous
in
south
china.
the
south
remained
,
nevertheless
,
a
focus
of
hostility
to
the
manchus.
after
his
failure
in
##number##
,
k
'ang
yo-wei
went
to
europe
,
and
no
longer
played
any
important
political
part.
his
place
was
soon
taken
by
a
young
chinese
physician
who
had
been
living
abroad
,
sun
yat-sen
(
##number##
)
,
who
turned
the
reform
party
into
a
middle-class
revolutionary
party.
##number##
_end
of
the
dynasty_
meanwhile
the
dowager
empress
held
her
own.
general
yuean
shih-k
'ai
,
who
had
played
so
dubious
a
part
in
##number##
,
was
not
impeccably
loyal
to
her
,
and
remained
unreliable.
he
was
beyond
challenge
the
strongest
man
in
the
country
,
for
he
possessed
the
only
modern
army
;
but
he
was
still
biding
his
time.
in
##number##
the
dowager
empress
fell
ill
;
she
was
seventy-four
years
old.
when
she
felt
that
her
end
was
near
,
she
seems
to
have
had
the
captive
emperor
te
tsung
assassinated
(
at
##number##
p.m.
on
november
14th
)
;
she
herself
died
next
day
(
november
15th
,
##number##
p.m.
)
:
she
was
evidently
determined
that
this
man
,
whom
she
had
ill-treated
and
oppressed
all
his
life
,
should
not
regain
independence.
as
te
tsung
had
no
children
,
she
nominated
on
the
day
of
her
death
the
two-year-old
prince
p
'u
yi
as
emperor
(
reign
name
hsuean-t
'ung
,
##number##
)
.
the
fact
that
another
child
was
to
reign
and
a
new
regency
to
act
for
him
,
together
with
all
the
failures
in
home
and
foreign
policy
,
brought
further
strength
to
the
revolutionary
party.
the
government
believed
that
it
could
only
maintain
itself
if
it
allowed
yuean
shih-k
'ai
,
the
commander
of
the
modern
troops
,
to
come
to
power.
the
chief
regent
,
however
,
worked
against
yuean
shih-k
'ai
and
dismissed
him
at
the
beginning
of
##number##
;
yuean
's
supporters
remained
at
their
posts.
yuean
himself
now
entered
into
relations
with
the
revolutionaries
,
whose
centre
was
canton
,
and
whose
undisputed
leader
was
now
sun
yat-sen.
at
this
time
sun
and
his
supporters
had
already
made
attempts
at
revolution
,
but
without
success
,
as
his
following
was
as
yet
too
small.
it
consisted
mainly
of
young
intellectuals
who
had
been
educated
in
europe
and
america
;
the
great
mass
of
the
chinese
people
remained
unconvinced
:
the
common
people
could
not
understand
the
new
ideals
,
and
the
middle
class
did
not
entirely
trust
the
young
intellectuals.
the
state
of
china
in
##number##
was
as
lamentable
as
could
be
:
the
european
states
,
russia
,
america
,
and
japan
regarded
china
as
a
field
for
their
own
plans
,
and
in
their
calculations
paid
scarcely
any
attention
to
the
chinese
government.
foreign
capital
was
penetrating
everywhere
in
the
form
of
loans
or
railway
and
other
enterprises.
if
it
had
not
been
for
the
mutual
rivalries
of
the
powers
,
china
would
long
ago
have
been
annexed
by
one
of
them.
the
government
needed
a
great
deal
of
money
for
the
payment
of
the
war
indemnities
,
and
for
carrying
out
the
few
reforms
at
last
decided
on.
in
order
to
get
money
from
the
provinces
,
it
had
to
permit
the
viceroys
even
more
freedom
than
they
already
possessed.
the
result
was
a
spectacle
altogether
resembling
that
of
the
end
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
,
about
a.d.
##number##
:
the
various
governors
were
trying
to
make
themselves
independent.
in
addition
to
this
there
was
the
revolutionary
movement
in
the
south.
the
government
made
some
concession
to
the
progressives
,
by
providing
the
first
beginnings
of
parliamentary
rule.
in
##number##
a
national
assembly
was
convoked.
it
had
a
lower
house
with
representatives
of
the
provinces
(
provincial
diets
were
also
set
up
)
,
and
an
upper
house
,
in
which
sat
representatives
of
the
imperial
house
,
the
nobility
,
the
gentry
,
and
also
the
protectorates.
the
members
of
the
upper
house
were
all
nominated
by
the
regent.
it
very
soon
proved
that
the
members
of
the
lower
house
,
mainly
representatives
of
the
provincial
gentry
,
had
a
much
more
practical
outlook
than
the
routineers
of
peking.
thus
the
lower
house
grew
in
importance
,
a
fact
which
,
of
course
,
brought
grist
to
the
mills
of
the
revolutionary
movement.
in
##number##
the
first
risings
directed
actually
against
the
regency
took
place
,
in
the
province
of
hunan.
in
##number##
the
"
railway
disturbances
"
broke
out
in
western
china
as
a
reply
of
the
railway
shareholders
in
the
province
of
szechwan
to
the
government
decree
of
nationalization
of
all
the
railways.
the
modernist
students
,
most
of
whom
were
sons
of
merchants
who
owned
railway
shares
,
supported
the
movement
,
and
the
government
was
unable
to
control
them.
at
the
same
time
a
great
anti-manchu
revolution
began
in
wuch
'ang
,
one
of
the
cities
of
which
wuhan
,
on
the
yangtze
,
now
consists.
the
revolution
was
the
result
of
government
action
against
a
group
of
terrorists.
its
leader
was
an
officer
named
li
yuean-hung.
the
manchus
soon
had
some
success
in
this
quarter
,
but
the
other
provincial
governors
now
rose
in
rapid
succession
,
repudiated
the
manchus
,
and
declared
themselves
independent.
most
of
the
manchu
garrisons
in
the
provinces
were
murdered.
the
governors
remained
at
the
head
of
their
troops
in
their
provinces
,
and
for
the
moment
made
common
cause
with
the
revolutionaries
,
from
whom
they
meant
to
break
free
at
the
first
opportunity.
the
manchus
themselves
failed
at
first
to
realize
the
gravity
of
the
revolutionary
movement
;
they
then
fell
into
panic-stricken
desperation.
as
a
last
resource
,
yuean
shih-k
'ai
was
recalled
(
november
10th
,
##number##
)
and
made
prime
minister.
yuean
's
excellent
troops
were
loyal
to
his
person
,
and
he
could
have
made
use
of
them
in
fighting
on
behalf
of
the
dynasty.
but
a
victory
would
have
brought
no
personal
gain
to
him
;
for
his
personal
plans
he
considered
that
the
anti-manchu
side
provided
the
springboard
he
needed.
the
revolutionaries
,
for
their
part
,
had
no
choice
but
to
win
over
yuean
shih-k
'ai
for
the
sake
of
his
troops
,
since
they
were
not
themselves
strong
enough
to
get
rid
of
the
manchus
,
or
even
to
wrest
concessions
from
them
,
so
long
as
the
manchus
were
defended
by
yuean
's
army.
thus
yuean
and
the
revolutionaries
were
forced
into
each
other
's
arms.
he
then
began
negotiations
with
them
,
explaining
to
the
imperial
house
that
the
dynasty
could
only
be
saved
by
concessions.
the
revolutionaries
--
apart
from
their
desire
to
neutralize
the
prime
minister
and
general
,
if
not
to
bring
him
over
to
their
side
--
were
also
readier
than
ever
to
negotiate
,
because
they
were
short
of
money
and
unable
to
obtain
loans
from
abroad
,
and
because
they
could
not
themselves
gain
control
of
the
individual
governors.
the
negotiations
,
which
had
been
carried
on
at
shanghai
,
were
broken
off
on
december
18th
,
##number##
,
because
the
revolutionaries
demanded
a
republic
,
but
the
imperial
house
was
only
ready
to
grant
a
constitutional
monarchy.
meanwhile
the
revolutionaries
set
up
a
provisional
government
at
nanking
(
december
29th
,
##number##
)
,
with
sun
yat-sen
as
president
and
li
yuean-hung
as
vice-president.
yuean
shih-k
'ai
now
declared
to
the
imperial
house
that
the
monarchy
could
no
longer
be
defended
,
as
his
troops
were
too
unreliable
,
and
he
induced
the
manchu
government
to
issue
an
edict
on
february
12th
,
##number##
,
in
which
they
renounced
the
throne
of
china
and
declared
the
republic
to
be
the
constitutional
form
of
state.
the
young
emperor
of
the
hsuean-t
'ung
period
,
after
the
japanese
conquest
of
manchuria
in
##number##
,
was
installed
there.
he
was
,
however
,
entirely
without
power
during
the
melancholy
years
of
his
nominal
rule
,
which
lasted
until
##number##
in
##number##
the
manchu
dynasty
came
in
reality
to
its
end.
on
the
news
of
the
abdication
of
the
imperial
house
,
sun
yat-sen
resigned
in
nanking
,
and
recommended
yuean
shih-k
'ai
as
president.
chapter
eleven
the
republic
(
##number##
)
##number##
_social
and
intellectual
position_
in
order
to
understand
the
period
that
now
followed
,
let
us
first
consider
the
social
and
intellectual
position
in
china
in
the
period
between
##number##
and
##number##
the
manchu
dynasty
was
no
longer
there
,
nor
were
there
any
remaining
real
supporters
of
the
old
dynasty.
the
gentry
,
however
,
still
existed.
alongside
it
was
a
still
numerically
small
middle
class
,
with
little
political
education
or
enlightenment.
the
political
interests
of
these
two
groups
were
obviously
in
conflict.
but
after
##number##
there
had
been
big
changes.
the
gentry
were
largely
in
a
process
of
decomposition.
they
still
possessed
the
basis
of
their
existence
,
their
land
,
but
the
land
was
falling
in
value
,
as
there
were
now
other
opportunities
of
capital
investment
,
such
as
export-import
,
shareholding
in
foreign
enterprises
,
or
industrial
undertakings.
it
is
important
to
note
,
however
,
that
there
was
not
much
fluid
capital
at
their
disposal.
in
addition
to
this
,
cheaper
rice
and
other
foodstuffs
were
streaming
from
abroad
into
china
,
bringing
the
prices
for
chinese
foodstuffs
down
to
the
world
market
prices
,
another
painful
business
blow
to
the
gentry.
silk
had
to
meet
the
competition
of
japanese
silk
and
especially
of
rayon
;
the
chinese
silk
was
of
very
unequal
quality
and
sold
with
difficulty.
on
the
other
hand
,
through
the
influence
of
the
western
capitalistic
system
,
which
was
penetrating
more
and
more
into
china
,
land
itself
became
"
capital
"
,
an
object
of
speculation
for
people
with
capital
;
its
value
no
longer
depended
entirely
on
the
rents
it
could
yield
but
,
under
certain
circumstances
,
on
quite
other
things
--
the
construction
of
railways
or
public
buildings
,
and
so
on.
these
changes
impoverished
and
demoralized
the
gentry
,
who
in
the
course
of
the
past
century
had
grown
fewer
in
number.
the
gentry
were
not
in
a
position
to
take
part
fully
in
the
capitalist
manipulations
,
because
they
had
never
possessed
much
capital
;
their
wealth
had
lain
entirely
in
their
land
,
and
the
income
from
their
rents
was
consumed
quite
unproductively
in
luxurious
living.
moreover
,
the
class
solidarity
of
the
gentry
was
dissolving.
in
the
past
,
politics
had
been
carried
on
by
cliques
of
gentry
families
,
with
the
emperor
at
their
head
as
an
unchangeable
institution.
this
edifice
had
now
lost
its
summit
;
the
struggles
between
cliques
still
went
on
,
but
entirely
without
the
control
which
the
emperor
's
power
had
after
all
exercised
,
as
a
sort
of
regulative
element
in
the
play
of
forces
among
the
gentry.
the
arena
for
this
competition
had
been
the
court.
after
the
destruction
of
the
arena
,
the
field
of
play
lost
its
boundaries
:
the
struggles
between
cliques
no
longer
had
a
definite
objective
;
the
only
objective
left
was
the
maintenance
or
securing
of
any
and
every
hold
on
power.
under
the
new
conditions
cliques
or
individuals
among
the
gentry
could
only
ally
themselves
with
the
possessors
of
military
power
,
the
generals
or
governors.
in
this
last
stage
the
struggle
between
rival
groups
turned
into
a
rivalry
between
individuals.
family
ties
began
to
weaken
and
other
ties
,
such
as
between
school
mates
,
or
origin
from
the
same
village
or
town
,
became
more
important
than
they
had
been
before.
for
the
securing
of
the
aim
in
view
any
means
were
considered
justifiable.
never
was
there
such
bribery
and
corruption
among
the
officials
as
in
the
years
after
##number##
this
period
,
until
##number##
,
may
therefore
be
described
as
a
period
of
dissolution
and
destruction
of
the
social
system
of
the
gentry.
over
against
this
dying
class
of
the
gentry
stood
,
broadly
speaking
,
a
tripartite
opposition.
to
begin
with
,
there
was
the
new
middle
class
,
divided
and
without
clear
political
ideas
;
anti-dynastic
of
course
,
but
undecided
especially
as
to
the
attitude
it
should
adopt
towards
the
peasants
who
,
to
this
day
,
form
over
##number##
per
cent
of
the
chinese
population.
the
middle
class
consisted
mainly
of
traders
and
bankers
,
whose
aim
was
the
introduction
of
western
capitalism
in
association
with
foreign
powers.
there
were
also
young
students
who
were
often
the
sons
of
old
gentry
families
and
had
been
sent
abroad
for
study
with
grants
given
them
by
their
friends
and
relatives
in
the
government
;
or
sons
of
businessmen
sent
away
by
their
fathers.
these
students
not
always
accepted
the
ideas
of
their
fathers
;
they
were
influenced
by
the
ideologies
of
the
west
,
marxist
or
non-marxist
,
and
often
created
clubs
or
groups
in
the
university
cities
of
europe
or
the
united
states.
such
groups
of
people
who
had
studied
together
or
passed
the
exams
together
,
had
already
begun
to
play
a
role
in
politics
in
the
nineteenth
century.
now
,
the
influence
of
such
organizations
of
usually
informal
character
increased.
against
the
returned
students
who
often
had
difficulties
in
adjustment
,
stood
the
students
at
chinese
universities
,
especially
the
national
university
in
peking
(
peita
)
.
they
represented
people
of
the
same
origin
,
but
of
the
lower
strata
of
the
gentry
or
of
business
;
they
were
more
nationalistic
and
politically
active
and
often
less
influenced
by
western
ideologies.
in
the
second
place
,
there
was
a
relatively
very
small
genuine
proletariat
,
the
product
of
the
first
activities
of
big
capitalists
in
china
,
found
mainly
in
shanghai.
thirdly
and
finally
,
there
was
a
gigantic
peasantry
,
uninterested
in
politics
and
uneducated
,
but
ready
to
give
unthinking
allegiance
to
anyone
who
promised
to
make
an
end
of
the
intolerable
conditions
in
the
matter
of
rents
and
taxes
,
conditions
that
were
growing
steadily
worse
with
the
decay
of
the
gentry.
these
peasants
were
thinking
of
popular
risings
on
the
pattern
of
all
the
risings
in
the
history
of
china
--
attacks
on
the
towns
and
the
killing
of
the
hated
landowners
,
officials
,
and
moneylenders
,
that
is
to
say
of
the
gentry.
such
was
the
picture
of
the
middle
class
and
those
who
were
ready
to
support
it
,
a
group
with
widely
divergent
interests
,
held
together
only
by
its
opposition
to
the
gentry
system
and
the
monarchy.
it
could
not
but
be
extremely
difficult
,
if
not
impossible
,
to
achieve
political
success
with
such
a
group.
sun
yat-sen
(
##number##
)
,
the
"
father
of
the
republic
"
,
accordingly
laid
down
three
stages
of
progress
in
his
many
works
,
of
which
the
best-known
are
_san-min
chu-i_
,
(
"
the
three
principles
of
the
people
"
)
,
and
_chien-kuo
fang-lueeh_
(
"
plans
for
the
building
up
of
the
realm
"
)
.
the
three
phases
of
development
through
which
republican
china
was
to
pass
were
:
the
phase
of
struggle
against
the
old
system
,
the
phase
of
educative
rule
,
and
the
phase
of
truly
democratic
government.
the
phase
of
educative
rule
was
to
be
a
sort
of
authoritarian
system
with
a
democratic
content
,
under
which
the
people
should
be
familiarized
with
democracy
and
enabled
to
grow
politically
ripe
for
true
democracy.
difficult
as
was
the
internal
situation
from
the
social
point
of
view
,
it
was
no
less
difficult
in
economic
respects.
china
had
recognized
that
she
must
at
least
adopt
western
technical
and
industrial
progress
in
order
to
continue
to
exist
as
an
independent
state.
but
the
building
up
of
industry
demanded
large
sums
of
money.
the
existing
chinese
banks
were
quite
incapable
of
providing
the
capital
needed
;
but
the
acceptance
of
capital
from
abroad
led
at
once
,
every
time
,
to
further
political
capitulations.
the
gentry
,
who
had
no
cash
worth
mention
,
were
violently
opposed
to
the
capitalization
of
their
properties
,
and
were
in
favour
of
continuing
as
far
as
possible
to
work
the
soil
in
the
old
style.
quite
apart
from
all
this
,
all
over
the
country
there
were
generals
who
had
come
from
the
ranks
of
the
gentry
,
and
who
collected
the
whole
of
the
financial
resources
of
their
region
for
the
support
of
their
private
armies.
investors
had
little
confidence
in
the
republican
government
so
long
as
they
could
not
tell
whether
the
government
would
decide
in
favour
of
its
right
or
of
its
left
wing.
no
less
complicated
was
the
intellectual
situation
at
this
time.
confucianism
,
and
the
whole
of
the
old
culture
and
morality
bound
up
with
it
,
was
unacceptable
to
the
middle-class
element.
in
the
first
place
,
confucianism
rejected
the
principle
,
required
at
least
in
theory
by
the
middle
class
,
of
the
equality
of
all
people
;
secondly
,
the
confucian
great-family
system
was
irreconcilable
with
middle-class
individualism
,
quite
apart
from
the
fact
that
the
confucian
form
of
state
could
only
be
a
monarchy.
every
attempt
to
bolster
up
confucianism
in
practice
or
theory
was
bound
to
fail
and
did
fail.
even
the
gentry
could
scarcely
offer
any
real
defence
of
the
confucian
system
any
longer.
with
confucianism
went
the
moral
standards
especially
of
the
upper
classes
of
society.
taoism
was
out
of
the
question
as
a
substitute
,
because
of
its
anarchistic
and
egocentric
character.
consequently
,
in
these
years
,
part
of
the
gentry
turned
to
buddhism
and
part
to
christianity.
some
of
the
middle
class
who
had
come
under
european
influence
also
turned
to
christianity
,
regarding
it
as
a
part
of
the
european
civilization
they
had
to
adopt.
others
adhered
to
modern
philosophic
systems
such
as
pragmatism
and
positivism.
marxist
doctrines
spread
rapidly.
education
was
secularized.
great
efforts
were
made
to
develop
modern
schools
,
though
the
work
of
development
was
continually
hindered
by
the
incessant
political
unrest.
only
at
the
universities
,
which
became
foci
of
republican
and
progressive
opinion
,
was
any
positive
achievement
possible.
many
students
and
professors
were
active
in
politics
,
organizing
demonstrations
and
strikes.
they
pursued
a
strong
national
policy
,
often
also
socialistic.
at
the
same
time
real
scientific
work
was
done
;
many
young
scholars
of
outstanding
ability
were
trained
at
the
chinese
universities
,
often
better
than
the
students
who
went
abroad.
there
is
a
permanent
disagreement
between
these
two
groups
of
young
men
with
a
modern
education
:
the
students
who
return
from
abroad
claim
to
be
better
educated
,
but
in
reality
they
often
have
only
a
very
superficial
knowledge
of
things
modern
and
none
at
all
of
china
,
her
history
,
and
her
special
circumstances.
the
students
of
the
chinese
universities
have
been
much
better
instructed
in
all
the
things
that
concern
china
,
and
most
of
them
are
in
no
way
behind
the
returned
students
in
the
modern
sciences.
they
are
therefore
a
much
more
serviceable
element.
the
intellectual
modernization
of
china
goes
under
the
name
of
the
"
movement
of
may
fourth
"
,
because
on
may
4th
,
##number##
,
students
of
the
national
university
in
peking
demonstrated
against
the
government
and
their
pro-japanese
adherents.
when
the
police
attacked
the
students
and
jailed
some
,
more
demonstrations
and
student
strikes
and
finally
a
general
boycott
of
japanese
imports
were
the
consequence.
in
these
protest
actions
,
professors
such
as
ts
'ai
yuean-p
'ei
,
later
president
of
the
academia
sinica
(
died
##number##
)
,
took
an
active
part.
the
forces
which
had
now
been
mobilized
,
rallied
around
the
journal
"
new
youth
"
(
_hsin
ch
'ing-nien_
)
,
created
in
##number##
by
ch
'en
tu-hsiu.
the
journal
was
progressive
,
against
the
monarchy
,
confucius
,
and
the
old
traditions.
ch
'en
tu-hsiu
who
put
himself
strongly
behind
the
students
,
was
more
radical
than
other
contributors
but
at
first
favoured
western
democracy
and
western
science
;
he
was
influenced
mainly
by
john
dewey
who
was
guest
professor
in
peking
in
##number##
similarly
tending
towards
liberalism
in
politics
and
dewey
's
ideas
in
the
field
of
philosophy
were
others
,
mainly
hu
shih.
finally
,
some
reformers
criticized
conservatism
purely
on
the
basis
of
chinese
thought.
hu
shih
(
born
##number##
)
gained
greatest
acclaim
by
his
proposal
for
a
"
literary
revolution
"
,
published
in
the
"
new
youth
"
in
##number##
this
revolution
was
the
logically
necessary
application
of
the
political
revolution
to
the
field
of
education.
the
new
"
vernacular
"
took
place
of
the
old
"
classical
"
literary
language.
the
language
of
the
classical
works
is
so
remote
from
the
language
of
daily
life
that
no
uneducated
person
can
understand
it.
a
command
of
it
requires
a
full
knowledge
of
all
the
ancient
literature
,
entailing
decades
of
study.
the
gentry
had
elaborated
this
style
of
speech
for
themselves
and
their
dependants
;
it
was
their
monopoly
;
nobody
who
did
not
belong
to
the
gentry
and
had
not
attended
its
schools
could
take
part
in
literary
or
in
administrative
life.
the
literary
revolution
introduced
the
language
of
daily
life
,
the
language
of
the
people
,
into
literature
:
newspapers
,
novels
,
scientific
treatises
,
translations
,
appeared
in
the
vernacular
,
and
could
thus
be
understood
by
anyone
who
could
read
and
write
,
even
if
he
had
no
confucianist
education.
it
may
be
said
that
the
literary
revolution
has
achieved
its
main
objects.
as
a
consequence
of
it
,
a
great
quantity
of
new
literature
has
been
published.
not
only
is
every
important
new
book
that
appears
in
the
west
published
in
translation
within
a
few
months
,
but
modern
novels
and
short
stories
and
poems
have
been
written
,
some
of
them
of
high
literary
value.
at
the
same
time
as
this
revolution
there
took
place
another
fundamental
change
in
the
language.
it
was
necessary
to
take
over
a
vast
number
of
new
scientific
and
technical
terms.
as
chinese
,
owing
to
the
character
of
its
script
,
is
unable
to
write
foreign
words
accurately
and
can
do
no
more
than
provide
a
rather
rough
paraphrase
,
the
practice
was
started
of
expressing
new
ideas
by
newly
formed
native
words.
thus
modern
chinese
has
very
few
foreign
words
,
and
yet
it
has
all
the
new
ideas.
for
example
,
a
telegram
is
a
"
lightning-letter
"
;
a
wireless
telegram
is
a
"
not-have-wire-lightning-communication
"
;
a
fountain-pen
is
a
"
self-flow-ink-water-brush
"
;
a
typewriter
is
a
"
strike-letter-machine
"
.
most
of
these
neologisms
are
similar
in
the
modern
languages
of
china
and
japan.
there
had
been
several
proposals
in
recent
decades
to
do
away
with
the
chinese
characters
and
to
introduce
an
alphabet
in
their
place.
they
have
all
proved
to
be
unsatisfactory
so
far
,
because
the
character
of
the
chinese
language
,
as
it
is
at
this
moment
,
is
unsuited
to
an
alphabetical
script.
they
would
also
destroy
china
's
cultural
unity
:
there
are
many
dialects
in
china
that
differ
so
greatly
from
each
other
that
,
for
instance
,
a
man
from
canton
cannot
understand
a
man
from
shanghai.
if
chinese
were
written
with
letters
,
the
result
would
be
a
canton
literature
and
another
literature
confined
to
shanghai
,
and
china
would
break
up
into
a
number
of
areas
with
different
languages.
the
old
chinese
writing
is
independent
of
pronunciation.
a
cantonese
and
a
pekinger
can
read
each
other
's
newspapers
without
difficulty.
they
pronounce
the
words
quite
differently
,
but
the
meaning
is
unaltered.
even
a
japanese
can
understand
a
chinese
newspaper
without
special
study
of
chinese
,
and
a
chinese
with
a
little
preparation
can
read
a
japanese
newspaper
without
understanding
a
single
word
of
japanese.
the
aim
of
modern
education
in
china
is
to
work
towards
the
establishment
of
"
high
chinese
"
,
the
former
official
(
mandarin
)
language
,
throughout
the
country
,
and
to
set
limits
to
the
use
of
the
various
dialects.
once
this
has
been
done
,
it
will
be
possible
to
proceed
to
a
radical
reform
of
the
script
without
running
the
risk
of
political
separatist
movements
,
which
are
always
liable
to
spring
up
,
and
also
without
leading
,
through
the
adoption
of
various
dialects
as
the
basis
of
separate
literatures
,
to
the
break-up
of
china
's
cultural
unity.
in
the
last
years
,
the
unification
of
the
spoken
language
has
made
great
progress.
yet
,
alphabetic
script
is
used
only
in
cases
in
which
illiterate
adults
have
to
be
enabled
in
a
short
time
to
read
very
simple
informations.
more
attention
is
given
to
a
simplification
of
the
script
as
it
is
;
japanese
had
started
this
some
forty
years
earlier.
unfortunately
,
the
new
chinese
abbreviated
forms
of
characters
are
not
always
identical
with
long-established
japanese
forms
,
and
are
not
developed
in
such
a
systematic
form
as
would
make
learning
of
chinese
characters
easier.
##number##
_first
period
of
the
republic
:
the
warlords_
the
situation
of
the
republic
after
its
foundation
was
far
from
hopeful.
republican
feeling
existed
only
among
the
very
small
groups
of
students
who
had
modern
education
,
and
a
few
traders
,
in
other
words
,
among
the
"
middle
class
"
.
and
even
in
the
revolutionary
party
to
which
these
groups
belonged
there
were
the
most
various
conceptions
of
the
form
of
republican
state
to
be
aimed
at.
the
left
wing
of
the
party
,
mainly
intellectuals
and
manual
workers
,
had
in
view
more
or
less
vague
socialistic
institutions
;
the
liberals
,
for
instance
the
traders
,
thought
of
a
liberal
democracy
,
more
or
less
on
the
american
pattern
;
and
the
nationalists
merely
wanted
the
removal
of
the
alien
manchu
rule.
the
three
groups
had
come
together
for
the
practical
reason
that
only
so
could
they
get
rid
of
the
dynasty.
they
gave
unreserved
allegiance
to
sun
yat-sen
as
their
leader.
he
succeeded
in
mobilizing
the
enthusiasm
of
continually
widening
circles
for
action
,
not
only
by
the
integrity
of
his
aims
but
also
because
he
was
able
to
present
the
new
socialistic
ideology
in
an
alluring
form.
the
anti-republican
gentry
,
however
,
whose
power
was
not
yet
entirely
broken
,
took
a
stand
against
the
party.
the
generals
who
had
gone
over
to
the
republicans
had
not
the
slightest
intention
of
founding
a
republic
,
but
only
wanted
to
get
rid
of
the
rule
of
the
manchus
and
to
step
into
their
place.
this
was
true
also
of
yuean
shih-k
'ai
,
who
in
his
heart
was
entirely
on
the
side
of
the
gentry
,
although
the
european
press
especially
had
always
energetically
defended
him.
in
character
and
capacity
he
stood
far
above
the
other
generals
,
but
he
was
no
republican.
thus
the
first
period
of
the
republic
,
until
##number##
,
was
marked
by
incessant
attempts
by
individual
generals
to
make
themselves
independent.
the
government
could
not
depend
on
its
soldiers
,
and
so
was
impotent.
the
first
risings
of
military
units
began
at
the
outset
of
##number##
the
governors
and
generals
who
wanted
to
make
themselves
independent
sabotaged
every
decree
of
the
central
government
;
especially
they
sent
it
no
money
from
the
provinces
and
also
refused
to
give
their
assent
to
foreign
loans.
the
province
of
canton
,
the
actual
birthplace
of
the
republican
movement
and
the
focus
of
radicalism
,
declared
itself
in
##number##
an
independent
republic.
within
the
peking
government
matters
soon
came
to
a
climax.
yuean
shih-k
'ai
and
his
supporters
represented
the
conservative
view
,
with
the
unexpressed
but
obvious
aim
of
setting
up
a
new
imperial
house
and
continuing
the
old
gentry
system.
most
of
the
members
of
the
parliament
came
,
however
,
from
the
middle
class
and
were
opposed
to
any
reaction
of
this
sort.
one
of
their
leaders
was
murdered
,
and
the
blame
was
thrown
upon
yuean
shih-k
'ai
;
there
then
came
,
in
the
middle
of
##number##
,
a
new
revolution
,
in
which
the
radicals
made
themselves
independent
and
tried
to
gain
control
of
south
china.
but
yuean
shih-k
'ai
commanded
better
troops
and
won
the
day.
at
the
end
of
october
##number##
he
was
elected
,
against
the
opposition
,
as
president
of
china
,
and
the
new
state
was
recognized
by
foreign
countries.
china
's
internal
difficulties
reacted
on
the
border
states
,
in
which
the
european
powers
were
keenly
interested.
the
powers
considered
that
the
time
had
come
to
begin
the
definitive
partition
of
china.
thus
there
were
long
negotiations
and
also
hostilities
between
china
and
tibet
,
which
was
supported
by
great
britain.
the
british
demanded
the
complete
separation
of
tibet
from
china
,
but
the
chinese
rejected
this
(
##number##
)
;
the
rejection
was
supported
by
a
boycott
of
british
goods.
in
the
end
the
tibet
question
was
left
undecided.
tibet
remained
until
recent
years
a
chinese
dependency
with
a
good
deal
of
internal
freedom.
the
second
world
war
and
the
chinese
retreat
into
the
interior
brought
many
chinese
settlers
into
eastern
tibet
which
was
then
separated
from
tibet
proper
and
made
a
chinese
province
(
hsi-k
'ang
)
in
which
the
native
khamba
will
soon
be
a
minority.
the
communist
regime
soon
after
its
establishment
conquered
tibet
(
##number##
)
and
has
tried
to
change
the
character
of
its
society
and
its
system
of
government
which
lead
to
the
unsuccessful
attempt
of
the
tibetans
to
throw
off
chinese
rule
(
##number##
)
and
the
flight
of
the
dalai
lama
to
india.
the
construction
of
highways
,
air
and
missile
bases
and
military
occupation
have
thus
tied
tibet
closer
to
china
than
ever
since
early
manchu
times.
in
outer
mongolia
russian
interests
predominated.
in
##number##
there
were
diplomatic
incidents
in
connection
with
the
mongolian
question.
at
the
end
of
##number##
the
hutuktu
of
urga
declared
himself
independent
,
and
the
chinese
were
expelled
from
the
country.
a
secret
treaty
was
concluded
in
##number##
with
russia
,
under
which
russia
recognized
the
independence
of
outer
mongolia
,
but
was
accorded
an
important
part
as
adviser
and
helper
in
the
development
of
the
country.
in
##number##
a
russo-chinese
treaty
was
concluded
,
under
which
the
autonomy
of
outer
mongolia
was
recognized
,
but
mongolia
became
a
part
of
the
chinese
realm.
after
the
russian
revolution
had
begun
,
revolution
was
carried
also
into
mongolia.
the
country
suffered
all
the
horrors
of
the
struggles
between
white
russians
(
general
ungern-sternberg
)
and
the
reds
;
there
were
also
chinese
attempts
at
intervention
,
though
without
success
,
until
in
the
end
mongolia
became
a
soviet
republic.
as
such
she
is
closely
associated
with
soviet
russia.
china
,
however
,
did
not
quickly
recognize
mongolia
's
independence
,
and
in
his
work
_china
's
destiny_
(
##number##
)
chiang
kai-shek
insisted
that
china
's
aim
remained
the
recovery
of
the
frontiers
of
##number##
,
which
means
among
other
things
the
recovery
of
outer
mongolia.
in
spite
of
this
,
after
the
second
world
war
chiang
kai-shek
had
to
renounce
_de
jure_
all
rights
in
outer
mongolia.
inner
mongolia
was
always
united
to
china
much
more
closely
;
only
for
a
time
during
the
war
with
japan
did
the
japanese
maintain
there
a
puppet
government.
the
disappearance
of
this
government
went
almost
unnoticed.
at
the
time
when
russian
penetration
into
mongolia
began
,
japan
had
entered
upon
a
similar
course
in
manchuria
,
which
she
regarded
as
her
"
sphere
of
influence
"
.
on
the
outbreak
of
the
first
world
war
japan
occupied
the
former
german-leased
territory
of
tsingtao
,
at
the
extremity
of
the
province
of
shantung
,
and
from
that
point
she
occupied
the
railways
of
the
province.
her
plan
was
to
make
the
whole
province
a
protectorate
;
shantung
is
rich
in
coal
and
especially
in
metals.
japan
's
plans
were
revealed
in
the
notorious
"
twenty-one
demands
"
(
##number##
)
.
against
the
furious
opposition
especially
of
the
students
of
peking
,
yuean
shih-k
'ai
's
government
accepted
the
greater
part
of
these
demands.
in
negotiations
with
great
britain
,
in
which
japan
took
advantage
of
the
british
commitments
in
europe
,
japan
had
to
be
conceded
the
predominant
position
in
the
far
east.
meanwhile
yuean
shih-k
'ai
had
made
all
preparations
for
turning
the
republic
once
more
into
an
empire
,
in
which
he
would
be
emperor
;
the
empire
was
to
be
based
once
more
on
the
gentry
group.
in
##number##
he
secured
an
amendment
of
the
constitution
under
which
the
governing
power
was
to
be
entirely
in
the
hands
of
the
president
;
at
the
end
of
##number##
he
secured
his
appointment
as
president
for
life
,
and
at
the
end
of
##number##
he
induced
the
parliament
to
resolve
that
he
should
become
emperor.
this
naturally
aroused
the
resentment
of
the
republicans
,
but
it
also
annoyed
the
generals
belonging
to
the
gentry
,
who
had
the
same
ambition.
thus
there
were
disturbances
,
especially
in
the
south
,
where
sun
yat-sen
with
his
followers
agitated
for
a
democratic
republic.
the
foreign
powers
recognized
that
a
divided
china
would
be
much
easier
to
penetrate
and
annex
than
a
united
china
,
and
accordingly
opposed
yuean
shih-k
'ai.
before
he
could
ascend
the
throne
,
he
died
suddenly
--
and
this
terminated
the
first
attempt
to
re-establish
monarchy.
yuean
was
succeeded
as
president
by
li
yuean-hung.
meanwhile
five
provinces
had
declared
themselves
independent.
foreign
pressure
on
china
steadily
grew.
she
was
forced
to
declare
war
on
germany
,
and
though
this
made
no
practical
difference
to
the
war
,
it
enabled
the
european
powers
to
penetrate
further
into
china.
difficulties
grew
to
such
an
extent
in
##number##
that
a
dictatorship
was
set
up
and
soon
after
came
an
interlude
,
the
recall
of
the
manchus
and
the
reinstatement
of
the
deposed
emperor
(
july
1st-8th
,
##number##
)
.
this
led
to
various
risings
of
generals
,
each
aiming
simply
at
the
satisfaction
of
his
thirst
for
personal
power.
ultimately
the
victorious
group
of
generals
,
headed
by
tuan
ch
'i-jui
,
secured
the
election
of
feng
kuo-chang
in
place
of
the
retiring
president.
feng
was
succeeded
at
the
end
of
##number##
by
hsue
shih-ch
'ang
,
who
held
office
until
##number##
hsue
,
as
a
former
ward
of
the
emperor
,
was
a
typical
representative
of
the
gentry
,
and
was
opposed
to
all
republican
reforms.
the
south
held
aloof
from
these
northern
governments.
in
canton
an
opposition
government
was
set
up
,
formed
mainly
of
followers
of
sun
yat-sen
;
the
peking
government
was
unable
to
remove
the
canton
government.
but
the
peking
government
and
its
president
scarcely
counted
any
longer
even
in
the
north.
all
that
counted
were
the
generals
,
the
most
prominent
of
whom
were
:
(
##number##
)
chang
tso-lin
,
who
had
control
of
manchuria
and
had
made
certain
terms
with
japan
,
but
who
was
ultimately
murdered
by
the
japanese
(
##number##
)
;
(
##number##
)
wu
p
'ei-fu
,
who
held
north
china
;
(
##number##
)
the
so-called
"
christian
general
"
,
feng
yue-hsiang
,
and
(
##number##
)
ts
'ao
k
'un
,
who
became
president
in
##number##
at
the
end
of
the
first
world
war
japan
had
a
hold
over
china
amounting
almost
to
military
control
of
the
country.
china
did
not
sign
the
treaty
of
versailles
,
because
she
considered
that
she
had
been
duped
by
japan
,
since
japan
had
driven
the
germans
out
of
china
but
had
not
returned
the
liberated
territory
to
the
chinese.
in
##number##
peace
was
concluded
with
germany
,
the
german
privileges
being
abolished.
the
same
applied
to
austria.
russia
,
immediately
after
the
setting
up
of
the
soviet
government
,
had
renounced
all
her
rights
under
the
capitulations.
this
was
the
first
step
in
the
gradual
rescinding
of
the
capitulations
;
the
last
of
them
went
only
in
##number##
,
as
a
consequence
of
the
difficult
situation
of
the
europeans
and
americans
in
the
pacific
produced
by
the
second
world
war.
at
the
end
of
the
first
world
war
the
foreign
powers
revised
their
attitude
towards
china.
the
idea
of
territorial
partitioning
of
the
country
was
replaced
by
an
attempt
at
financial
exploitation
;
military
friction
between
the
western
powers
and
japan
was
in
this
way
to
be
minimized.
financial
control
was
to
be
exercised
by
an
international
banking
consortium
(
##number##
)
.
it
was
necessary
for
political
reasons
that
this
committee
should
be
joined
by
japan.
after
her
twenty-one
demands
,
however
,
japan
was
hated
throughout
china.
during
the
world
war
she
had
given
loans
to
the
various
governments
and
rebels
,
and
in
this
way
had
secured
one
privilege
after
another.
consequently
china
declined
the
banking
consortium.
she
tried
to
secure
capital
from
her
own
resources
;
but
in
the
existing
political
situation
and
the
acute
economic
depression
internal
loans
had
no
success.
in
an
agreement
between
the
united
states
and
japan
in
##number##
,
the
united
states
,
in
consequence
of
the
war
,
had
to
give
their
assent
to
special
rights
for
japan
in
china.
after
the
war
the
international
conference
at
washington
(
november
1921-february
##number##
)
tried
to
set
narrower
limits
to
japan
's
influence
over
china
,
and
also
to
re-determine
the
relative
strength
in
the
pacific
of
the
four
great
powers
(
america
,
britain
,
france
,
japan
)
.
after
the
failure
of
the
banking
plan
this
was
the
last
means
of
preventing
military
conflicts
between
the
powers
in
the
far
east.
this
brought
some
relief
to
china
,
as
japan
had
to
yield
for
the
time
to
the
pressure
of
the
western
powers.
the
years
that
followed
until
##number##
were
those
of
the
complete
collapse
of
the
political
power
of
the
peking
government
--
years
of
entire
dissolution.
in
the
south
sun
yat-sen
had
been
elected
generalissimo
in
##number##
in
##number##
he
was
re-elected
with
a
mandate
for
a
campaign
against
the
north.
in
##number##
there
also
met
in
canton
the
first
general
congress
of
the
kuomintang
(
"
people
's
party
"
)
.
the
kuomintang
(
in
##number##
it
had
##number##
members
,
or
roughly
##number##
per
cent
of
the
population
)
is
the
continuation
of
the
komingtang
(
"
revolutionary
party
"
)
founded
by
sun
yat-sen
,
which
as
a
middle-class
party
had
worked
for
the
removal
of
the
dynasty.
the
new
kuomintang
was
more
socialistic
,
as
is
shown
by
its
admission
of
communists
and
the
stress
laid
upon
land
reform.
at
the
end
of
##number##
sun
yat-sen
with
some
of
his
followers
went
to
peking
,
to
discuss
the
possibility
of
a
reunion
between
north
and
south
on
the
basis
of
the
program
of
the
people
's
party.
there
,
however
,
he
died
at
the
beginning
of
##number##
,
before
any
definite
results
had
been
attained
;
there
was
no
prospect
of
achieving
anything
by
the
negotiations
,
and
the
south
broke
them
off.
but
the
death
of
sun
yat-sen
had
been
followed
after
a
time
by
tension
within
the
party
between
its
right
and
left
wings.
the
southern
government
had
invited
a
number
of
russian
advisers
in
##number##
to
assist
in
building
up
the
administration
,
civil
and
military
,
and
on
their
advice
the
system
of
government
had
been
reorganized
on
lines
similar
to
those
of
the
soviet
and
commissar
system.
this
change
had
been
advocated
by
an
old
friend
of
sun
yat-sen
,
chiang
kai-shek
,
who
later
married
sun
's
sister-in-law.
chiang
kai-shek
,
who
was
born
in
##number##
,
was
the
head
of
the
military
academy
at
whampoa
,
near
canton
,
where
russian
instructors
were
at
work.
the
new
system
was
approved
by
sun
yat-sen
's
successor
,
hu
han-min
(
who
died
in
##number##
)
,
in
his
capacity
of
party
leader.
it
was
opposed
by
the
elements
of
the
right
,
who
at
first
had
little
influence.
chiang
kai-shek
soon
became
one
of
the
principal
leaders
of
the
south
,
as
he
had
command
of
the
efficient
troops
of
canton
,
who
had
been
organized
by
the
russians.
the
people
's
party
of
the
south
and
its
governments
,
at
that
time
fairly
radical
in
politics
,
were
disliked
by
the
foreign
powers
;
only
japan
supported
them
for
a
time
,
owing
to
the
anti-british
feeling
of
the
south
chinese
and
in
order
to
further
her
purpose
of
maintaining
disunion
in
china.
the
first
serious
collision
with
the
outer
world
came
on
may
30th
,
##number##
,
when
british
soldiers
shot
at
a
crowd
demonstrating
in
shanghai.
this
produced
a
widespread
boycott
of
british
goods
in
canton
and
in
british
hong
kong
,
inflicting
a
great
loss
on
british
trade
with
china
and
bringing
considerable
advantages
in
consequence
to
japanese
trade
and
shipping
:
from
the
time
of
this
boycott
began
the
japanese
grip
on
chinese
coastwise
shipping.
the
second
party
congress
was
held
in
canton
in
##number##
chiang
kai-shek
already
played
a
prominent
part.
the
people
's
party
,
under
chiang
kai-shek
and
with
the
support
of
the
communists
,
began
the
great
campaign
against
the
north.
at
first
it
had
good
success
:
the
various
provincial
governors
and
generals
and
the
peking
government
were
played
off
against
each
other
,
and
in
a
short
time
one
leader
after
another
was
defeated.
the
yangtze
was
reached
,
and
in
##number##
the
southern
government
moved
to
hankow.
all
over
the
southern
provinces
there
now
came
a
genuine
rising
of
the
masses
of
the
people
,
mainly
the
result
of
communist
propaganda
and
of
the
government
's
promise
to
give
land
to
the
peasants
,
to
set
limits
to
the
big
estates
,
and
to
bring
order
into
the
taxation.
in
spite
of
its
communist
element
,
at
the
beginning
of
##number##
the
southern
government
was
essentially
one
of
the
middle
class
and
the
peasantry
,
with
a
socialistic
tendency.
##number##
_second
period
of
the
republic
:
nationalist
china_
with
the
continued
success
of
the
northern
campaign
,
and
with
chiang
kai-shek
's
southern
army
at
the
gates
of
shanghai
(
march
21st
,
##number##
)
,
a
decision
had
to
be
taken.
should
the
left
wing
be
allowed
to
gain
the
upper
hand
,
and
the
great
capitalists
of
shanghai
be
expropriated
as
it
was
proposed
to
expropriate
the
gentry
?
or
should
the
right
wing
prevail
,
an
alliance
be
concluded
with
the
capitalists
,
and
limits
be
set
to
the
expropriation
of
landed
estates
?
chiang
kai-shek
,
through
his
marriage
with
sun
yat-sen
's
wife
's
sister
,
had
become
allied
with
one
of
the
greatest
banking
families.
in
the
days
of
the
siege
of
shanghai
chiang
,
together
with
his
closest
colleagues
(
with
the
exception
of
hu
han-min
and
wang
chying-wei
,
a
leader
who
will
be
mentioned
later
)
,
decided
on
the
second
alternative.
shanghai
came
into
his
hands
without
a
struggle
,
and
the
capital
of
the
shanghai
financiers
,
and
soon
foreign
capital
as
well
,
was
placed
at
his
disposal
,
so
that
he
was
able
to
pay
his
troops
and
finance
his
administration.
at
the
same
time
the
russian
advisers
were
dismissed
or
executed.
the
decision
arrived
at
by
chiang
kai-shek
and
his
friends
did
not
remain
unopposed
,
and
he
parted
from
the
"
left
group
"
(
##number##
)
which
formed
a
rival
government
in
hankow
,
while
chiang
kai-shek
made
nanking
the
seat
of
his
government
(
april
##number##
)
.
in
that
year
chiang
not
only
concluded
peace
with
the
financiers
and
industrialists
,
but
also
a
sort
of
"
armistice
"
with
the
landowning
gentry.
"
land
reform
"
still
stood
on
the
party
program
,
but
nothing
was
done
,
and
in
this
way
the
confidence
and
co-operation
of
large
sections
of
the
gentry
was
secured.
the
choice
of
nanking
as
the
new
capital
pleased
both
the
industrialists
and
the
agrarians
:
the
great
bulk
of
china
's
young
industries
lay
in
the
yangtze
region
,
and
that
region
was
still
the
principal
one
for
agricultural
produce
;
the
landowners
of
the
region
were
also
in
a
better
position
with
the
great
market
of
the
capital
in
their
neighbourhood.
meanwhile
the
nanking
government
had
succeeded
in
carrying
its
dealings
with
the
northern
generals
to
a
point
at
which
they
were
largely
out-manoeuvred
and
became
ready
for
some
sort
of
collaboration
(
##number##
)
.
there
were
now
four
supreme
commanders
--
chiang
kai-shek
,
feng
yue-hsiang
(
the
"
christian
general
"
)
,
yen
hsi-shan
,
the
governor
of
shansi
,
and
the
muslim
li
chung-yen.
naturally
this
was
not
a
permanent
solution
;
not
only
did
chiang
kai-shek
's
three
rivals
try
to
free
themselves
from
his
ever-growing
influence
and
to
gain
full
power
themselves
,
but
various
groups
under
military
leadership
rose
again
and
again
,
even
in
the
home
of
the
republic
,
canton
itself.
these
struggles
,
which
were
carried
on
more
by
means
of
diplomacy
and
bribery
than
at
arms
,
lasted
until
##number##
chiang
kai-shek
,
as
by
far
the
most
skilful
player
in
this
game
,
and
at
the
same
time
the
man
who
had
the
support
of
the
foreign
governments
and
of
the
financiers
of
shanghai
,
gained
the
victory.
china
became
unified
under
his
dictatorship.
as
early
as
##number##
,
when
there
seemed
a
possibility
of
uniting
china
,
with
the
exception
of
manchuria
,
which
was
dominated
by
japan
,
and
when
the
european
powers
began
more
and
more
to
support
chiang
kai-shek
,
japan
felt
that
her
interests
in
north
china
were
threatened
,
and
landed
troops
in
shantung.
there
was
hard
fighting
on
may
3rd
,
##number##
general
chang
tso-lin
,
in
manchuria
,
who
was
allied
to
japan
,
endeavoured
to
secure
a
cessation
of
hostilities
,
but
he
fell
victim
to
a
japanese
assassin
;
his
place
was
taken
by
his
son
,
chang
hsueeh-liang
,
who
pursued
an
anti-japanese
policy.
the
japanese
recognized
,
however
,
that
in
view
of
the
international
situation
the
time
had
not
yet
come
for
intervention
in
north
china.
in
##number##
they
withdrew
their
troops
and
concentrated
instead
on
their
plans
for
manchuria.
until
the
time
of
the
"
manchurian
incident
"
(
##number##
)
,
the
nanking
government
steadily
grew
in
strength.
it
gained
the
confidence
of
the
western
powers
,
who
proposed
to
make
use
of
it
in
opposition
to
japan
's
policy
of
expansion
in
the
pacific
sphere.
on
the
strength
of
this
favourable
situation
in
its
foreign
relations
,
the
nanking
government
succeeded
in
getting
rid
of
one
after
another
of
the
capitulations.
above
all
,
the
administration
of
the
"
maritime
customs
"
,
that
is
to
say
of
the
collection
of
duties
on
imports
and
exports
,
was
brought
under
the
control
of
the
chinese
government
:
until
then
it
had
been
under
foreign
control.
now
that
china
could
act
with
more
freedom
in
the
matter
of
tariffs
,
the
government
had
greater
financial
resources
,
and
through
this
and
other
measures
it
became
financially
more
independent
of
the
provinces.
it
succeeded
in
building
up
a
small
but
modern
army
,
loyal
to
the
government
and
superior
to
the
still
existing
provincial
armies.
this
army
gained
its
military
experience
in
skirmishes
with
the
communists
and
the
remaining
generals.
it
is
true
that
when
in
##number##
the
japanese
occupied
manchuria
,
nanking
was
helpless
,
since
manchuria
was
only
loosely
associated
with
nanking
,
and
its
governor
,
chang
hsueeh-liang
,
had
tried
to
remain
independent
of
it.
thus
manchuria
was
lost
almost
without
a
blow.
on
the
other
hand
,
the
fighting
with
japan
that
broke
out
soon
afterwards
in
shanghai
brought
credit
to
the
young
nanking
army
,
though
owing
to
its
numerical
inferiority
it
was
unsuccessful.
china
protested
to
the
league
of
nations
against
its
loss
of
manchuria.
the
league
sent
a
commission
(
the
lytton
commission
)
,
which
condemned
japan
's
action
,
but
nothing
further
happened
,
and
china
indignantly
broke
away
from
her
association
with
the
western
powers
(
##number##
)
.
in
view
of
the
tense
european
situation
(
the
beginning
of
the
hitler
era
in
germany
,
and
the
italian
plans
of
expansion
)
,
the
western
powers
did
not
want
to
fight
japan
on
china
's
behalf
,
and
without
that
nothing
more
could
be
done.
they
pursued
,
indeed
,
a
policy
of
playing
off
japan
against
china
,
in
order
to
keep
those
two
powers
occupied
with
each
other
,
and
so
to
divert
japan
from
indo-china
and
the
pacific.
china
had
thus
to
be
prepared
for
being
involved
one
day
in
a
great
war
with
japan.
chiang
kai-shek
wanted
to
postpone
war
as
long
as
possible.
he
wanted
time
to
establish
his
power
more
thoroughly
within
the
country
,
and
to
strengthen
his
army.
in
regard
to
external
relations
,
the
great
powers
would
have
to
decide
their
attitude
sooner
or
later.
america
could
not
be
expected
to
take
up
a
clear
attitude
:
she
was
for
peace
and
commerce
,
and
she
made
greater
profits
out
of
her
relations
with
japan
than
with
china
;
she
sent
supplies
to
both
(
until
##number##
)
.
on
the
other
hand
,
britain
and
france
were
more
and
more
turning
away
from
japan
,
and
russo-japanese
relations
were
at
all
times
tense.
japan
tried
to
emerge
from
her
isolation
by
joining
the
"
axis
powers
"
,
germany
and
italy
(
##number##
)
;
but
it
was
still
doubtful
whether
the
western
powers
would
proceed
with
russia
,
and
therefore
against
japan
,
or
with
the
axis
,
and
therefore
in
alliance
with
japan.
japan
for
her
part
considered
that
if
she
was
to
raise
the
standard
of
living
of
her
large
population
and
to
remain
a
world
power
,
she
must
bring
into
being
her
"
greater
east
asia
"
,
so
as
to
have
the
needed
raw
material
sources
and
export
markets
in
the
event
of
a
collision
with
the
western
powers
;
in
addition
to
this
,
she
needed
a
security
girdle
as
extensive
as
possible
in
case
of
a
conflict
with
russia.
in
any
case
,
"
greater
east
asia
"
must
be
secured
before
the
european
conflict
should
break
out.
##number##
_the
sino-japanese
war_
(
##number##
)
accordingly
,
from
##number##
onward
japan
followed
up
her
conquest
of
manchuria
by
bringing
her
influence
to
bear
in
inner
mongolia
and
in
north
china.
she
succeeded
first
,
by
means
of
an
immense
system
of
smuggling
,
currency
manipulation
,
and
propaganda
,
in
bringing
a
number
of
mongol
princes
over
to
her
side
,
and
then
(
at
the
end
of
##number##
)
in
establishing
a
semi-dependent
government
in
north
china.
chiang
kai-shek
took
no
action.
the
signal
for
the
outbreak
of
war
was
an
"
incident
"
by
the
marco
polo
bridge
,
south
of
peking
(
july
7th
,
##number##
)
.
the
japanese
government
profited
by
a
quite
unimportant
incident
,
undoubtedly
provoked
by
the
japanese
,
in
order
to
extend
its
dominion
a
little
further.
china
still
hesitated
;
there
were
negotiations.
japan
brought
up
reinforcements
and
put
forward
demands
which
china
could
not
be
expected
to
be
ready
to
fulfil.
japan
then
occupied
peking
and
tientsin
and
wide
regions
between
them
and
south
of
them.
the
chinese
soldiers
stationed
there
withdrew
almost
without
striking
a
blow
,
but
formed
up
again
and
began
to
offer
resistance.
in
order
to
facilitate
the
planned
occupation
of
north
china
,
including
the
province
of
shantung
,
japan
decided
on
a
diversionary
campaign
against
shanghai.
the
nanking
government
sent
its
best
troops
to
the
new
front
,
and
held
it
for
nearly
three
months
against
superior
forces
;
but
meanwhile
the
japanese
steadily
advanced
in
north
china.
on
november
9th
nanking
fell
into
their
hands.
by
the
beginning
of
january
##number##
,
the
province
of
shantung
had
also
been
conquered.
chiang
kai-shek
and
his
government
fled
to
ch
'ung-k
'ing
(
chungking
)
,
the
most
important
commercial
and
financial
centre
of
the
interior
after
hankow
,
which
was
soon
threatened
by
the
japanese
fleet.
by
means
of
a
number
of
landings
the
japanese
soon
conquered
the
whole
coast
of
china
,
so
cutting
off
all
supplies
to
the
country
;
against
hard
fighting
in
some
places
they
pushed
inland
along
the
railways
and
conquered
the
whole
eastern
half
of
china
,
the
richest
and
most
highly
developed
part
of
the
country.
chiang
kai-shek
had
the
support
only
of
the
agriculturally
rich
province
of
szechwan
,
and
of
the
scarcely
developed
provinces
surrounding
it.
here
there
was
as
yet
no
industry.
everything
in
the
way
of
machinery
and
supplies
that
could
be
transported
from
the
hastily
dismantled
factories
was
carried
westward.
students
and
professors
went
west
with
all
the
contents
of
their
universities
,
and
worked
on
in
small
villages
under
very
difficult
conditions
--
one
of
the
most
memorable
achievements
of
this
war
for
china.
but
all
this
was
by
no
means
enough
for
waging
a
defensive
war
against
japan.
even
the
famous
burma
road
could
not
save
china.
by
##number##
japan
had
attained
her
war
aim
:
china
was
no
longer
a
dangerous
adversary.
she
was
still
able
to
engage
in
small-scale
fighting
,
but
could
no
longer
secure
any
decisive
result.
puppet
governments
were
set
up
in
peking
,
canton
,
and
nanking
,
and
the
japanese
waited
for
these
governments
gradually
to
induce
supporters
of
chiang
kai-shek
to
come
over
to
their
side.
most
was
expected
of
wang
ching-wei
,
who
headed
the
new
nanking
government.
he
was
one
of
the
oldest
followers
of
sun
yat-sen
,
and
was
regarded
as
a
democrat.
in
##number##
,
after
sun
yat-sen
's
death
,
he
had
been
for
a
time
the
head
of
the
nanking
government
,
and
for
a
short
time
in
##number##
he
had
led
a
government
in
peking
that
was
opposed
to
chiang
kai-shek
's
dictatorship.
beyond
any
question
wang
still
had
many
followers
,
including
some
in
the
highest
circles
at
chungking
,
men
of
eastern
china
who
considered
that
collaboration
with
japan
,
especially
in
the
economic
field
,
offered
good
prospects.
japan
paid
lip
service
to
this
policy
:
there
was
talk
of
sister
peoples
,
which
could
help
each
other
and
supply
each
other
's
needs.
there
was
propaganda
for
a
new
"
greater
east
asian
"
philosophy
,
_wang-tao_
,
in
accordance
with
which
all
the
peoples
of
the
east
could
live
together
in
peace
under
a
thinly
disguised
dictatorship.
what
actually
happened
was
that
everywhere
japanese
capitalists
established
themselves
in
the
former
chinese
industrial
plants
,
bought
up
land
and
securities
,
and
exploited
the
country
for
the
conduct
of
their
war.
after
the
great
initial
successes
of
hitlerite
germany
in
##number##
,
japan
became
convinced
that
the
time
had
come
for
a
decisive
blow
against
the
positions
of
the
western
european
powers
and
the
united
states
in
the
far
east.
lightning
blows
were
struck
at
hong
kong
and
singapore
,
at
french
indo-china
,
and
at
the
netherlands
east
indies.
the
american
navy
seemed
to
have
been
eliminated
by
the
attack
on
pearl
harbour
,
and
one
group
of
islands
after
another
fell
into
the
hands
of
the
japanese.
japan
was
at
the
gates
of
india
and
australia.
russia
was
carrying
on
a
desperate
defensive
struggle
against
the
axis
,
and
there
was
no
reason
to
expect
any
intervention
from
her
in
the
far
east.
greater
east
asia
seemed
assured
against
every
danger.
the
situation
of
chiang
kai-shek
's
chungking
government
seemed
hopeless.
even
the
burma
road
was
cut
,
and
supplies
could
only
be
sent
by
air
;
there
was
shortage
of
everything.
with
immense
energy
small
industries
were
begun
all
over
western
china
,
often
organized
as
co-operatives
;
roads
and
railways
were
built
--
but
with
such
resources
would
it
ever
be
possible
to
throw
the
japanese
into
the
sea
?
everything
depended
on
holding
out
until
a
new
page
was
turned
in
europe.
infinitely
slow
seemed
the
progress
of
the
first
gleams
of
hope
--
the
steady
front
in
burma
,
the
reconquest
of
the
first
groups
of
inlands
;
the
first
bomb
attacks
on
japan
itself.
even
in
may
,
##number##
,
with
the
war
ended
in
europe
,
there
seemed
no
sign
of
its
ending
in
the
far
east.
then
came
the
atom
bomb
,
bringing
the
collapse
of
japan
;
the
japanese
armies
receded
from
china
,
and
suddenly
china
was
free
,
mistress
once
more
in
her
own
country
as
she
had
not
been
for
decades.
chapter
twelve
present-day
china
##number##
_the
growth
of
communism_
in
order
to
understand
today
's
china
,
we
have
to
go
back
in
time
to
report
events
which
were
cut
short
or
left
out
of
our
earlier
discussion
in
order
to
present
them
in
the
context
of
this
chapter.
although
socialism
and
communism
had
been
known
in
china
long
ago
,
this
line
of
development
of
western
philosophy
had
interested
chinese
intellectuals
much
less
than
liberalistic
,
democratic
western
ideas.
it
was
widely
believed
that
communism
had
no
real
prospects
for
china
,
as
a
dictatorship
of
the
proletariat
seemed
to
be
relevant
only
in
a
highly
industrialized
and
not
in
an
agrarian
society.
thus
,
in
its
beginning
the
"
movement
of
may
fourth
"
of
##number##
had
western
ideological
traits
but
was
not
communistic.
this
changed
with
the
success
of
communism
in
russia
and
with
the
theoretical
writings
of
lenin.
here
it
was
shown
that
communist
theories
could
be
applied
to
a
country
similar
to
china
in
its
level
of
development.
already
from
##number##
on
,
some
of
the
leaders
of
the
movement
turned
towards
communism
:
the
national
university
of
peking
became
the
first
centre
of
this
movement
,
and
ch
'en
tu-hsiu
,
then
dean
of
the
college
of
letters
,
from
##number##
on
became
one
of
its
leaders.
hu
shih
did
not
move
to
the
left
with
this
group
;
he
remained
a
liberal.
but
another
well-known
writer
,
lu
hsuen
(
##number##
)
,
while
following
hu
shih
in
the
"
literary
revolution
,
"
identified
politically
with
ch
'en.
there
was
still
another
man
,
the
director
of
the
university
library
,
li
ta-chao
,
who
turned
towards
communism.
with
him
we
find
one
of
his
employees
in
the
library
,
mao
tse-tung.
in
fact
,
the
nucleus
of
the
communist
party
,
which
was
officially
created
as
late
as
##number##
,
was
a
student
organization
including
some
professors
in
peking.
on
the
other
hand
,
a
student
group
in
paris
had
also
learned
about
communism
and
had
organized
;
the
leaders
of
this
group
were
chou
en-lai
and
li
li-san.
a
little
later
,
a
third
group
organized
in
germany
;
chu
te
belonged
to
this
group.
the
leadership
of
communist
china
since
##number##
has
been
in
the
hands
of
men
of
these
three
former
student
groups.
after
##number##
,
sun
yat-sen
,
too
,
became
interested
in
the
developments
in
soviet
russia.
yet
,
he
never
actually
became
a
communist
;
his
belief
that
the
soil
should
belong
to
the
tiller
cannot
really
be
combined
with
communism
,
which
advocates
the
abolition
of
individual
land-holdings.
yet
,
soviet
russia
found
it
useful
to
help
sun
yat-sen
and
advised
the
chinese
communist
party
to
collaborate
with
the
kmt
(
kuomintang
)
.
this
collaboration
,
not
always
easy
,
continued
until
the
fall
of
shanghai
in
##number##
in
the
meantime
,
mao
tse-tung
had
given
up
his
studies
in
peking
and
had
returned
to
his
home
in
hunan.
here
,
he
organized
his
countrymen
,
the
farmers
of
hunan.
it
is
said
that
at
the
verge
of
the
northern
expedition
of
chiang
kai-shek
,
mao
's
adherents
in
hunan
already
numbered
in
the
millions
;
this
made
the
quick
and
smooth
advance
of
the
communist-advised
armies
of
chiang
kai-shek
possible.
mao
developed
his
ideas
in
written
form
in
##number##
;
he
showed
that
communism
in
china
could
be
successful
only
if
it
was
based
upon
farmers.
because
of
this
unorthodox
attitude
,
he
was
for
years
severely
attacked
as
a
deviationist.
when
chiang
kai-shek
separated
from
the
kmt
in
##number##
,
the
main
body
of
the
kmt
remained
in
hankow
as
the
legal
government.
but
now
,
while
chiang
kai-shek
executed
all
leftists
,
union
leaders
,
and
communists
who
fell
into
his
hands
,
tensions
in
hankow
increased
between
the
chinese
communist
party
and
the
rest
of
the
kmt.
finally
,
the
kmt
turned
against
the
communists
and
reunited
with
chiang
kai-shek.
the
remaining
communists
retreated
to
the
hunan-kiangsi
border
area
,
the
centre
of
mao
's
activities
;
even
the
orthodox
communist
wing
,
which
had
condemned
mao
,
now
had
to
come
to
him
for
protection
from
the
kmt.
a
small
communist
state
began
to
develop
in
kiangsi
,
in
spite
of
pressure
and
,
later
,
attacks
of
the
kmt
against
them.
by
##number##
,
this
pressure
became
so
strong
that
kiangsi
had
to
be
abandoned
,
and
in
the
epic
"
long
march
"
the
rest
of
the
communists
and
their
army
fought
their
way
through
all
of
western
and
north-western
china
into
the
sparsely
inhabited
,
underdeveloped
northern
part
of
shensi
,
where
a
new
socialistic
state
was
created
with
yen-an
as
its
capital.
after
the
fall
of
the
communist
enclave
in
kiangsi
,
the
prospects
for
the
nationalist
regime
were
bright
;
indeed
,
the
unification
of
china
was
almost
achieved.
at
this
moment
a
new
japanese
invasion
threatened
and
demanded
the
full
attention
of
the
regime.
thus
,
in
spite
of
talk
about
land
reform
and
other
reforms
which
might
have
led
to
a
liberalization
of
the
government
,
no
attention
was
given
to
internal
and
social
problems
except
to
the
suppression
of
communist
thought.
although
all
leftist
publications
were
prohibited
,
most
historians
and
sociologists
succeeded
in
writing
marxist
books
without
using
marxist
terminology
,
so
that
they
escaped
chiang
's
censors.
these
publications
contributed
greatly
to
preparing
china
's
intellectuals
and
youth
for
communism.
when
the
japanese
war
began
,
the
communists
in
yen-an
and
the
nationalists
under
chiang
kai-shek
agreed
to
co-operate
against
the
invaders.
yet
,
each
side
remembered
its
experiences
in
##number##
and
distrusted
the
other.
chiang
's
resistance
against
the
invaders
became
less
effective
after
the
japanese
occupied
all
of
china
's
ports
;
supplies
could
reach
china
only
in
small
quantities
by
airlift
or
via
the
burma
road.
there
was
also
the
belief
that
japan
could
be
defeated
only
by
an
attack
on
japan
itself
and
that
this
would
have
to
be
undertaken
by
the
western
powers
,
not
by
china.
the
communists
,
on
their
side
,
set
up
a
guerrilla
organization
behind
the
japanese
lines
,
so
that
,
although
the
japanese
controlled
the
cities
and
the
lines
of
communication
,
they
had
little
control
over
the
countryside.
the
communists
also
attempted
to
infiltrate
the
area
held
by
the
nationalists
,
who
in
turn
were
interested
in
preventing
the
communists
from
becoming
too
strong
;
so
,
nationalist
troops
guarded
also
the
borders
of
communist
territory.
american
politicians
and
military
advisers
were
divided
in
their
opinions.
although
they
recognized
the
internal
weakness
of
the
nationalist
government
,
the
fighting
between
cliques
within
the
government
,
and
the
ever-increasing
corruption
,
some
advocated
more
help
to
the
nationalists
and
a
firm
attitude
against
the
communists.
others
,
influenced
by
impressions
gained
during
visits
to
yen-an
,
and
believing
in
the
possibility
of
honest
co-operation
between
a
communist
regime
and
any
other
,
as
roosevelt
did
,
attempted
to
effect
a
coalition
of
the
nationalists
with
the
communists.
at
the
end
of
the
war
,
when
the
nationalist
government
took
over
the
administration
,
it
lacked
popular
support
in
the
areas
liberated
from
the
japanese.
farmers
who
had
been
given
land
by
the
communists
,
or
who
had
been
promised
it
,
were
afraid
that
their
former
landlords
,
whether
they
had
remained
to
collaborate
with
the
japanese
or
had
fled
to
west
china
,
would
regain
control
of
the
land.
workers
hoped
for
new
social
legislation
and
rights.
businessmen
and
industrialists
were
faced
with
destroyed
factories
,
worn-out
or
antiquated
equipment
,
and
an
unchecked
inflation
which
induced
them
to
shift
their
accounts
into
foreign
banks
or
to
favour
short-term
gains
rather
than
long-term
investments.
as
in
all
countries
which
have
suffered
from
a
long
war
and
an
occupation
,
the
youth
believed
that
the
old
regime
had
been
to
blame
,
and
saw
promise
and
hope
on
the
political
left.
and
,
finally
,
the
nationalist
soldiers
,
most
of
whom
had
been
separated
for
years
from
their
homes
and
families
,
were
not
willing
to
fight
other
chinese
in
the
civil
war
now
well
under
way
;
they
wanted
to
go
home
and
start
a
new
life.
the
communists
,
however
,
were
now
well
organized
militarily
and
well
equipped
with
arms
surrendered
by
the
japanese
to
the
soviet
armies
as
well
as
with
arms
and
ammunition
sold
to
them
by
kmt
soldiers
;
moreover
,
they
were
constantly
strengthened
by
deserters
from
the
kmt.
the
civil
war
witnessed
a
steady
retreat
by
the
kmt
armies
,
which
resisted
only
sporadically.
by
the
end
of
##number##
,
most
of
mainland
china
was
in
the
hands
of
the
communists
,
who
established
their
new
capital
in
peking.
##number##
_nationalist
china
in
taiwan_
the
nationalist
government
retreated
to
taiwan
with
those
soldiers
who
remained
loyal.
this
island
was
returned
to
china
after
the
defeat
of
japan
,
though
final
disposition
of
its
status
had
not
yet
been
determined.
taiwan
's
original
population
had
been
made
up
of
more
than
a
dozen
tribes
who
are
probably
distant
relatives
of
tribes
in
the
philippines.
these
are
taiwan
's
"
aborigines
,
"
altogether
about
##number##
people
in
##number##
at
about
the
time
of
the
sung
dynasty
,
chinese
began
to
establish
outposts
on
the
island
;
these
developed
into
regular
agricultural
settlements
toward
the
end
of
the
ming
dynasty.
immigration
increased
in
the
eighteenth
and
especially
the
nineteenth
centuries.
these
chinese
immigrants
and
their
descendants
are
the
"
taiwanese
,
"
taiwan
's
main
population
of
about
eight
million
people
as
of
##number##
taiwan
was
at
first
a
part
of
the
province
of
fukien
,
whence
most
of
its
chinese
settlers
came
;
there
was
also
a
minority
of
hakka
,
chinese
from
kuangtung
province.
when
taiwan
was
ceded
to
japan
,
it
was
still
a
colonial
area
with
much
lawlessness
and
disorder
,
but
with
a
number
of
flourishing
towns
and
a
growing
population.
the
japanese
,
who
sent
administrators
but
no
settlers
,
established
law
and
order
,
protected
the
aborigines
from
land-hungry
chinese
settlers
,
and
attempted
to
abolish
headhunting
by
the
aborigines
and
to
raise
the
cultural
level
in
general.
they
built
a
road
and
railway
system
and
strongly
stressed
the
production
of
sugar
cane
and
rice.
during
the
second
world
war
,
the
island
suffered
from
air
attacks
and
from
the
inability
of
the
japanese
to
protect
its
industries.
after
chiang
kai-shek
and
the
remainder
of
his
army
and
of
his
government
officials
arrived
in
taiwan
,
they
were
followed
by
others
fleeing
from
the
communist
regime
,
mainly
from
chekiang
,
kiangsu
,
and
the
northern
provinces
of
the
mainland.
eventually
,
there
were
on
taiwan
about
two
million
of
these
"
mainlanders
,
"
as
they
have
sometimes
been
called.
when
the
chinese
nationalists
took
over
from
the
japanese
,
they
assumed
all
the
leading
positions
in
the
government.
the
taiwanese
nationals
who
had
opposed
the
japanese
were
disappointed
;
for
their
part
,
the
nationalists
felt
threatened
because
of
their
minority
position.
the
next
years
,
especially
up
to
##number##
,
were
characterized
by
terror
and
bloodshed.
tensions
persisted
for
many
years
,
but
have
lessened
since
about
##number##
the
new
government
of
taiwan
resembled
china
's
pre-war
government
under
chiang
kai-shek.
first
,
to
maintain
his
claim
to
the
legitimate
rule
of
all
of
china
,
chiang
retained
--
and
controlled
through
his
party
,
the
kmt
--
his
former
government
organization
,
complete
with
cabinet
ministers
,
administrators
,
and
elected
parliament
,
under
the
name
"
central
government
of
china.
"
secondly
,
the
actual
government
of
taiwan
,
which
he
considered
one
of
china
's
provinces
,
was
organized
as
the
"
provincial
government
of
taiwan
,
"
whose
leading
positions
were
at
first
in
the
hands
of
kmt
mainlanders.
there
have
since
been
elections
for
the
provincial
assembly
,
for
local
government
councils
and
boards
,
and
for
various
provincial
and
local
positions.
thirdly
,
the
military
forces
were
organized
under
the
leadership
and
command
of
mainlanders.
and
finally
,
the
education
system
was
set
up
in
accordance
with
former
mainland
practices
by
mainland
specialists.
however
,
evolutionary
changes
soon
occurred.
the
government
's
aim
was
to
make
mandarin
chinese
the
language
of
all
chinese
in
taiwan
,
as
it
had
been
in
mainland
china
long
before
the
war
,
and
to
weaken
the
taiwanese
dialects.
soon
almost
every
child
had
a
minimum
of
six
years
of
education
(
increased
in
##number##
to
nine
years
)
,
with
mandarin
chinese
as
the
medium
of
instruction.
in
the
beginning
few
taiwanese
qualified
as
teachers
because
,
under
japanese
rule
,
japanese
had
been
the
medium
of
instruction.
as
the
children
of
taiwanese
and
mainland
families
went
to
school
together
,
the
taiwanese
children
quickly
learned
mandarin
,
while
most
mainland
children
became
familiar
with
the
taiwan
dialect.
for
the
generation
in
school
today
,
the
difference
between
mainlander
and
taiwanese
has
lost
its
importance.
at
the
same
time
,
more
teachers
of
taiwanese
origin
,
but
with
modern
training
,
have
begun
to
fill
first
the
ranks
of
elementary
,
later
of
high-school
,
and
now
even
of
university
instructors
,
so
that
the
end
of
mainland
predominance
in
the
educational
system
is
foreseeable.
the
country
is
still
ruled
by
the
kmt
,
but
although
at
first
hardly
any
taiwanese
belonged
to
the
party
,
many
of
the
elective
jobs
and
almost
all
positions
in
the
provincial
government
are
at
present
(
##number##
)
in
the
hands
of
taiwanese
independents
,
or
kmt
members
,
more
of
whom
are
entering
the
central
government
as
well.
because
military
service
is
compulsory
,
the
majority
of
common
soldiers
are
taiwanese
:
as
career
officers
grow
older
and
their
sons
show
little
interest
in
an
army
career
,
more
taiwan-chinese
are
occupying
higher
army
positions.
foreign
policy
and
major
political
decisions
still
lie
in
the
hands
of
mainland
chinese
,
but
economic
power
,
once
monopolized
by
them
,
is
now
held
by
taiwan-chinese.
this
shift
gained
impetus
with
the
end
of
american
economic
aid
,
which
had
tied
local
businessmen
to
american
industry
and
thus
worked
to
the
advantage
of
mainland
chinese
,
for
these
had
contacts
in
the
united
states
,
whereas
the
taiwan-chinese
had
contacts
only
in
japan.
after
the
termination
of
american
economic
aid
,
taiwanese
trade
with
japan
,
the
philippines
,
and
korea
grew
in
importance
and
with
it
the
economic
strength
of
taiwan-chinese
businessmen.
after
##number##
,
taiwan
became
a
strong
competitor
of
hong
kong
and
japan
in
some
export
industries
,
such
as
electronics
and
textiles.
we
can
regard
taiwan
from
##number##
on
as
occupying
the
"
takeoff
"
stage
,
to
use
rostow
's
terminology
--
a
stage
of
rapid
development
of
new
,
principally
light
and
consumer
,
industries.
there
has
been
a
rapid
rise
of
industrial
towns
around
the
major
cities
,
and
there
are
already
many
factories
in
the
countryside
,
even
in
some
villages.
electrification
is
essentially
completed
,
and
heavy
industries
,
such
as
fertilizer
and
assembly
plants
and
oil
refineries
,
now
exist.
this
rapid
industrialization
was
accompanied
by
an
unusually
fast
development
of
agriculture.
a
land-reform
program
limited
land
ownership
,
reduced
rents
,
and
redistributed
formerly
japanese-owned
land.
this
was
the
program
that
the
nationalist
government
had
attempted
unsuccessfully
to
enforce
in
liberated
china
after
the
pacific
war.
it
is
well
known
that
the
abolition
of
landlordism
and
the
distribution
of
land
to
small
farmers
do
not
in
themselves
improve
or
enlarge
production.
the
joint
council
on
rural
reconstruction
,
on
which
american
advisers
worked
with
chinese
specialists
to
devise
a
system
comparable
to
american
agricultural
extension
services
but
possessing
added
elements
of
community
development
,
introduced
better
seeds
,
more
and
better
fertilizers
,
and
numerous
other
innovations
which
the
farmers
quickly
adopted
,
with
the
result
that
the
island
became
self-supporting
,
in
spite
of
a
steadily
growing
population
(
thirteen
million
in
##number##
)
.
at
the
same
time
,
the
government
succeeded
in
stabilizing
the
currency
and
in
eliminating
corruption
,
thus
re-establishing
public
confidence
and
security.
good
incomes
from
farming
as
well
as
from
industries
were
invested
on
the
island
instead
of
flowing
into
foreign
banks.
in
addition
,
the
population
had
enough
surplus
money
to
buy
the
products
of
the
new
domestic
industries
as
these
appeared.
thus
,
the
industrialization
of
taiwan
may
be
called
"
industrialization
without
tears
,
"
without
the
suffering
,
that
is
,
of
proletarian
masses
who
produce
objects
which
they
cannot
afford
for
themselves.
today
,
even
lower
middle-class
families
have
television
consoles
which
cost
the
equivalent
of
us
$200
;
they
own
electric
fans
and
radios
;
they
are
buying
taiwan-produced
refrigerators
and
air
conditioners
;
and
more
and
more
think
of
buying
taiwan-assembled
cars.
they
encourage
their
children
to
finish
high
school
and
to
attend
college
if
at
all
possible
;
competition
for
admission
is
very
strong
in
spite
of
the
continuous
building
of
new
schools
and
universities.
education
to
the
level
of
the
b.a.
is
of
good
quality
,
but
for
most
graduate
study
students
are
still
sent
abroad.
taiwan
complains
about
the
"
brain
drain
,
"
as
about
##number##
per
cent
of
its
students
who
go
overseas
do
not
return
,
but
in
many
fields
it
has
sufficient
trained
manpower
to
continue
its
development
,
and
in
any
case
there
would
not
be
enough
jobs
available
if
all
the
students
returned.
most
of
these
expatriates
would
be
available
to
develop
mainland
china
,
if
conditions
there
were
to
change
in
a
way
that
would
make
them
compatible
with
the
values
with
which
these
expatriates
grew
up
on
taiwan
,
or
with
the
western
democratic
values
which
they
absorbed
abroad.
chiang
kai-shek
's
government
still
hopes
that
one
day
its
people
will
return
to
the
mainland.
this
hope
has
changed
from
hope
of
victory
in
a
civil
war
to
hope
of
revolutionary
developments
within
communist
china
which
might
lead
to
the
creation
of
a
more
liberal
government
in
which
men
with
kmt
loyalties
could
find
a
place.
because
they
are
chinese
,
the
present
government
and
,
it
is
believed
,
the
majority
of
the
people
,
consider
themselves
a
part
of
china
from
which
they
are
temporarily
separated.
therefore
they
reject
the
idea
,
proposed
by
some
american
politicians
,
that
taiwan
should
become
an
independent
state.
there
are
,
mainly
in
the
united
states
and
japan
,
groups
of
taiwan-chinese
who
favour
an
independent
taiwan
,
which
naturally
would
be
close
to
japan
politically
and
economically.
one
may
agree
with
their
belief
that
taiwan
,
now
larger
than
many
european
countries
,
could
exist
and
flourish
as
an
independent
country
;
yet
few
chinese
will
wish
to
divorce
themselves
from
the
world
's
largest
society.
##number##
_communist
china_
both
taiwan
and
mainland
china
have
developed
extremely
quickly.
the
reasons
do
not
seem
to
lie
solely
in
the
form
of
government
,
for
the
pre-conditions
for
a
"
takeoff
"
existed
in
china
as
early
as
the
##number##
's
,
if
not
earlier.
that
is
,
the
quick
development
of
china
could
have
started
forty
years
ago
but
was
prevented
,
primarily
for
political
reasons.
one
of
the
main
pre-conditions
for
quick
development
is
that
a
large
part
of
the
population
is
inured
to
hard
and
repetitive
work.
the
chinese
farmer
was
accustomed
to
such
work
;
he
put
more
time
and
energy
into
his
land
than
any
other
farmer.
he
and
his
fellows
were
the
industrial
workers
of
the
future
:
reliable
,
hard-working
,
tractable
,
intelligent.
to
train
them
was
easy
,
and
absenteeism
was
never
a
serious
problem
,
as
it
is
in
other
developing
nations.
another
pre-condition
is
the
existence
of
sufficient
trained
people
to
manage
industry.
forty
years
ago
china
had
enough
such
men
to
start
modernization
;
foreign
assistance
would
have
been
necessary
in
some
fields
,
but
only
briefly.
another
requirement
(
at
least
in
the
period
before
radio
and
television
)
is
general
literacy.
meaningful
statistical
data
on
literacy
in
china
before
##number##
are
lacking.
some
authors
remark
that
before
##number##
probably
all
upper-class
sons
and
most
daughters
were
educated
,
and
that
men
in
the
middle
and
even
in
the
lower
classes
often
had
some
degree
of
literacy.
in
this
context
"
educated
"
means
that
these
persons
could
read
classical
poetry
and
essays
written
in
literary
chinese
,
which
was
not
the
language
of
daily
conversation.
"
literacy
,
"
however
,
might
mean
only
that
a
person
could
read
and
write
some
##number##
characters
,
enough
to
conduct
a
business
and
to
read
simple
stories.
although
newspapers
today
have
a
stock
of
about
##number##
characters
,
only
some
##number##
characters
are
commonly
used
,
and
a
farmer
or
worker
can
manage
well
with
a
knowledge
of
about
##number##
characters.
statements
to
the
effect
that
in
##number##
some
##number##
per
cent
of
all
men
and
##number##
per
cent
of
all
women
were
illiterate
must
include
the
last
category
in
these
figures.
in
any
case
,
the
literacy
program
of
the
nationalist
government
had
penetrated
the
countryside
and
had
reached
even
outlying
villages
before
the
pacific
war.
the
transportation
system
in
china
before
the
war
was
not
highly
developed
,
but
numerous
railroads
connecting
the
main
industrial
centers
did
exist
,
and
bus
and
truck
services
connected
small
towns
with
the
larger
centers.
what
were
missing
in
the
pre-war
years
were
laws
to
protect
the
investor
,
efficient
credit
facilities
,
an
insurance
system
supported
by
law
,
and
a
modern
tax
structure.
in
addition
,
the
monetary
system
was
inflation-prone.
although
sufficient
capital
probably
could
have
been
mobilized
within
the
country
,
the
available
resources
either
went
into
foreign
banks
or
were
invested
in
enterprises
providing
a
quick
return.
the
failure
to
capitalize
on
existing
means
of
development
before
the
war
resulted
from
the
chronic
unrest
caused
by
warlordism
,
revolutionaries
and
foreign
invaders
,
which
occupied
the
energies
of
the
nationalist
government
from
its
establishment
to
its
fall.
once
a
stable
government
free
from
internal
troubles
arose
,
national
development
,
whether
private
or
socialist
,
could
proceed
at
a
rapid
pace.
thus
,
the
development
of
communist
china
is
not
a
miracle
,
possible
only
because
of
its
form
of
government.
what
is
unusual
about
communist
china
is
the
fact
that
it
is
the
only
nation
possessing
a
highly
developed
culture
of
its
own
to
have
jettisoned
it
in
favour
of
a
foreign
one.
what
missionaries
had
dreamed
of
for
centuries
and
knew
they
would
never
accomplish
,
mao
tse-tung
achieved
;
he
imposed
an
ideology
created
by
europeans
and
understandable
only
in
the
context
of
central
europe
in
the
nineteenth
century.
how
long
his
success
will
last
is
uncertain.
one
school
of
analysts
believes
that
the
friction
between
soviet
russia
and
communist
china
indicates
that
china
's
communism
has
become
chinese.
these
men
point
out
that
communist
chinese
practices
are
often
direct
continuations
of
earlier
chinese
practices
,
customs
,
and
attitudes.
and
they
predict
that
this
trend
will
continue
,
resulting
in
a
form
of
socialism
or
communism
distinctly
different
from
that
found
in
any
other
country.
another
school
,
however
,
believes
that
communism
precedes
"
sinism
,
"
and
that
the
regime
will
slowly
eliminate
traits
which
once
were
typical
of
china
and
replace
them
with
institutions
developed
out
of
marxist
thinking.
in
any
case
,
for
the
present
,
although
the
communist
government
's
aim
is
to
impose
communist
thought
and
institutions
in
the
country
,
typically
chinese
traits
are
still
omnipresent.
soon
after
the
establishment
of
the
peking
regime
,
a
pact
of
friendship
and
alliance
with
the
soviet
union
was
concluded
(
february
##number##
)
,
and
soviet
specialists
and
civil
and
military
products
poured
into
china
to
speed
its
development.
china
had
to
pay
for
this
assistance
as
well
as
for
the
loans
it
received
from
russia
,
but
the
application
of
russian
experience
,
often
involving
the
duplication
of
whole
factories
,
was
successful.
in
a
few
years
,
china
developed
its
heavy
industry
,
just
as
russia
had
done.
it
should
not
be
forgotten
that
manchuria
,
as
well
as
other
parts
of
china
,
had
modern
heavy
industries
long
before
##number##
the
manchurian
factories
ceased
production
because
,
when
the
russians
invaded
manchuria
at
the
end
of
the
war
,
they
removed
the
machinery
to
russia.
russian
aid
to
communist
china
continued
to
##number##
its
termination
slowed
development
briefly
but
was
not
disastrous.
russian
assistance
was
a
"
shot
in
the
arm
,
"
as
stimulating
and
about
as
lasting
as
american
aid
to
taiwan
or
to
european
countries.
the
stress
laid
upon
heavy
industry
,
in
imitation
of
russia
,
increased
china
's
military
strength
quickly
,
but
the
consumer
had
to
wait
for
goods
which
would
make
his
life
more
enjoyable.
one
cause
of
friction
in
china
today
concerns
the
relative
desirability
of
heavy
industry
versus
consumer
industry
,
a
problem
which
arose
in
russia
after
the
death
of
stalin.
china
's
military
strength
was
first
demonstrated
in
the
korean
war
when
chinese
armies
entered
korea
(
october
##number##
)
.
their
successes
contributed
to
the
prestige
of
the
peking
regime
at
home
and
abroad
,
but
they
also
foreshadowed
a
conflict
with
soviet
russia
,
which
regarded
north
korea
as
lying
within
its
own
sphere
of
influence.
in
the
same
year
,
china
invaded
and
conquered
tibet.
tibet
,
under
manchu
rule
until
##number##
,
had
achieved
a
certain
degree
of
independence
thereafter
:
no
republican
chinese
regime
ever
ruled
lhasa.
the
military
conquest
of
tibet
is
regarded
by
many
as
an
act
of
chinese
imperialism
,
or
colonialism
,
as
the
tibetans
certainly
did
not
want
to
belong
to
china
or
be
forced
to
change
their
traditional
form
of
government.
having
regarded
themselves
as
subjects
of
the
manchu
but
not
of
the
chinese
,
they
rose
against
the
communist
rulers
in
march
##number##
,
but
without
success.
chinese
control
of
tibet
,
involving
the
construction
of
numerous
roads
,
airstrips
,
and
military
installations
,
as
well
as
differences
concerning
the
international
border
,
led
in
##number##
to
conflicts
with
india
,
a
country
which
had
previously
sided
with
the
new
china
in
international
affairs.
indeed
,
the
borders
were
uncertain
and
looked
different
depending
on
whether
one
used
manchu
or
indian
maps.
china
's
other
border
problem
was
with
burma.
early
in
##number##
the
two
countries
concluded
a
border
agreement
which
ended
disputes
dating
from
british
colonial
times.
very
early
in
its
existence
communist
china
assumed
control
of
sinkiang
,
chinese
central
asia
,
a
large
area
originally
inhabited
by
turkish
and
mongolian
tribes
and
states
,
later
conquered
by
the
manchu
,
and
then
integrated
into
china
in
the
early
nineteenth
century.
the
communist
action
was
to
be
expected
,
although
after
the
revolution
of
##number##
chinese
rule
over
this
area
had
been
spotty
,
and
during
the
pacific
war
some
soviet-inspired
hope
had
existed
that
sinkiang
might
gain
independence
,
following
the
example
of
outer
mongolia
,
another
country
which
had
been
attached
to
the
manchu
until
##number##
and
which
,
with
russian
assistance
,
had
gained
its
independence
from
china.
sinkiang
is
of
great
importance
to
communist
china
as
the
site
of
large
sources
of
oil
and
of
atomic
industries
and
testing
grounds.
the
government
has
stimulated
and
often
forced
chinese
immigration
into
sinkiang
,
so
that
the
erstwhile
turkish
and
mongolian
majorities
have
become
minorities
,
envious
of
their
ethnic
brothers
in
soviet
central
asia
who
enjoy
a
much
higher
standard
of
living
and
more
freedom.
inner
mongolia
had
a
brief
dream
of
independence
under
japanese
protection
during
the
war.
but
the
majority
of
the
population
were
chinese
,
and
already
before
the
pacific
war
,
the
country
had
been
divided
into
three
chinese
provinces
,
of
which
the
chinese
communists
gained
control
without
delay.
in
general
,
when
the
chinese
communists
discuss
territorial
claims
,
they
appear
to
seek
the
restoration
of
borders
that
china
claimed
in
the
eighteenth
century.
thus
,
they
make
occasional
remarks
about
the
hi
area
and
parts
of
eastern
siberia
,
which
the
manchu
either
lost
to
the
russians
or
claimed
as
their
territory.
north
vietnam
is
probably
aware
that
imperial
china
exercised
political
rights
over
tongking
and
annam
(
the
present-day
north
and
part
of
south
vietnam
)
.
and
,
treaty
or
no
,
the
sino-burmese
question
may
be
reopened
one
day
,
for
burma
was
semi-dependent
on
china
under
the
manchu.
the
build-up
of
heavy
industry
enabled
china
to
conduct
an
aggressive
policy
towards
the
countries
surrounding
her
,
but
industrialization
had
to
be
paid
for
,
and
,
as
in
other
countries
,
it
was
basically
agriculture
that
had
to
create
the
necessary
capital.
therefore
,
in
june
##number##
a
land-reform
law
was
promulgated.
by
october
##number##
it
had
been
implemented
at
an
estimated
cost
of
two
million
human
lives
:
the
landlords.
the
next
step
,
socialization
of
the
land
,
began
in
##number##
the
co-operative
farms
were
supposed
to
achieve
higher
production
than
small
individual
farms.
it
may
be
that
any
farmer
,
but
particularly
the
chinese
,
is
emotionally
involved
in
his
crop
,
in
contrast
to
the
industrial
worker
,
who
often
is
alienated
from
the
product
he
makes.
thus
the
farmer
is
unwilling
to
put
unlimited
energy
and
time
into
working
on
a
farm
that
does
not
belong
to
him.
but
it
may
also
be
that
the
application
of
principles
of
industrial
operation
to
agriculture
fails
because
emergencies
often
occur
in
farming
and
are
followed
by
periods
of
leisure
,
whereas
in
industry
steady
work
is
possible.
in
any
case
,
in
##number##
strains
began
to
appear
in
china
's
economy.
in
early
##number##
the
"
great
leap
forward
"
was
promoted
in
an
attempt
to
speed
production
in
all
sectors.
soon
after
,
the
first
communes
were
created
,
against
the
advise
of
russian
specialists.
the
objective
of
the
communes
seems
to
have
been
not
only
the
creation
of
a
new
organizational
form
which
would
allow
the
government
to
exercise
more
pressure
upon
farmers
to
increase
production
,
but
also
the
correlation
of
labor
and
other
needs
of
industry
with
agriculture.
the
communes
may
have
represented
an
attempt
to
set
up
an
organization
which
could
function
independently
,
even
in
the
event
of
a
governmental
breakdown
in
wartime.
at
the
same
time
,
the
decentralization
of
industries
began
and
a
people
's
militia
was
created.
the
"
back-yard
furnaces
,
"
which
produced
high-cost
iron
of
low
quality
,
seem
to
have
had
a
similar
purpose
:
to
teach
citizens
how
to
produce
iron
for
armaments
in
case
of
war
and
enemy
occupation
,
when
only
guerrilla
resistance
would
be
possible.
in
the
same
year
,
aggressive
actions
against
offshore
,
nationalist-held
islands
increased.
china
may
have
believed
that
war
with
the
united
states
was
imminent.
perhaps
as
a
result
of
russian
talks
with
china
,
a
detente
followed
in
##number##
,
but
so
too
did
increased
tension
between
russia
and
china
,
while
the
results
of
the
great
leap
and
its
policies
proved
catastrophic.
the
years
##number##
provided
a
needed
respite
from
the
failures
of
the
great
leap.
farmers
regained
limited
rights
to
income
from
private
efforts
,
and
improved
farm
techniques
such
as
better
seed
and
the
use
of
fertilizer
began
to
produce
results.
china
can
now
feed
her
population
in
normal
years.
chinese
leaders
realize
that
an
improved
level
of
living
is
difficult
to
attain
while
the
birth
rate
remains
high.
they
have
hesitated
to
adopt
a
family-planning
policy
,
which
would
fly
in
the
face
of
marxist
doctrine
,
although
for
a
short
period
family
planning
was
openly
recommended.
their
most
efficient
method
of
limiting
the
birth
rate
has
been
to
recommend
postponement
of
marriage.
first
the
limitation
of
private
enterprise
and
business
and
then
the
nationalization
of
all
important
businesses
following
the
completion
of
land
reform
deprived
many
employers
as
well
as
small
shopkeepers
of
an
occupation.
but
the
new
industries
could
not
absorb
all
of
the
labor
that
suddenly
became
available.
when
rural
youth
inundated
the
cities
in
search
of
employment
,
the
government
returned
the
excess
urban
population
to
die
countryside
and
recruited
students
and
other
urban
youth
to
work
on
farms.
reeducation
camps
in
outlying
areas
also
provided
cheap
farm
labor.
the
problem
facing
china
or
any
nation
that
modernizes
and
industrializes
in
the
twentieth
century
can
be
simply
stated.
nineteenth-century
industry
needed
large
masses
of
workers
which
only
the
rural
areas
could
supply
;
and
,
with
the
development
of
farming
methods
,
the
countryside
could
afford
to
send
its
youth
to
the
cities.
twentieth-century
industry
,
on
the
other
hand
,
needs
technicians
and
highly
qualified
personnel
,
often
with
college
degrees
,
but
few
unskilled
workers.
china
has
traditionally
employed
human
labor
where
machines
would
have
been
cheaper
and
more
efficient
,
simply
because
labor
was
available
and
capital
was
not.
but
since
,
with
the
growth
of
modern
industry
and
modern
farming
,
the
problem
will
arise
again
,
the
policy
of
employing
urban
youth
on
farms
is
shortsighted.
the
labor
force
also
increased
as
a
result
of
the
"
liberation
"
of
women
,
in
which
the
marriage
law
of
april
##number##
was
the
first
step.
nationalist
china
had
earlier
created
a
modern
and
liberal
marriage
law
;
moreover
,
women
were
never
the
slaves
that
they
have
sometimes
been
painted.
in
many
parts
of
china
,
long
before
the
pacific
war
,
women
worked
in
the
fields
with
their
husbands.
elsewhere
they
worked
in
secondary
agricultural
industries
(
weaving
,
preparation
of
food
conserves
,
home
industries
,
and
even
textile
factories
)
and
provided
supplementary
income
for
their
families.
all
that
"
liberation
"
in
##number##
really
meant
was
that
women
had
to
work
a
full
day
as
their
husbands
did
,
and
had
,
in
addition
,
to
do
house
work
and
care
for
their
children
much
as
before.
the
new
marriage
law
did
,
indeed
,
make
both
partners
equal
;
it
also
made
it
easier
for
men
to
divorce
their
wives
,
political
incompatibility
becoming
a
ground
for
divorce.
the
ideological
justification
for
a
new
marriage
law
was
the
desirability
of
destroying
the
traditional
chinese
family
and
its
economic
basis
because
a
close
family
,
and
all
the
more
an
extended
family
or
a
clan
,
could
obviously
serve
as
a
center
of
resistance.
land
collectivization
and
the
nationalization
of
business
destroyed
the
economic
basis
of
families.
the
"
liberation
"
of
women
brought
them
out
of
the
house
and
made
it
possible
for
the
government
to
exploit
dissension
between
husband
and
wife
,
thereby
increasing
its
control
over
the
family.
finally
,
the
new
education
system
,
which
indoctrinated
all
children
from
nursery
to
the
end
of
college
,
separated
children
from
parents
,
thus
undermining
parental
control
and
enabling
the
state
to
intimidate
parents
by
encouraging
their
children
to
denounce
their
"
deviations.
"
sporadic
efforts
to
dissolve
the
family
completely
by
separating
women
from
men
in
communes
--
recalling
an
attempt
made
almost
a
century
earlier
by
the
t
'ai-p
'ing
--
were
unsuccessful.
the
best
formula
for
a
revolution
seems
to
involve
turning
youth
against
its
elders
,
rather
than
turning
one
class
against
another.
not
all
societies
have
a
class
system
so
clear-cut
that
class
antagonism
is
effective.
on
the
other
hand
,
chinese
youth
,
in
its
opposition
to
the
"
establishment
,
"
to
conservatism
,
to
traditional
religion
,
to
blind
emulation
of
western
customs
and
institutions
,
to
the
traditional
family
structure
and
the
position
of
women
,
had
hopes
that
communism
would
eradicate
the
specific
"
evil
"
which
each
individual
wanted
abolished.
mao
and
his
followers
had
once
been
such
rebellious
youths
,
but
by
the
##number##
's
they
were
mostly
old
men
and
a
new
youth
had
appeared
,
a
generation
of
revolutionaries
for
whom
the
"
old
regime
"
was
dim
history
,
not
reality.
in
the
struggle
between
mao
and
liu
shao-ch
'i
,
which
became
increasingly
apparent
in
##number##
,
mao
tried
to
retain
his
power
by
mobilizing
young
people
as
"
red
guards
"
and
by
inciting
them
to
make
the
"
great
proletarian
revolution.
"
the
motives
behind
the
struggle
are
diverse.
it
is
on
the
one
hand
a
conflict
of
persons
contending
for
power
,
but
there
are
also
disagreements
over
theory
:
for
example
,
should
china
's
present
generation
toil
to
make
possible
a
better
life
only
for
the
next
generation
,
or
should
it
enjoy
the
fruits
of
its
labor
,
after
its
many
years
of
suffering
?
mao
opposes
such
"
weakening
"
and
favours
a
new
generation
willing
to
endure
hardships
,
as
he
did
in
his
youth.
there
is
also
a
question
whether
the
chinese
communist
party
under
the
banner
of
maoism
should
replace
the
russian
party
,
establish
mao
as
the
fourth
founder
after
marx
,
lenin
,
and
stalin
,
and
become
the
leader
of
world
communism
,
or
whether
it
should
collaborate
with
the
russian
party
,
at
least
temporarily
,
and
thus
ensure
china
russian
support.
when
,
however
,
chinese
youth
was
summoned
to
take
up
the
fight
for
mao
and
his
group
,
forces
were
loosed
which
could
not
be
controlled.
following
independent
action
by
youth
groups
similar
in
nature
to
youth
revolts
in
western
countries
,
the
power
and
prestige
of
older
leaders
suffered.
even
now
(
##number##
)
it
is
impossible
to
re-establish
unity
and
order
;
the
mao
and
liu
groups
still
oppose
each
other
,
and
local
factions
have
arisen.
violent
confrontations
,
often
resulting
in
hundreds
of
deaths
,
occur
in
many
provinces.
the
regime
is
no
longer
so
strong
and
unified
as
it
was
before
##number##
,
although
its
end
is
not
in
sight.
quite
possibly
far-reaching
changes
may
occur
in
the
future.
three
factors
will
probably
influence
the
future
of
china.
first
,
the
emergence
of
neo-communism
,
as
in
czechoslovakia
in
##number##
,
in
an
attempt
to
soften
traditional
communist
practice.
second
,
the
outcome
of
the
war
in
vietnam.
will
china
be
able
to
continue
its
eighteenth-century
dream
of
direct
or
indirect
domination
of
south-east
asia
?
will
north
vietnam
detach
itself
from
china
and
attach
itself
more
closely
to
russia
?
will
russia
and
china
continue
to
create
separate
spheres
of
influence
in
asia
,
africa
,
and
south
america
?
the
first
factor
depends
on
developments
inside
china
,
the
second
on
events
outside
,
and
at
least
in
part
on
decisions
in
the
united
states
,
japan
,
and
europe.
the
third
factor
has
to
do
with
human
nature.
one
may
justifiably
ask
whether
the
change
in
human
personality
which
chinese
communism
has
attempted
to
achieve
is
possible
,
let
alone
desirable.
studies
of
animals
and
of
human
beings
have
demonstrated
a
tendency
to
identify
with
a
territory
,
with
property
,
and
with
kin.
can
the
chinese
eradicate
this
tendency
?
the
chinese
have
been
family-centered
and
accustomed
to
subordinating
their
individual
inclinations
to
the
requirements
of
family
and
neighborhood.
but
beyond
these
established
frameworks
they
have
been
individualistic
and
highly
idiosyncratic
at
all
times.
under
the
communist
regime
,
however
,
the
government
is
omnipresent
,
and
people
must
toe
the
official
line.
one
senses
the
tragedy
that
affects
well-known
scholars
,
writers
and
poets
,
who
must
degrade
themselves
,
their
work
,
their
past
and
their
families
in
order
to
survive.
they
may
hope
for
comprehension
of
their
actions
,
but
nonetheless
they
must
suffer
shame.
will
the
present
government
change
the
minds
of
these
men
and
eradicate
their
feelings
?
communist
china
has
made
great
progress
,
no
doubt.
soon
it
may
equal
other
developed
nations.
but
its
progress
has
been
achieved
at
an
unnecessary
cost
in
human
lives
and
happiness.
that
the
regime
is
no
longer
so
strong
and
unified
as
it
was
before
##number##
does
not
mean
that
its
end
is
in
sight.
far-reaching
changes
may
occur
in
the
near
future.
public
opinion
is
impressed
with
mainland
china
's
progress
,
as
the
world
usually
is
with
strong
nations.
and
public
opinion
is
still
unimpressed
by
the
achievements
of
taiwan
and
has
hardly
begun
to
change
its
attitude
toward
the
government
of
the
"
republic
of
china.
"
to
the
historian
and
the
sociologist
,
the
experience
of
taiwan
indicates
that
china
,
if
left
alone
and
freed
from
ideological
pressures
,
could
industrialize
more
quickly
than
any
other
presently
underdeveloped
nation.
taiwan
offers
a
model
with
which
to
compare
mainland
china.
notes
and
references
the
following
notes
and
references
are
intended
to
help
the
interested
reader.
they
draw
his
attention
to
some
more
specialized
literature
in
english
,
and
occasionally
in
french
and
german.
they
also
indicate
for
the
more
advanced
reader
the
sources
for
some
of
the
interpretations
of
historical
events.
as
such
sources
are
most
often
written
in
chinese
or
japanese
and
,
therefore
,
inaccessible
to
most
readers
,
only
brief
hints
and
not
full
bibliographical
data
are
given.
the
specialists
know
the
names
and
can
easily
find
details
in
the
standard
bibliographies.
the
general
reader
will
profit
most
from
the
bibliography
on
chinese
history
published
each
year
in
the
_journal
of
asian
studies_.
these
notes
do
not
mention
the
original
chinese
sources
which
are
the
factual
basis
of
this
book.
_chapter
one_
p.
##number##
:
reference
is
made
here
to
the
_t
'ung-chien
kang-mu_
and
its
translation
by
de
mailla
(
##number##
)
.
criticism
by
o.
franke
,
ku
chieh-kang
and
his
school
,
also
by
g.
haloun.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
chronology
,
i
rely
here
upon
ijima
tadao
and
my
own
research.
excavations
at
chou-k
'ou-tien
still
continue
and
my
account
should
be
taken
as
very
preliminary.
an
earlier
analysis
is
given
by
e.
von
eickstedt
(
_rassendynamik
von
ostasien_
,
berlin
##number##
)
.
for
the
following
periods
,
the
best
general
study
is
still
j.g.
andersson
,
_researches
into
the
prehistory
of
the
chinese_
,
stockholm
##number##
a
great
number
of
new
findings
has
been
made
recently
,
but
no
comprehensive
analysis
in
a
western
language
is
available.
p.
##number##
:
comparison
with
ainu
has
been
made
by
weidenreich.
the
theory
of
desiccation
of
asia
is
not
the
huntington
theory
,
but
i
rely
here
upon
arguments
by
j.g.
andersson
and
sven
hedin.
p.
##number##
the
earlier
theories
of
r.
heine-geldern
have
been
used
here.
p.
##number##
:
this
is
a
summary
of
my
own
theories.
concerning
the
tungus
tribes
,
k.
jettmar
(
_wiener
beitraege
zur
kulturgeschichte_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
,
p.
484f
and
later
studies
)
has
proposed
a
more
refined
theory
;
other
parts
of
the
theory
,
as
far
as
it
is
concerned
with
conditions
in
central
asia
,
have
been
modified
by
f.
kussmaul
(
in
:
_tribus_
,
vol.
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
)
.
archaeological
data
from
central
asia
have
been
analysed
again
by
k.
jettmar
(
in
:
_the
museum
of
far
eastern
antiquities
,
bulletin_
no.
##number##
,
##number##
)
.
the
discussion
on
domestication
of
large
animals
relies
on
the
studies
by
c.o.
sauer
,
h.
von
wissmann
,
menghin
,
amschler
,
flohr
and
,
most
recently
,
f.
han
[
vc
]
ar
(
in
:
_saeculum_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
with
further
literature
)
,
and
also
on
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
an
analysis
of
the
situation
in
the
south
according
to
western
and
chinese
studies
is
found
in
h.j.
wiens
,
_china
's
march
toward
the
tropics_
,
hamden
##number##
much
further
work
is
now
published
by
ling
shun-sheng
,
rui
yi-fu
and
other
anthropologists
in
taipei.
the
best
analysis
of
denshiring
in
the
far
east
is
still
the
book
by
k.j.
pelzer
,
_population
and
land
utilization_
,
new
york
##number##
the
anthropological
theories
on
this
page
are
my
own
,
influenced
by
ideas
of
r.
heine-geldern
and
gordon
luce.
p.
##number##
:
sociological
theory
,
as
developed
by
r.
thurnwald
and
others
,
has
been
used
as
a
theoretical
tool
here
,
together
with
observations
by
a.
credner
and
h.
bernatzik.
concerning
rice
in
yang-shao
see
r.
heine-geldern
in
_anthropos_
,
vol.
##number##
,
p.
##number##
p.
##number##
:
wu
chin-ting
defended
the
local
origin
of
yang-shao
;
t.j.
arne
,
j.g.
andersson
and
many
others
suggested
western
influences.
most
recently
r.
heine-geldern
elaborated
this
theory.
the
allusion
to
indo-europeans
refers
to
the
studies
by
g.
haloun
and
others
concerning
the
ta-hsia
,
the
later
yueeh-chih
,
and
the
tocharian
problem.
p.
##number##
:
r.
heine-geldern
proposed
a
"
pontic
migration
"
.
yin
huan-chang
discussed
most
recently
lung-shan
culture
and
the
mound-dwellers.
p.
##number##
:
the
original
_chu-shu
chi-nien_
version
of
the
stories
about
yao
has
been
accepted
here
,
together
with
my
own
research
and
the
studies
by
b.
karlgren
,
m.
loehr
,
g.
haloun
,
e.h.
minns
and
others
concerning
the
origin
and
early
distribution
of
bronze
and
the
animal
style.
smith
families
or
tribes
are
well
known
from
central
asia
,
but
also
from
india
and
africa
(
see
w.
ruben
,
_eisenschmiede
und
daemonen
in
indien_
,
leiden
##number##
,
for
general
discussion
)
.
--
for
a
discussion
of
the
hsia
see
e.
erkes.
_chapter
two_
p.
##number##
:
the
discussion
in
this
chapter
relies
mainly
upon
the
anyang
excavation
reports
and
the
studies
by
tung
tso-pin
and
,
most
strongly
,
ch
'en
meng-chia.
in
english
,
the
best
work
is
still
h.g.
creel
,
_the
birth
of
china_
,
london
##number##
and
his
more
specialized
_studies
in
early
chinese
culture_
,
baltimore
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
possibility
of
a
"
megalithic
"
culture
in
the
far
east
has
often
been
discussed
,
by
o.
menghin
,
r.
heine-geldern
,
cheng
te-k
'un
,
ling
shun-sheng
and
others.
megaliths
occur
mainly
in
south-east
asia
,
southern
china
,
korea
and
japan.
--
teng
ch
'u-min
and
others
believe
that
silk
existed
already
in
the
time
of
yang-shao.
p.
##number##
:
kuo
mo-jo
believes
,
that
the
shang
already
used
a
real
plough
drawn
by
animals.
the
main
discussion
on
ploughs
in
china
is
by
hsue
chung-shu
;
for
general
anthropological
discussion
see
e.
werth
and
h.
kothe.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
discussion
of
the
t
'ao-t
'ieh
see
the
research
by
b.
karlgren
and
c.
hentze.
p.
##number##
:
i
follow
here
mainly
ch
'en
meng-chia
,
but
work
by
b.
schindler
,
c.
hentze
,
h.
maspero
and
also
my
own
research
has
been
considered.
p.
##number##
:
i
am
accepting
here
a
narrow
definition
of
feudalism
(
see
my
_conquerors
and
rulers_
,
leiden
##number##
)
.
--
the
division
of
armies
into
"
right
"
and
"
left
"
is
interesting
in
the
light
of
the
theories
concerning
the
importance
of
systems
of
orientation
(
fr.
rock
and
others
)
.
p.
##number##
:
here
,
the
work
by
w.
koppers
,
o.
spengler
,
f.
han
[
vc
]
ar
,
v.g.
childe
and
many
others
,
concerning
the
domestication
of
the
horse
and
the
introduction
of
the
war-chariot
in
general
,
and
work
by
shih
chang-ju
,
ch
'en
meng-chia
,
o.
maenchen
,
uchida
gimpu
and
others
concerning
horses
,
riding
and
chariots
in
china
has
been
used
,
in
addition
to
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
concerning
the
wild
animals
,
i
have
relied
upon
ch
'en
meng-chia
,
hsue
chung-shu
and
tung
tso-pin.
--
the
discussion
as
to
whether
there
was
a
period
of
"
slave
society
"
(
as
postulated
by
marxist
theory
)
in
china
,
and
when
it
flourished
,
is
still
going
on
under
the
leadership
of
kuo
mo-jo
and
his
group.
i
prefer
to
differentiate
between
slaves
and
serfs
,
and
relied
for
factual
data
upon
texts
from
oracle
bones
,
not
upon
historical
texts.
--
the
problem
of
shang
chronology
is
still
not
solved
,
in
spite
of
extensive
work
by
liu
ch
'ao-yang
,
tung
tso-pin
and
many
japanese
and
western
scholars.
the
old
chronology
,
however
,
seems
to
be
rejected
by
most
scholars
now.
_chapter
three_
p.
##number##
:
discussing
the
early
script
and
language
,
i
refer
to
the
great
number
of
unidentified
shang
characters
and
,
especially
,
to
the
composite
characters
which
have
been
mentioned
often
by
c.
hentze
in
his
research
;
on
the
other
hand
,
the
original
language
of
the
chou
may
have
been
different
from
classical
chinese
,
if
we
can
judge
from
the
form
of
the
names
of
the
earliest
chou
ancestors.
problems
of
substrata
languages
enter
at
this
stage.
our
first
understanding
of
chou
language
and
dialects
seems
to
come
through
the
method
applied
by
p.
serruys
,
rather
than
through
the
more
generally
accepted
theories
and
methods
of
b.
karlgren
and
his
school.
p.
##number##
:
i
reject
here
the
statement
of
classical
texts
that
the
last
shang
ruler
was
unworthy
,
and
accept
the
new
interpretation
of
ch
'en
meng-chia
which
is
based
upon
oracle
bone
texts
,
--
the
most
recent
general
study
on
feudalism
,
and
on
feudalism
in
china
,
is
in
r.
coulborn
,
_feudalism
in
history_
,
princeton
##number##
stimulating
,
but
in
parts
antiquated
,
is
m.
granet
,
_la
feodalite
chinoise_
,
oslo
##number##
i
rely
here
on
my
own
research.
the
instalment
procedure
has
been
described
by
h.
maspero
and
ch
'i
sz
[
)
u
]
-
ho.
p.
##number##
:
the
interpretation
of
land-holding
and
clans
follows
my
own
research
which
is
influenced
by
niida
noboru
,
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
and
other
japanese
scholars
,
as
well
as
by
g.
haloun.
--
concerning
the
origin
of
family
names
see
preliminarily
yang
hsi-mei
;
much
further
research
is
still
necessary.
the
general
development
of
chinese
names
is
now
studied
by
wolfgang
bauer.
--
the
spread
of
cities
in
this
period
has
been
studied
by
li
chi
,
_the
formation
of
the
chinese
people_
,
cambridge
##number##
my
interpretation
relies
mainly
upon
a
study
of
the
distribution
of
non-chinese
tribes
and
data
on
early
cities
coming
from
excavation
reports
(
see
my
"
data
on
the
structure
of
the
chinese
city
"
in
_economic
development
and
cultural
change_
,
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
,
and
"
the
formation
of
chinese
civilization
"
in
_sociologus_
##number##
,
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
)
.
p.
##number##
:
the
work
on
slaves
by
t.
pippon
,
e.
erkes
,
m.
wilbur
,
wan
kuo-ting
,
kuo
mo-jo
,
niida
noboru
,
kao
nien-chih
and
others
has
been
consulted
;
the
interpretation
by
e.g.
pulleyblank
,
however
,
was
not
accepted.
p.
##number##
:
this
interpretation
of
the
"
well-field
"
system
relies
in
part
upon
the
work
done
by
hsue
ti-shan
,
in
part
upon
m.
granet
and
h.
maspero
,
and
attempts
to
utilize
insight
from
general
anthropological
theory
and
field-work
mainly
in
south-east
asia.
other
interpretations
have
been
proposed
by
yang
lien-sheng
,
wan
kuo-ting
,
ch
'i
sz
[
)
u
]
-
ho
p.
demieville
,
hu
shih
,
chi
ch
'ao-ting
,
k.a.
wittfogel
,
and
others
some
authors
,
such
as
kuo
mo-jo
,
regard
the
whole
system
as
an
utopia
,
but
believe
in
an
original
"
village
community
"
.
--
the
characterization
of
the
_chou-li_
relies
in
part
upon
the
work
done
by
hsue
chung-shu
and
ku
chieh-kang
on
the
titles
of
nobility
,
research
by
yang
k
'uan
and
textual
criticism
by
b.
karlgren
,
o.
franke
,
and
again
ku
chieh-kang
and
his
school.
--
the
discussion
on
twin
cities
is
intended
to
draw
attention
to
its
west
asian
parallels
,
the
"
acropolis
"
or
"
ark
"
city
,
as
well
as
to
the
theories
on
the
difference
between
western
and
asian
cities
(
m.
weber
)
and
the
specific
type
of
cities
in
"
dual
societies
"
(
h.
boeke
)
.
p.
##number##
:
this
is
a
modified
form
of
the
hu
shih
theory.
--
the
problem
of
nomadic
agrarian
inter-action
and
conflict
has
been
studied
for
a
later
period
mainly
by
o.
lattimore.
here
,
general
anthropological
research
as
well
as
my
own
have
been
applied.
p.
##number##
:
the
supra-stratification
theory
as
developed
by
r.
thurnwald
has
been
used
as
analytic
tool
here.
p.
##number##
:
for
this
period
,
a
novel
interpretation
is
presented
by
r.l.
walker
,
_the
multi-state
system
of
china_
,
hamden
##number##
for
the
concepts
of
sovereignty
,
i
have
used
here
the
_chou-li_
text
and
interpretations
based
upon
this
text.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
introduction
of
iron
and
the
importance
of
ch
'i
,
see
chu
hsi-tsu
,
kuo
mo-jo
,
yang
k
'uan
,
sekino
,
takeshi.
--
some
scholars
(
g.
haloun
)
tend
to
interpret
attacks
such
as
the
one
of
##number##
b.c.
as
attacks
from
outside
the
borders
of
china.
p.
##number##
:
for
confucius
see
h.g.
creel
,
_confucius_
,
new
york
##number##
i
do
not
,
however
,
follow
his
interpretation
,
but
rather
the
ideas
of
hu
shih
,
o.
franke
and
others.
p.
##number##
:
for
"
chuen-tz
[
)
u
]
"
and
its
counterpart
"
hsiao-jen
"
see
d.
bodde
and
ch
'en
meng-chia.
p
##number##
:
i
rely
strongly
here
upon
o.
franke
and
ku
chieh-kang
and
upon
my
own
work
on
eclipses.
p.
##number##
:
i
regard
the
confucian
traditions
concerning
the
model
emperors
of
early
time
as
such
a
falsification.
the
whole
concept
of
"
abdication
"
has
been
analysed
by
m.
granet.
the
later
ceremony
of
abdication
was
developed
upon
the
basis
of
the
interpretations
of
confucius
and
has
been
studied
by
ku
chieh-kang
and
miyakawa
hisayuki.
already
confucius
'
disciple
meng
tz
[
)
u
]
,
and
later
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
and
han
fei
tz
[
)
u
]
were
against
this
theory.
--
as
a
general
introduction
to
the
philosophy
of
this
period
,
y.l.
feng
's
_history
of
chinese
philosophy_
,
london
##number##
has
still
to
be
recommended
,
although
further
research
has
made
many
advances.
--
my
analysis
of
the
role
of
confucianism
in
society
is
influenced
by
theories
in
the
field
of
sociology
of
religion.
p.
##number##
:
the
temple
in
turkestan
was
in
khotan
and
is
already
mentioned
in
the
_wei-shu_
chapter
##number##
the
analysis
of
the
famous
"
book
on
the
transfiguration
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
into
a
western
barbarian
"
by
wang
wei-cheng
is
penetrating
and
has
been
used
here.
the
evaluation
of
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
and
his
pupils
as
against
confucius
by
j.
needham
,
in
his
_science
and
civilization
in
china_
,
cambridge
##number##
_et
seq_.
(
in
volume
##number##
)
is
very
stimulating
,
though
necessarily
limited
to
some
aspects
only.
p.
##number##
:
the
concept
of
_wu-wei_
has
often
been
discussed
;
some
,
such
as
masaaki
matsumoto
,
interpreted
the
concept
purely
in
social
terms
as
"
refusal
of
actions
carrying
worldly
estimation
"
.
p.
##number##
further
literature
concerning
alchemy
and
breathing
exercises
is
found
in
j.
needham
's
book.
_chapter
four_
p.
##number##
:
i
have
used
here
the
general
framework
of
r.l.
walker
,
but
more
upon
yang
k
'uan
's
studies.
p.
##number##
:
the
interpretation
of
the
change
of
myths
in
this
period
is
based
in
part
upon
the
work
done
by
h.
maspero
,
g.
haloun
,
and
ku
chieh-kang.
the
analysis
of
legends
made
by
b.
karlgren
from
a
philological
point
of
view
(
"
legends
and
cults
in
ancient
china
"
,
_the
museum
of
far
eastern
antiquities
,
bulletin_
no.
##number##
,
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
)
follows
another
direction.
p.
##number##
:
the
discussion
on
riding
involves
the
theories
concerning
horse-nomadic
tribes
and
the
period
of
this
way
of
life.
it
also
involves
the
problem
of
the
invention
of
stirrup
and
saddle.
the
saddle
seems
to
have
been
used
in
china
already
at
the
beginning
of
our
period
;
the
stirrup
seems
to
be
as
late
as
the
fifth
century
a.d.
the
article
by
a.
kroeber
,
_the
ancient
oikumene
as
an
historic
culture
aggregate_
,
huxley
memorial
lecture
for
##number##
,
is
very
instructive
for
our
problems
and
also
for
its
theoretical
approach.
--
the
custom
of
attracting
settlers
from
other
areas
in
order
to
have
more
production
as
well
as
more
manpower
seems
to
have
been
known
in
india
at
the
same
time.
p.
##number##
:
the
work
done
by
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
and
niida
noboru
on
property
and
family
has
been
used
here.
for
the
later
period
,
work
done
by
makino
tatsumi
has
also
been
incorporated.
--
literature
on
the
plough
and
on
iron
for
implements
has
been
mentioned
above.
concerning
the
fallow
system
,
i
have
incorporated
the
ideas
of
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
,
[
=o
]
shima
toshikaza
,
hsue
ti-shan
and
wan
kuo-ting.
hsue
ti-shan
believes
that
a
kind
of
3-field
system
had
developed
by
this
time.
traces
of
such
a
system
have
been
observed
in
modern
china
(
h.d.
scholz
)
.
for
these
questions
,
the
translation
by
n.
lee
swann
,
_food
and
money
in
ancient
china_
,
##number##
is
very
important.
p.
##number##
:
for
all
questions
of
money
and
credit
from
this
period
down
to
modern
times
,
the
best
brief
introduction
is
by
lien-sheng
yang
,
_money
and
credit
in
china_
,
cambridge
##number##
the
_introduction
to
the
economic
history
of
china_
,
london
##number##
,
by
e.
stuart
kirby
is
certainly
still
the
best
brief
introduction
into
all
problems
of
chinese
economic
history
and
contains
a
bibliography
in
western
and
chinese-japanese
languages.
articles
by
chinese
authors
on
economic
problems
have
been
translated
in
e-tu
zen
sun
and
j.
de
francis
,
_chinese
social
history_
,
washington
##number##
--
data
on
the
size
of
early
cities
have
been
collected
by
t.
sekino
and
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru.
p.
##number##
:
t.
sekino
studied
the
forms
of
cities.
c.
hentze
believes
that
the
city
even
in
the
shang
period
normally
had
a
square
plan.
--
t.
sekino
has
also
made
the
first
research
on
city
coins.
such
a
privilege
and
such
independence
of
cities
disappear
later
,
but
occasionally
the
privilege
of
minting
was
given
to
persons
of
high
rank.
--
k.a.
wittfogel
,
_oriental
despotism_
,
new
haven
##number##
regards
irrigation
as
a
key
economic
and
social
factor
and
has
built
up
his
theory
around
this
concept.
i
do
not
accept
his
theory
here
or
later.
evidence
seems
to
point
towards
the
importance
of
transportation
systems
rather
than
of
government-sponsored
or
operated
irrigation
systems.
--
concerning
steel
,
we
follow
yang
k
'uan
;
a
special
study
by
j.
needham
is
under
preparation.
centre
of
steel
production
at
this
time
was
wan
(
later
nanyang
in
honan
)
.
--
for
early
chinese
law
,
the
study
by
a.f.p.
hulsewe
,
_remnants
of
han
law_
,
leiden
##number##
is
the
best
work
in
english.
he
does
not
,
however
,
regard
li
k
'ui
as
the
main
creator
of
chinese
law
,
though
kuo
mo-jo
and
others
do.
it
is
obvious
,
however
,
that
han
law
was
not
a
creation
of
the
han
chinese
alone
and
that
some
type
of
code
must
have
existed
before
han
,
even
if
such
a
code
was
not
written
by
the
man
li
k
'ui.
a
special
study
on
li
was
made
by
o.
franke.
p.
##number##
:
in
the
description
of
border
conditions
,
research
by
o.
lattimore
has
been
taken
into
consideration.
p.
##number##
:
for
shang
yang
and
this
whole
period
,
the
classical
work
in
english
is
still
j.j.l.
duyvendak
,
_the
book
of
lord
shang_
,
london
##number##
;
the
translation
by
ma
perleberg
of
_the
works
of
kung-sun
lung-tzu_
,
hongkong
##number##
as
well
as
the
translation
of
the
_economic
dialogues
in
ancient
china
:
the
kuan-tzu_
,
edited
by
l.
maverick
,
new
haven
##number##
have
not
found
general
approval
,
but
may
serve
as
introductions
to
the
way
philosophers
of
our
period
worked.
han
fei
tz
[
)
u
]
;
has
been
translated
by
w.k.
liao
,
_the
complete
works
of
han
fei
tz
[
)
u
]
_
,
london
##number##
(
only
part
##number##
)
.
p.
##number##
:
needham
does
not
have
such
a
positive
attitude
towards
tsou
yen
,
and
regards
western
influences
upon
tsou
yen
as
not
too
likely.
the
discussion
on
pp.
##number##
follows
mainly
my
own
researches.
p.
##number##
:
the
interpretation
of
secret
societies
is
influenced
by
general
sociological
theory
and
detailed
reports
on
later
secret
societies.
s.
murayama
and
most
modern
chinese
scholars
stress
almost
solely
the
social
element
in
the
so-called
"
peasant
rebellions
"
.
_chapter
five_
p.
##number##
:
the
analysis
of
the
emergence
of
ch
'in
bureaucracy
has
profited
from
general
sociological
theory
,
especially
m.
weber
(
see
the
new
analysis
by
r.
bendix
,
_max
weber
,
an
intellectual
portrait_
,
garden
city
##number##
,
p.
##number##
)
.
early
administration
systems
of
this
type
in
china
have
been
studied
in
several
articles
in
the
journal
_yue-kung_
(
vol.
##number##
and
##number##
)
.
p.
##number##
:
in
the
discussion
of
language
,
i
use
arguments
which
have
been
brought
forth
by
p.
serruys
against
the
previously
generally
accepted
theories
of
b.
karlgren.
--
for
weights
and
measures
i
have
referred
to
t.
sekino
,
liu
fu
and
wu
ch
'eng-lo.
p.
##number##
:
for
this
period
,
d.
bodde
's
_china
's
first
unifier_
,
leiden
##number##
and
his
_statesman
,
patriot
,
and
general
in
ancient
china_
,
new
haven
##number##
remain
valuable
studies.
_chapter
six_
p.
##number##
:
the
basic
historical
text
for
this
whole
period
,
the
_dynastic
history
of
the
han
dynasty_
,
is
now
in
part
available
in
english
translation
(
h.h.
dubs
,
_the
history
of
the
former
han
dynasty_
,
baltimore
##number##
,
##number##
volumes
)
.
p.
##number##
:
the
description
of
the
gentry
is
based
upon
my
own
research.
other
scholars
define
the
word
"
gentry
"
,
if
applied
to
china
,
differently
(
some
of
the
relevant
studies
are
discussed
in
my
note
in
the
_bull.
school
of
orient.
&
african
studies_
,
##number##
,
p.
##number##
f.
)
.
p.
##number##
:
the
theory
of
the
cycle
of
mobility
has
been
brought
forth
by
fr.
l.k.
hsu
and
others.
i
have
based
my
criticism
upon
a
forthcoming
study
of
_social
mobility
in
traditional
chinese
society_.
the
basic
point
is
not
the
momentary
economic
or
political
power
of
such
a
family
,
but
the
social
status
of
the
family
(
_li-shih
yen-chiu_
,
peking
##number##
,
no.
##number##
,
p.
##number##
)
.
the
social
status
was
,
increasingly
,
defined
and
fixed
by
law
(
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu
)
.
--
the
difference
in
the
size
of
gentry
and
other
families
has
been
pointed
out
by
a
number
of
scholars
such
as
fr.
l.k.
hsu
,
h.t.
fei
,
o.
lang.
my
own
research
seems
to
indicate
that
gentry
families
,
on
the
average
,
married
earlier
than
other
families.
p.
##number##
:
the
han
system
of
examinations
or
rather
of
selection
has
been
studied
by
yang
lien-sheng
;
and
analysis
of
the
social
origin
of
candidates
has
been
made
in
the
_bull.
chinese
studies_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
,
and
##number##
,
##number##
--
the
meaning
of
the
term
"
hundred
families
"
has
been
discussed
by
w.
eichhorn
,
kuo
mo-jo
,
ch
'en
meng-chia
and
especially
by
hsue
t
'ung-hsin.
it
was
later
also
a
fiscal
term.
p.
##number##
:
the
analysis
of
hsiung-nu
society
is
based
mainly
upon
my
own
research.
there
is
no
satisfactory
history
of
these
northern
federations
available
in
english.
the
compilation
of
w.m.
macgovern
,
_the
early
empires
of
central
asia_
,
chapel
hill
##number##
,
is
now
quite
antiquated.
--
an
attempt
to
construct
a
model
of
central
asian
nomadic
social
structure
has
been
made
by
e.e.
bacon
,
_obok
,
a
study
of
social
structure
in
eurasia_
,
new
york
##number##
,
but
the
model
constructed
by
b.
vladimirtsov
and
modified
by
o.
lattimore
remains
valuable.
--
for
origin
and
early-development
of
hsiung-nu
society
see
o.
maenchen
,
k.
jettmar
,
b.
bernstam
,
uchida
gimpu
and
many
others.
p.
##number##
:
material
on
the
"
classes
"
(
_sz
[
)
u
]
min_
)
will
be
found
in
a
forthcoming
book.
studies
by
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu
and
tamai
korehiro
are
important
here.
an
up-to-date
history
of
chinese
education
is
still
a
desideratum.
p.
##number##
:
for
tung
chung-shu
,
i
rely
mainly
upon
o.
franke.
--
some
scholars
do
not
accept
this
"
double
standard
"
,
although
we
have
clear
texts
which
show
that
cases
were
evaluated
on
the
basis
of
confucian
texts
and
not
on
the
basis
of
laws.
in
fact
,
local
judges
probably
only
in
exceptional
cases
knew
the
text
of
the
law
or
had
the
code.
they
judged
on
the
basis
of
"
customary
law
"
.
p.
##number##
:
based
mainly
upon
my
own
research.
k.a.
wittfogel
,
_oriental
despotism_
,
new
haven
##number##
,
has
a
different
interpretation.
p.
##number##
:
cases
in
which
the
han
emperors
disregarded
the
law
code
were
studied
by
y.
hisamura.
--
i
have
used
here
studies
published
in
the
_bull
,
of
chinese
studies_
,
vol.
##number##
and
##number##
and
in
_toyo
gakuho_
,
vol.
##number##
and
##number##
,
in
addition
to
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
on
local
administration
see
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
and
yen
keng-wang
's
studies.
p.
##number##
:
the
problem
of
the
chinese
gold
,
which
will
be
touched
upon
later
again
,
has
gained
theoretical
interest
,
because
it
could
be
used
as
a
test
of
m.
lombard
's
theories
concerning
the
importance
of
gold
in
the
west
(
_annales
,
economies
,
societes
,
civilisations_
,
vol.
##number##
,
paris
##number##
,
no.
##number##
,
p.
##number##
)
.
it
was
used
in
china
from
c.
##number##
b.c.
on
in
form
of
coins
or
bars
,
but
disappeared
almost
completely
from
a.d.
##number##
on
,
i.e.
the
period
of
economic
decline
(
see
l.s.
yang
,
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
)
.
--
the
payment
to
border
tribes
occurs
many
times
again
in
chinese
history
down
to
recent
times
;
it
has
its
parallel
in
british
payments
to
tribes
in
the
north-west
frontier
province
in
india
which
continued
even
after
the
independence.
p.
##number##
:
according
to
later
sources
,
one
third
of
the
tributary
gifts
was
used
in
the
imperial
ancestor
temples
,
one
third
in
the
imperial
mausolea
,
but
one
third
was
used
as
gifts
to
guests
of
the
emperor.
--
the
trade
aspect
of
the
tributes
was
first
pointed
but
by
e.
parker
,
later
by
o.
lattimore
,
recently
by
j.k.
fairbank.
--
the
importance
of
chang
ch
'ien
for
east-west
contacts
was
systematically
studied
by
b.
laufer
;
his
_sino-iranica_
,
chicago
##number##
is
still
a
classic.
p.
##number##
:
the
most
important
trait
which
points
to
foreign
trade
,
is
the
occurrence
of
glass
in
chinese
tombs
in
indo-china
and
of
glass
in
china
proper
from
the
fifth
century
b.c.
on
;
it
is
assumed
that
this
glass
was
imported
from
the
near
east
,
possibly
from
egypt
(
o.
janse
,
n.
egami
,
seligman
)
.
p.
##number##
:
large
parts
of
the
"
discussions
"
have
been
translated
by
esson
m.
gale
,
_discourses
on
salt
and
iron_
,
leiden
##number##
;
the
continuation
of
this
translation
is
in
_jour.
royal
as.
society
,
north-china
branch_
##number##
--
the
history
of
eunuchs
in
china
remains
to
be
written.
they
were
known
since
at
least
the
seventh
century
b.c.
the
hypothesis
has
been
made
that
this
custom
had
its
origin
in
asia
minor
and
spread
from
there
(
r.f.
spencer
in
_ciba
symposia_
,
vol.
##number##
,
no.
##number##
,
##number##
with
references
)
.
p.
##number##
:
the
main
source
on
wang
mang
is
translated
by
c.b.
sargent
,
_wang
mang
,
a
translation_
,
shanghai
##number##
and
h.h.
dubs
,
_history
of
the
former
han
dynasty_
,
vol
,
##number##
,
baltimore
##number##
p.
##number##
:
this
evaluation
of
the
"
old
character
school
"
is
not
generally
accepted.
a
quite
different
view
is
represented
by
tjan
tjoe
som
and
r.p.
kramers
and
others
who
regard
the
differences
between
the
schools
as
of
a
philological
and
not
a
political
kind.
i
follow
here
most
strongly
the
chinese
school
as
represented
by
ku
chieh-kang
and
his
friends
,
and
my
own
studies.
p.
##number##
:
falsification
of
texts
refers
to
changes
in
the
tso-chuan.
my
interpretation
relies
again
upon
ku
chieh-kang
,
and
japanese
astronomical
studies
(
ijima
tadao
)
,
but
others
,
too
,
admit
falsifications
(
h.h.
dubs
)
;
b.
karlgren
and
others
regard
the
book
as
in
its
main
body
genuine.
the
other
text
mentioned
here
is
the
_chou-li_
which
is
certainly
not
written
by
wang
mang
(
_jung-chai
hsue-pi_
##number##
)
,
but
heavily
mis-used
by
him
(
in
general
see
s.
uno
)
.
p.
##number##
:
i
am
influenced
here
by
some
of
h.h.
dubs
's
studies.
for
this
and
the
following
period
,
the
work
by
h.
bielenstein
,
_the
restoration
of
the
han
dynasty_
,
stockholm
##number##
and
##number##
is
the
best
monograph.
--
the
"
equalization
offices
"
and
their
influence
upon
modern
united
states
has
been
studied
by
b.
bodde
in
the
_far
eastern
quarterly_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
p.
##number##
:
h.
bielenstein
regards
a
great
flood
as
one
of
the
main
reasons
for
the
breakdown
of
wang
mang
's
rule.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
understanding
of
chinese
military
colonies
in
central
asia
as
well
as
for
the
understanding
of
military
organization
,
civil
administration
and
business
,
the
studies
of
lao
kan
on
texts
excavated
in
central
asia
and
kansu
are
of
greatest
importance.
p.
##number##
:
mazdaistic
elements
in
this
rebellion
have
been
mentioned
mainly
by
h.h.
dubs.
zoroastrism
(
zoroaster
born
##number##
b.c.
)
and
mazdaism
were
eminently
"
political
"
religions
from
their
very
beginning
on.
most
scholars
admit
the
presence
of
mazdaism
in
china
only
from
##number##
on
(
ishida
mikinosuke
,
o.
franke
)
.
dubs
's
theory
can
be
strengthened
by
astronomical
material.
--
the
basic
religious
text
of
this
group
,
the
"
book
of
the
great
peace
"
has
been
studied
by
w.
eichhorn
maspero
and
ho
ch
'ang-ch
'uen.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
"
church
"
i
rely
mainly
upon
h.
maspero
and
w.
eichhorn.
p.
##number##
:
i
use
here
concepts
developed
by
cheng
chen-to
and
especially
by
jung
chao-tsu.
p.
##number##
:
wang
ch
'ung
's
importance
has
recently
been
mentioned
again
by
j.
needham.
p.
##number##
:
these
"
court
poets
"
have
their
direct
parallel
in
western
asia.
this
trend
,
however
,
did
not
become
typical
in
china.
--
on
the
general
history
of
paper
read
a.
kroeber
,
_anthropology_
,
new
york
##number##
,
p.
490f.
,
and
dard
hunter
,
_paper
making_
,
new
york
##number##
(
2nd
ed.
)
.
_chapter
seven_
p.
##number##
:
the
main
historical
sources
for
this
period
have
been
translated
by
achilles
fang
,
_the
chronicle
of
the
three
kingdoms_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
##number##
;
the
epic
which
describes
this
time
is
c.h.
brewitt-taylor
,
_san
kuo
,
or
romance
of
the
three
kingdoms_
,
shanghai
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
problems
of
migration
and
settlement
in
the
south
,
we
relied
in
part
upon
research
by
ch
'en
yuean
and
wang
yi-t
'ung.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
history
of
the
hsiung-nu
i
am
relying
mainly
upon
my
own
studies.
p.
##number##
:
this
analysis
of
tribal
structure
is
based
mainly
upon
my
own
research
;
it
differs
in
detail
from
the
studies
by
e.
bacon
,
_obok
,
a
study
of
social
structure
in
eurasia_
,
new
york
##number##
,
b.
vladimirtsov
,
o.
lattimore
's
_inner
asian
frontiers
of
china_
,
new
york
##number##
(
2nd
edit.
)
and
the
studies
by
l.m.j.
schram
,
_the
monguors
of
the
kansu-tibetan
frontier_
,
philadelphia
##number##
and
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
use
of
the
word
"
huns
"
does
not
imply
that
we
identify
the
early
or
the
late
hsiung-nu
with
the
european
huns.
this
question
is
still
very
much
under
discussion
(
o.
maenchen
,
w.
haussig
,
w.
henning
,
and
others
)
.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
history
of
the
early
hsien-pi
states
see
the
monograph
by
g.
schreiber
,
"
the
history
of
the
former
yen
dynasty
"
,
in
_monomenta
serica_
,
vol.
##number##
and
##number##
(
##number##
)
.
for
all
translations
from
chinese
dynastic
histories
of
the
period
between
##number##
and
##number##
the
_catalogue
of
translations
from
the
chinese
dynastic
histories
for
the
period
220-960_
,
by
hans
h.
frankel
,
berkeley
##number##
,
is
a
reliable
guide.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
description
of
conditions
in
turkestan
,
especially
in
tunhuang
,
i
rely
upon
my
own
studies
,
but
studies
by
a.
von
gabein
,
l.
ligeti
,
j.r.
ware
,
o.
franke
and
tsukamoto
zenryu
have
been
used
,
too.
p.
##number##
:
these
songs
have
first
been
studied
by
hu
shih
,
later
by
chinese
folklorists.
p.
##number##
:
for
problems
of
chinese
buddhism
see
arthur
f.
wright
,
_buddhism
in
chinese
history_
,
stanford
##number##
,
with
further
bibliography.
i
have
used
for
this
and
later
periods
,
in
addition
to
my
own
sociological
studies
,
r.
michihata
,
j.
gernet
,
and
tamai
korehiro.
--
it
is
interesting
that
the
rise
of
landowning
temples
in
india
occurred
at
exactly
the
same
time
(
r.s.
sharma
in
_journ.
econ.
and
soc.
hist.
orient_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
,
p.
##number##
)
.
perhaps
even
more
interesting
,
but
still
unstudied
,
is
the
existence
of
buddhist
temples
in
india
which
owned
land
and
villages
which
were
donated
by
contributions
from
china.
--
for
the
use
of
foreign
monks
in
chinese
bureaucracies
,
i
have
used
m.
weber
's
theory
as
an
interpretative
tool.
p.
##number##
:
the
important
deities
of
khotan
buddhism
are
vai
[
's
]
ramana
and
kubera
,
(
research
by
p.
demieville
,
r.
stein
and
others
)
.
--
where
,
how
,
and
why
hinayana
and
mahayana
developed
as
separate
sects
,
is
not
yet
studied.
also
,
a
sociological
analysis
of
the
different
buddhist
sects
in
china
has
not
even
been
attempted
yet.
p.
##number##
:
such
public
religious
disputations
were
known
also
in
india.
p.
##number##
:
analysis
of
the
tribal
names
has
been
made
by
l.
bazin.
pp.
##number##
:
the
personality
type
which
was
the
ideal
of
the
toba
corresponded
closely
to
the
type
described
by
g.
geesemann
,
_heroische
lebensform_
,
berlin
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
toba
occur
in
contemporary
western
sources
as
tabar
,
tabgac
,
tafkac
and
similar
names.
the
ethnic
name
also
occurs
as
a
title
(
o.
pritsak
,
p.
pelliot
,
w.
haussig
and
others
)
.
--
on
the
_chuen-t
'ien_
system
cf.
the
article
by
wan
kuo-ting
in
e-tu
zen
sun
,
_chinese
social
history_
,
washington
##number##
,
p.
##number##
i
also
used
yoshimi
matsumoto
and
t
'ang
ch
'ang-ju.
--
census
fragments
from
tunhuang
have
been
published
by
l.
giles
,
niida
noboru
and
other
japanese
scholars.
p.
##number##
:
on
slaves
for
the
earlier
time
see
m.
wilbur
,
_slavery
in
china
during
the
former
han
dynasty_
,
chicago
##number##
for
our
period
wang
yi-t
'ung
and
especially
niida
noboru
and
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu.
i
used
for
this
discussion
niida
,
ch
'ue
and
tamai
korehiro.
--
for
the
_pu-ch
'ue_
i
used
in
addition
yang
chung-i
,
h.
maspero
,
e.
balazs
,
w.
eichhorn.
yang
's
article
is
translated
in
e-tu
zen
sun
's
book
,
_chinese
social
history_
,
pp.
##number##
--
the
question
of
slaves
and
their
importance
in
chinese
society
has
always
been
given
much
attention
by
chinese
communist
authors.
i
believe
that
a
clear
distinction
between
slaves
and
serfs
is
very
important.
p.
##number##
:
the
political
use
of
buddhism
has
been
asserted
for
japan
as
well
as
for
korea
and
tibet
(
h.
hoffmann
,
_quellen
zur
geschichte
der
tibetischen
bon-religion_
,
mainz
##number##
,
p.
##number##
f.
)
.
a
case
could
be
made
for
burma.
in
china
,
buddhism
was
later
again
used
as
a
tool
by
rulers
(
see
below
)
.
p.
##number##
:
the
first
text
in
which
such
problems
of
state
versus
church
are
mentioned
is
mou
tz
[
)
u
]
(
p.
pelliot
transl.
)
.
more
recently
,
some
of
the
problems
have
been
studied
by
r.
michihata
and
e.
zuercher.
michihata
also
studied
the
temple
slaves.
temple
families
were
slightly
different.
they
have
been
studied
mainly
by
r.
michihata
,
j.
gernet
and
wang
yi-t
'ung.
the
information
on
t
'an-yao
is
mainly
in
_wei-shu_
##number##
(
transl.
j.
ware
)
.
--
the
best
work
on
yuen-kang
is
now
seiichi
mizuno
and
toshio
nagahiro
,
_yuen-kang.
the
buddhist
cave-temples
of
the
fifth
century
a.d.
in
north
china_
,
kyoto
##number##
,
thus
far
##number##
volumes.
for
chinese
buddhist
art
,
the
work
by
tokiwa
daijo
and
sekino
tadashi
,
_chinese
buddhist
monuments_
,
tokyo
##number##
,
##number##
volumes
,
is
most
profusely
illustrated.
--
as
a
general
reader
for
the
whole
of
chinese
art
,
alexander
soper
and
l.
sickman
's
_the
art
and
architecture
of
china_
,
baltimore
##number##
may
be
consulted.
p
,
##number##
:
zenryu
tsukamoto
has
analysed
one
such
popular
,
revolutionary
buddhist
text
from
the
fifth
century
a.d.
i
rely
here
for
the
whole
chapter
mainly
upon
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
on
the
ephtalites
(
or
hephtalites
)
see
r.
ghirshman
and
enoki.
--
the
carpet
ceremony
has
been
studied
by
p.
boodberg
,
and
in
a
comparative
way
by
l.
olschki
,
_the
myth
of
felt_
,
berkeley
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
yang
chien
and
his
time
see
now
a.f.
wright
,
"
the
formation
of
sui
ideology
"
in
john
k.
fairbank
,
_chinese
thought
and
institutions_
,
chicago
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
processes
described
here
,
have
not
yet
been
thoroughly
analysed.
a
preliminary
review
of
literature
is
given
by
h.
wiens
,
_china
's
march
towards
the
tropics_
,
hamden
##number##
i
used
ch
'en
yuean
,
wang
yi-t
'ung
and
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
it
is
interesting
to
compare
such
hunting
parks
with
the
"
_paradeisos
"
_
(
paradise
)
of
the
near
east
and
with
the
"
garden
of
eden
"
.
--
most
of
the
data
on
gardens
and
manors
have
been
brought
together
and
studied
by
japanese
scholars
,
especially
by
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
,
some
also
by
ho
tzu-ch
'uean.
--
the
disappearance
of
"
village
commons
"
in
china
should
be
compared
with
the
same
process
in
europe
;
both
processes
,
however
,
developed
quite
differently.
the
origin
of
manors
and
their
importance
for
the
social
structure
of
the
far
east
(
china
as
well
as
japan
)
is
the
subject
of
many
studies
in
japan
and
in
modern
china.
this
problem
is
connected
with
the
general
problem
of
feudalism
east
and
west.
the
manor
(
_chuang_
:
japanese
_sho_
)
in
later
periods
has
been
studied
by
y.
sudo.
h.
maspero
also
devotes
attention
to
this
problem.
much
more
research
remains
to
be
done.
p.
##number##
:
this
popular
rebellion
by
sun
en
has
been
studied
by
w.
eichhorn.
p.
##number##
:
on
foreign
music
in
china
see
l.c.
goodrich
and
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu
,
h.g.
farmer
,
s.
kishibe
and
others.
--
niida
noboru
pointed
out
that
musicians
belonged
to
one
of
the
lower
social
classes
,
but
had
special
privileges
because
of
their
close
relations
to
the
rulers.
p.
##number##
:
meditative
or
_ch
'an_
(
japanese
:
_zen_
)
buddhism
in
this
period
has
been
studied
by
hu
shih
,
but
further
analysis
is
necessary.
--
the
philosophical
trends
of
this
period
have
been
analysed
by
e.
balazs.
--
mention
should
also
be
made
of
the
aesthetic-philosophical
conversation
which
was
fashionable
in
the
third
century
,
but
in
other
form
still
occurred
in
our
period
,
the
so-called
"
pure
talk
"
(
_ch
'ing-t
'an_
)
(
e.
balazs
,
h.
wilhelm
and
others
)
.
_chapter
eight_
p.
##number##
:
for
genealogies
and
rules
of
giving
names
,
i
use
my
own
research
and
the
study
by
w.
bauer.
p.
##number##
:
for
emperor
wen
ti
,
i
rely
mainly
upon
a.f.
wright
's
above-mentioned
article
,
but
also
upon
o.
franke.
p.
##number##
:
the
relevant
texts
concerning
the
t
'u-chueeh
are
available
in
french
(
e.
chavannes
)
and
recently
also
in
german
translation
(
liu
mau-tsai
,
_die
chinesischen
nachrichten
zur
geschichte
der
ost-t
[
vu
]
rken_
,
wiesbaden
##number##
,
##number##
vol.
)
.
--
the
toeloes
are
called
t
'e-lo
in
chinese
sources
;
the
t
'u-yue-hun
are
called
aza
in
central
asian
sources
(
p.
pelliot
,
a.
minorsky
,
f.w.
thomas
,
l.
hambis
,
_et
al_.
)
.
the
most
important
text
concerning
the
t
'u-yue-hun
had
been
translated
by
th.
d.
caroll
,
_account
of
the
t
'u-yue-hun
in
the
history
of
the
chin
dynasty_
,
berkeley
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
transcription
of
names
on
this
and
on
the
other
maps
could
not
be
adjusted
to
the
transcription
of
the
text
for
technical
reasons.
p.
##number##
:
it
is
possible
that
i
have
underestimated
the
role
of
li
yuean.
i
relied
here
mainly
upon
o.
franke
and
upon
w.
bingham
's
_the
founding
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty_
,
baltimore
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
best
comprehensive
study
of
t
'ang
economy
in
a
western
language
is
still
e.
balazs
's
work.
i
relied
,
however
,
strongly
upon
wan
kuo-ting
,
yang
chung-i
,
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
,
j.
gernet
,
t.
naba
,
niida
noboru
,
yoshimi
matsumoto.
pp.
##number##
:
for
the
description
of
the
administration
i
used
my
own
studies
and
the
work
of
r.
des
rotours
;
for
the
military
organization
i
used
kikuchi
hideo.
a
real
study
of
chinese
army
organization
and
strategy
does
not
yet
exist.
the
best
detailed
study
,
but
for
the
han
period
,
is
written
by
h.
maspero.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
first
occurrence
of
the
title
_tu-tu_
we
used
w.
eichhorn
;
in
the
form
_tutuq_
the
title
occurs
since
##number##
in
central
asia
(
j.
hamilton
)
.
p.
##number##
:
the
name
t
'u-fan
seems
to
be
a
transcription
of
tuepoet
which
,
in
turn
,
became
our
tibet.
(
j.
hamilton
)
.
--
the
uighurs
are
the
hui-ho
or
hui-hu
of
chinese
sources.
p.
##number##
:
on
relations
with
central
asia
and
the
west
see
ho
chien-min
and
hsiang
ta
,
whose
classical
studies
on
ch
'ang-an
city
life
have
recently
been
strongly
criticized
by
chinese
scholars.
--
some
authors
(
j.k.
rideout
)
point
to
the
growing
influence
of
eunuchs
in
this
period.
--
the
sources
paint
the
pictures
of
the
empress
wu
in
very
dark
colours.
a
more
detailed
study
of
this
period
seems
to
be
necessary.
p.
##number##
:
the
best
study
of
"
family
privileges
"
(
_yin_
)
in
general
is
by
e.a.
kracke
,
_civil
service
in
early
sung
china_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
economic
importance
of
organized
buddhism
has
been
studied
by
many
authors
,
especially
j.
gernet
,
yang
lien-sheng
,
ch
'uean
han-sheng
,
k.
tamai
and
r.
michihata.
p.
##number##
:
the
best
comprehensive
study
on
t
'ang
prose
in
english
is
still
e.d.
edwards
,
_chinese
prose
literature
of
the
t
'ang
period_
,
london
##number##
,
##number##
vol.
on
li
t
'ai-po
and
po
chue-i
we
have
well-written
books
by
a.
waley
,
_the
poetry
and
career
of
li
po_
,
london
##number##
and
_the
life
and
times
of
po
chue-i_
,
london
##number##
--
on
the
"
free
poem
"
(
_tz
[
)
u
]
_
)
,
which
technically
is
not
a
free
poem
,
see
a.
hoffmann
and
hu
shih.
for
the
early
chinese
theatre
,
the
classical
study
is
still
wang
kuo-wei
's
analysis
,
but
there
is
an
almost
unbelievable
number
of
studies
constantly
written
in
china
and
japan
,
especially
on
the
later
theatre
and
drama.
p.
##number##
:
conditions
at
the
court
of
hsuean
tsung
and
the
life
of
yang
kui-fei
have
been
studied
by
howard
levy
and
others
,
an
lu-shan
's
importance
mainly
by
e.g.
pulleyblank
,
_the
background
of
the
rebellion
of
an
lu-shan_
,
london
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
tax
reform
of
yang
yen
has
been
studied
by
k.
hino
;
the
most
important
figures
in
t
'ang
economic
history
are
liu
yen
(
studied
by
chue
ch
'ing-yuean
)
and
lu
chih
(
##number##
;
studied
by
e.
balazs
and
others
)
.
pp.
##number##
:
the
conditions
at
the
time
of
this
persecution
are
well
described
by
e.o.
reischauer
,
_ennin
's
travels
in
t
'ang
china_
,
new
york
##number##
,
on
the
basis
of
his
_ennin
's
diary.
the
record
of
a
pilgrimage
to
china_
,
new
york
##number##
the
persecution
of
buddhism
has
been
analysed
in
its
economic
character
by
niida
noboru
and
other
japanese
scholars.
--
metal
statues
had
to
be
delivered
to
the
salt
and
iron
office
in
order
to
be
converted
into
cash
;
iron
statues
were
collected
by
local
offices
for
the
production
of
agricultural
implements
;
figures
in
gold
,
silver
or
other
rare
materials
were
to
be
handed
over
to
the
finance
office.
figures
made
of
stone
,
clay
or
wood
were
not
affected
(
michihata
)
.
p.
##number##
:
it
seems
important
to
note
that
popular
movements
are
often
not
led
by
simple
farmers
of
members
of
the
lower
classes.
there
are
other
salt
merchants
and
persons
of
similar
status
known
as
leaders.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
sha-t
'o
,
i
am
relying
upon
my
own
research.
tatars
are
the
ta-tan
of
the
chinese
sources.
the
term
is
here
used
in
a
narrow
sense.
_chapter
nine_
p.
##number##
:
many
chinese
and
japanese
authors
have
a
new
period
begin
with
the
early
(
ch
'ien
mu
)
or
the
late
tenth
century
(
t
'ao
hsi-sheng
,
li
chien-nung
)
,
while
others
prefer
a
cut
already
in
the
middle
of
the
t
'ang
dynasty
(
teng
ch
'u-min
,
naito
torajiro
)
.
for
many
marxists
,
the
period
which
we
called
"
modern
times
"
is
at
best
a
sub-period
within
a
larger
period
which
really
started
with
what
we
called
"
medieval
china
"
.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
change
in
the
composition
of
the
gentry
,
i
am
using
my
own
research.
--
for
clan
rules
,
clan
foundations
,
etc.
,
i
used
d.c.
twitchett
,
j.
fischer
,
hu
hsien-chin
,
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu
,
niida
noboru
and
t.
makino.
the
best
analysis
of
the
clan
rules
is
by
wang
hui-chen
in
d.s.
nivison
,
_confucianism
in
action_
,
stanford
##number##
,
p.
##number##
--
i
do
not
regard
such
marriage
systems
as
"
survivals
"
of
ancient
systems
which
have
been
studied
by
m.
granet
and
systematically
analysed
by
c.
levy-strauss
in
his
_les
structures
elementaires
de
la
parente_
,
paris
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
in
some
cases
,
the
reasons
for
the
establishment
of
such
rules
can
still
be
recognized.
--
a
detailed
study
of
despotism
in
china
still
has
to
be
written.
k.a.
wittfogel
's
_oriental
despotism_
,
new
haven
##number##
does
not
go
into
the
necessary
detailed
work.
p.
##number##
:
the
problem
of
social
mobility
is
now
under
study
,
after
preliminary
research
by
k.a.
wittfogel
,
e.
kracke
,
myself
and
others.
e.
kracke
,
ho
ping-ti
,
r.m.
marsh
and
i
are
now
working
on
this
topic.
--
for
the
craftsmen
and
artisans
,
much
material
has
recently
been
collected
by
chinese
scholars.
i
have
used
mainly
li
chien-nung
and
articles
in
_li-shih
yen-chiu_
##number##
,
no.
##number##
and
in
_mem.
inst.
orient.
cult_.
##number##
--
on
the
origin
of
guilds
see
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
;
a
general
study
of
guilds
and
their
function
has
not
yet
been
made
(
preliminary
work
by
p.
maybon
,
h.b.
morse
,
j.
st.
burgess
,
k.a.
wittfogel
and
others
)
.
comparisons
with
near-eastern
guilds
on
the
one
hand
and
with
japanese
guilds
on
the
other
,
are
quite
interesting
but
parallels
should
not
be
over-estimated.
the
_tong_
of
u.s.
chinatowns
(
_tang_
in
mandarin
)
are
late
and
organizations
of
businessmen
only
(
s.
yokoyama
and
laai
yi-faai
)
.
they
are
not
the
same
as
the
_hui-kuan_.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
merchants
i
used
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu
,
sung
hsi
and
wada
kiyoshi.
--
for
trade
,
i
used
extensively
ch
'uean
han-sheng
and
j.
kuwabara.
--
on
labour
legislation
in
early
modern
times
i
used
ko
ch
'ang-chi
and
especially
li
chien-nung
,
also
my
own
studies.
--
on
strikes
i
used
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
and
modern
chinese
authors.
--
the
problem
of
"
vagrants
"
has
been
taken
up
by
li
chien-nung
who
always
refers
to
the
original
sources
and
to
modern
chinese
research.
--
the
growth
of
cities
,
perhaps
the
most
striking
event
in
this
period
,
has
been
studied
for
the
earlier
part
of
our
period
by
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru.
li
chien-nung
also
deals
extensively
with
investments
in
industry
and
agriculture.
the
problem
as
to
whether
china
would
have
developed
into
an
industrial
society
without
outside
stimulus
is
much
discussed
by
marxist
authors
in
china.
p.
##number##
:
on
money
policy
see
yang
lien-sheng
,
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
and
others.
p.
##number##
:
the
history
of
one
of
the
southern
dynasties
has
been
translated
by
ed.
h.
schafer
,
_the
empire
of
min_
,
tokyo
##number##
;
schafer
's
annotations
provide
much
detail
for
the
cultural
and
economic
conditions
of
the
coastal
area.
--
for
tea
and
its
history
,
i
use
my
own
research
;
for
tea
trade
a
study
by
k.
kawakami
and
an
article
in
the
_frontier
studies_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
--
salt
consumption
according
to
h.t.
fei
,
_earthbound
china
,
##number##
,
p_.
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
salt
i
used
largely
my
own
research.
for
porcelain
production
li
chien-nung
and
other
modern
articles.
--
on
paper
,
the
classical
study
is
th.
f.
carter
,
_the
invention
of
printing
in
china_
,
new
york
##number##
(
a
revised
edition
now
published
by
l.c.
goodrich
)
.
p.
##number##
:
for
paper
money
in
the
early
period
,
see
yang
lien-sheng
,
_money
and
credit
in
china_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
although
the
origin
of
paper
money
seems
to
be
well
established
,
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
already
in
the
third
century
a.d.
money
made
of
paper
was
produced
and
was
burned
during
funeral
ceremonies
to
serve
as
financial
help
for
the
dead.
this
money
was
,
however
,
in
the
form
of
coins.
--
on
iron
money
see
yang
lien-sheng
;
i
also
used
an
article
in
_tung-fang
tsa-chih_
,
vol.
##number##
,
no.
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
the
kitan
(
chines
:
ch
'i-tan
)
and
their
history
see
k.a.
wittfogel
and
feng
chia-sheng
,
_history
of
chinese
society.
liao_
,
philadelphia
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
these
dynasties
,
i
rely
upon
my
own
research.
--
niida
noboru
and
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
have
studied
adoption
laws
;
our
specific
case
has
in
addition
been
studied
by
m.
kurihara.
this
system
of
adoptions
is
non-chinese
and
has
its
parallels
among
turkish
tribes
(
a.
kollantz
,
abdulkadir
inan
,
osman
turan
)
.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
persecution
i
used
k.
tamai
and
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
this
is
based
mainly
upon
my
own
research.
--
the
remark
on
tax
income
is
from
ch
'uean
han-sheng.
p.
##number##
:
fan
chung-yen
has
been
studied
recently
by
j.
fischer
and
d.
twitchett
,
but
these
notes
on
price
policies
are
based
upon
my
own
work.
--
i
regard
the
statement
,
that
it
was
the
gentry
which
prevented
the
growth
of
an
industrial
society
--
a
statement
which
has
often
been
made
before
--
as
preliminary
,
and
believe
that
further
research
,
especially
in
the
growth
of
cities
and
urban
institutions
may
lead
to
quite
different
explanations.
--
on
estate
management
i
relied
on
y.
sudo
's
work.
p.
##number##
:
research
on
place
names
such
as
mentioned
here
,
has
not
yet
been
systematically
done.
--
on
_i-chuang_
i
relied
upon
the
work
by
t.
makino
and
d.
twitchett.
--
this
process
of
tax-evasion
has
been
used
by
k.a.
wittfogel
(
##number##
)
to
construct
a
theory
of
a
crisis
cycle
in
china.
i
do
not
think
that
such
far-reaching
conclusions
are
warranted.
p.
##number##
:
this
"
law
"
was
developed
on
the
basis
of
chinese
materials
from
different
periods
as
well
as
on
materials
from
other
parts
of
asia.
--
in
the
study
of
tenancy
,
cases
should
be
studied
in
which
wealthier
farmers
rent
additional
land
which
gets
cultivated
by
farm
labourers.
such
cases
are
well
known
from
recent
periods
,
but
have
not
yet
been
studied
in
earlier
periods.
at
the
same
time
,
the
problem
of
farm
labourers
should
be
investigated.
such
people
were
common
in
the
sung
time.
research
along
these
lines
could
further
clarify
the
importance
of
the
so-called
"
guest
families
"
(
_k
'o-hu_
)
which
were
alluded
to
in
these
pages.
they
constituted
often
one
third
of
the
total
population
in
the
sung
period.
the
problem
of
migration
and
mobility
might
also
be
clarified
by
studying
the
_k
'o-hu_.
p.
##number##
:
for
wang
an-shih
,
the
most
comprehensive
work
is
still
h.
williamson
's
_wang
an-shih_
,
london
##number##
,
##number##
vol.
,
but
this
work
in
no
way
exhausts
the
problems.
we
have
so
much
personal
data
on
wang
that
a
psychological
study
could
be
attempted
;
and
we
have
since
williamson
's
time
much
deeper
insight
into
the
reforms
and
theories
of
wang.
i
used
,
in
addition
to
williamson
,
o.
franke
,
and
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
based
mainly
upon
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu.
--
for
the
social
legislation
see
hsue
i-t
'ang
;
for
economic
problems
i
used
ch
'uean
han-sheng
,
ts
'en
chung-mien
and
liu
ming-shu.
--
most
of
these
relief
measures
had
their
precursors
in
the
t
'ang
period.
p.
##number##
:
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
later
buddhism
gave
up
its
"
social
gospel
"
in
china.
buddhist
circles
in
asian
countries
at
the
present
time
attempt
to
revive
this
attitude.
p.
##number##
:
for
slaughtering
i
used
a.
hulsewe
;
for
greeting
r.
michihata
;
on
law
ch
'ue
t
'ung-tsu
;
on
philosophy
i
adapted
ideas
from
chan
wing-sit.
p.
##number##
:
a
comprehensive
study
of
chu
hsi
is
a
great
desideratum.
thus
far
,
we
have
in
english
mainly
the
essays
by
feng
yu-lan
(
transl.
and
annotated
by
d.
bodde
)
in
the
_harvard
journal
of
asiat.
stud_.
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
t.
makino
emphasized
chu
's
influence
upon
the
far
east
,
j.
needham
his
interest
in
science.
p.
##number##
:
for
su
tung-p
'o
as
general
introduction
see
lin
yutang
,
_the
gay
genius.
the
life
and
times
of
su
tung-p
'o_
,
new
york
##number##
--
for
painting
,
i
am
using
concepts
of
a.
soper
here.
p.
##number##
:
for
this
period
the
standard
work
is
k.a.
wittfogel
and
feng
chia-sheng
,
_history
of
chinese
society
,
liao_
,
philadelphia
##number##
--
po-hai
had
been
in
tributary
relations
with
the
dynasties
of
north
china
before
its
defeat
,
and
resumed
these
from
##number##
on
;
there
were
even
relations
with
one
of
the
south
chinese
states
;
in
the
same
way
,
kao-li
continuously
played
one
state
against
the
other
(
m.
rogers
_et
al_.
)
.
p.
##number##
:
on
the
kara-kitai
see
appendix
to
wittfogel-feng.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
hakka
,
i
relied
mainly
upon
lo
hsiang-lin
;
for
chia
ssu-tao
upon
h.
franke.
p.
##number##
:
the
juchen
(
jurchen
)
are
also
called
nue-chih
and
nue-chen
,
but
juchen
seems
to
be
correct
(
_studia
serica_
,
vol.
##number##
,
no.
##number##
)
.
_chapter
ten_
p.
##number##
:
i
use
here
mainly
meng
ssu-liang
,
but
also
others
,
such
as
chue
ch
'ing-yuean
and
li
chien-nung.
--
the
early
political
developments
are
described
by
h.d.
martin
,
_the
rise
of
chingis
khan
and
his
conquest
of
north
china_
,
baltimore
##number##
p.
##number##
:
i
am
alluding
here
to
such
taoist
sects
as
the
cheng-i-chiao
(
sun
k
'o-k
'uan
and
especially
the
study
in
_kita
aziya
gakuh
[
=o
]
_
,
vol.
##number##
)
.
pp.
##number##
:
for
taxation
and
all
other
economic
questions
i
have
relied
upon
wan
kuo-ting
and
especially
upon
h.
franke.
the
first
part
of
the
main
economic
text
is
translated
and
annotated
by
h.f.
schurmann
,
_economic
structure
of
the
yuean
dynasty_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
p.
##number##
:
on
migrations
see
t.
makino
and
others.
--
for
the
system
of
communications
during
the
mongol
time
and
the
privileges
of
merchants
,
i
used
p.
olbricht.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
popular
rebellions
of
this
time
,
i
used
a
study
in
the
_bull.
acad.
sinica_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
,
but
also
meng
ssu-liang
and
others.
p.
##number##
:
on
the
white
lotus
society
(
pai-lien-hui
)
see
note
to
previous
page
and
an
article
by
hagiwara
jumpei.
p.
##number##
:
h.
serruys
,
_the
mongols
in
china
during
the
hung-wu
period_
,
bruges
##number##
,
has
studied
in
this
book
and
in
an
article
the
fate
of
isolated
mongol
groups
in
china
after
the
breakdown
of
the
dynasty.
pp.
##number##
:
the
travel
report
of
ch
'ang-ch
'un
has
been
translated
by
a.
waley
,
_the
travels
of
an
alchemist_
,
london
##number##
p.
##number##
:
_hsi-hsiang-chi_
has
been
translated
by
s.i.
hsiung.
_the
romance
of
the
western
chamber_
,
london
##number##
all
important
analytic
literature
on
drama
and
theatre
is
written
by
chinese
and
japanese
authors
,
especially
by
yoshikawa
kojiro.
--
for
bon
and
early
lamaism
,
i
used
h.
hoffmann.
p.
##number##
:
lamaism
in
mongolia
disappeared
later
,
however
,
and
was
reintroduced
in
the
reformed
form
(
tsong-kha-pa
,
##number##
)
in
the
sixteenth
century.
see
r.j.
miller
,
_monasteries
and
culture
change
in
inner
mongolia_
,
wiesbaden
##number##
p.
##number##
:
much
more
research
is
necessary
to
clarify
japanese-chinese
relations
in
this
period
,
especially
to
determine
the
size
of
trade.
good
material
is
in
the
article
by
s.
iwao.
important
is
also
s.
sakuma
and
an
article
in
_li-shih
yen-chiu_
##number##
,
no.
##number##
for
the
loss
of
coins
,
i
relied
upon
d.
brown.
p.
##number##
:
the
necessity
of
transports
of
grain
and
salt
was
one
of
the
reasons
for
the
emergence
of
the
hsin-an
and
hui-chou
merchants.
the
importance
of
these
developments
is
only
partially
known
(
studies
mainly
by
h.
fujii
and
in
_li-shih-yen-chiu_
##number##
,
no.
##number##
)
.
data
are
also
in
an
unpublished
thesis
by
ch.
mac
sherry
,
_the
impairment
of
the
ming
tributary
system_
,
and
in
an
article
by
wang
ch
'ung-wu.
p.
##number##
:
the
tax
system
of
the
ming
has
been
studied
among
others
by
liang
fang-chung.
yoshiyuki
suto
analysed
the
methods
of
tax
evasion
in
the
periods
before
the
reform.
for
the
land
grants
,
i
used
wan
kuo-ting
's
data.
p.
##number##
:
based
mainly
upon
my
own
research.
on
the
progress
of
agriculture
wrote
li
chien-nung
and
also
kat
[
=o
]
shigeru
and
others.
p.
##number##
:
i
believe
that
further
research
would
discover
that
the
"
agrarian
revolution
"
was
a
key
factor
in
the
economic
and
social
development
of
china.
it
probably
led
to
another
change
in
dietary
habits
;
it
certainly
led
to
a
greater
labour
input
per
person
,
i.e.
a
higher
number
of
full
working
days
per
year
than
before.
it
may
be
--
but
only
further
research
can
try
to
show
this
--
that
the
"
agrarian
revolution
"
turned
china
away
from
technology
and
industry.
--
on
cotton
and
its
importance
see
the
studies
by
m.
amano
,
and
some
preliminary
remarks
by
p.
pelliot.
pp.
##number##
:
detailed
study
of
central
chinese
urban
centres
in
this
time
is
a
great
desideratum.
my
remarks
here
have
to
be
taken
as
very
preliminary.
notice
the
special
character
of
the
industries
mentioned
!
--
the
porcelain
centre
of
ching-te-chen
was
inhabited
by
workers
and
merchants
(
##number##
per
cent
of
population
)
;
there
were
more
than
##number##
private
kilns.
--
on
indented
labour
see
li
chien-nung
,
h.
iwami
and
y.
yamane.
p.
##number##
:
on
_pien-wen_
i
used
r.
michihata
,
and
for
this
general
discussion
r.
irvin
,
_the
evolution
of
a
chinese
novel_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
,
and
studies
by
j.
jaworski
and
j.
pru
[
vs
]
ek.
many
texts
of
_pien-wen_
and
related
styles
have
been
found
in
tunhuang
and
have
been
recently
republished
by
chinese
scholars.
p.
##number##
:
_shui-hu-chuan_
has
been
translated
by
pearl
buck
,
_all
men
are
brothers_.
parts
of
_hsi-yu-chi_
have
been
translated
by
a.
waley
,
_monkey_
,
london
##number##
_san-kuo
yen-i_
is
translated
by
c.h.
brewitt-taylor
,
_san
kuo
,
or
romance
of
the
three
kingdoms_
,
shanghai
##number##
(
a
new
edition
just
published
)
.
a
purged
translation
of
chin-p
'ing-mei
is
published
by
fr.
kuhn
_chin
p
'ing
mei_
,
new
york
##number##
p.
##number##
:
even
the
"
murder
story
"
was
already
known
in
ming
time.
an
example
is
r.h.
van
gulik
,
_dee
gong
an.
three
murder
cases
solved
by
judge
dee_
,
tokyo
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
a
special
group
of
block-prints
see
r.h.
van
gulik
,
_erotic
colour
prints
of
the
ming
dynasty_
,
tokyo
##number##
this
book
is
also
an
excellent
introduction
into
chinese
psychology.
p.
##number##
:
here
i
use
work
done
by
david
chan.
p.
##number##
:
i
use
here
the
research
of
j.j.l.
duyvendak
;
the
reasons
for
the
end
of
such
enterprises
,
as
given
here
,
may
not
exhaust
the
problem.
it
may
not
be
without
relevance
that
cheng
came
from
a
muslim
family.
his
father
was
a
pilgrim
(
_bull.
chin.
studies_
,
vol.
##number##
,
pp.
##number##
)
.
further
research
is
desirable.
--
concerning
folk-tales
,
i
use
my
own
research.
the
main
buddhist
tales
are
the
_jataka_
stories.
they
are
still
used
by
burmese
buddhists
in
the
same
context.
p.
##number##
:
the
oirat
(
uyrat
,
ojrot
,
oeloet
)
were
a
confederation
of
four
tribal
groups
:
khosud
,
dzungar
,
doerbet
and
turgut.
p.
##number##
:
i
regard
this
analysis
of
ming
political
history
as
unsatisfactory
,
but
to
my
knowledge
no
large-scale
analysis
has
been
made.
--
for
wang
yang-ming
i
use
mainly
my
own
research.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
coastal
salt-merchants
i
used
lo
hsiang-lin
's
work.
p.
##number##
:
on
the
rifles
i
used
p.
pelliot.
there
is
a
large
literature
on
the
use
of
explosives
and
the
invention
of
cannons
,
especially
l.c.
goodrich
and
feng
chia-sheng
in
_isis_
,
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
and
##number##
,
##number##
;
also
g.
sarton
,
li
ch
'iao-p
'ing
,
j.
pru
[
vs
]
ek
,
j.
needham
,
and
m.
ishida
;
a
comparative
,
general
study
is
by
k.
huuri
,
_studia
orientalia_
vol.
##number##
,
##number##
--
for
the
earliest
contacts
of
wang
with
portuguese
,
i
used
chang
wei-hua
's
monograph.
--
while
there
is
no
satisfactory
,
comprehensive
study
in
english
on
wang
,
for
lu
hsiang-shan
the
book
by
huang
siu-ch
'i
,
_lu
hsiang-shan
,
a
twelfth-century
chinese
idealist
philosopher_
,
new
haven
##number##
,
can
be
used.
p.
##number##
:
for
tao-yen
,
i
used
work
done
by
david
chan.
--
large
parts
of
the
_yung-lo
ta-tien_
are
now
lost
(
kuo
po-kung
,
yuean
t
'ung-li
studied
this
problem
)
.
p.
##number##
:
yen-ta
's
mongol
name
is
altan
qan
(
died
##number##
)
,
leader
of
the
tuemet.
he
is
also
responsible
for
the
re-introduction
of
lamaism
into
mongolia
(
##number##
)
.
--
for
the
border
trade
i
used
hou
jen-chih
;
for
the
shansi
bankers
ch
'en
ch
'i-t
'ien
and
p.
maybon.
for
the
beginnings
of
the
manchu
see
fr.
michael
,
_the
origins
of
manchu
rule
in
china_
,
baltimore
##number##
p.
##number##
:
m.
ricci
's
diary
(
matthew
ricci
,
_china
in
the
sixteenth
century_.
the
journals
of
m.
ricci
,
transl.
by
l.j.
gallagher
,
new
york
##number##
)
gives
much
insight
into
the
life
of
chinese
officials
in
this
period.
recently
,
j.
needham
has
tried
to
show
that
ricci
and
his
followers
did
not
bring
much
which
was
not
already
known
in
china
,
but
that
they
actually
attempted
to
prevent
the
chinese
from
learning
about
the
copernican
theory.
p.
##number##
:
for
coxinga
i
used
m.
eder
's
study.
--
the
szechwan
rebellion
was
led
by
chang
hsien-chung
(
##number##
)
;
i
used
work
done
by
james
b.
parsons.
cheng
t
'ien-t
'ing
,
sun
yueh
and
others
have
recently
published
the
important
documents
concerning
all
late
ming
peasant
rebellions.
--
for
the
tung-lin
academy
see
ch.
o.
hucker
in
j.k.
fairbank
,
_chinese
thought
and
institutions_
,
chicago
##number##
a
different
interpretation
is
indicated
by
shang
yueeh
in
_li-shih
yen-chiu_
##number##
,
no.
##number##
p.
##number##
:
work
on
the
"
academies
"
(
shu-yuean
)
in
the
earlier
time
is
done
by
ho
yu-shen.
pp.
##number##
:
based
upon
my
own
,
as
yet
unfinished
research.
p.
##number##
:
the
population
of
##number##
as
given
here
,
includes
chinese
outside
of
mainland
china.
the
population
of
mainland
china
was
##number##
millions.
if
the
rate
of
increase
of
about
##number##
per
cent
per
year
has
remained
the
same
,
the
population
of
mainland
china
in
##number##
may
be
close
to
##number##
million.
in
general
see
p.t.
ho.
_studies
on
the
population
of
china
,
1368-1953_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
p.
##number##
:
based
upon
my
own
research.
--
a
different
view
of
the
development
of
chinese
industry
is
found
in
norman
jacobs
,
_modern
capitalism
and
eastern
asia_
,
hong
kong
##number##
jacobs
attempted
a
comparison
of
china
with
japan
and
with
europe.
different
again
is
marion
levy
and
shih
kuo-heng
,
_the
rise
of
the
modern
chinese
business
class_
,
new
york
##number##
both
books
are
influenced
by
the
sociological
theories
of
t.
parsons.
p.
##number##
:
the
dzungars
(
dsunghar
;
chun-ko-erh
)
are
one
of
the
four
oeloet
(
oirat
)
groups.
i
am
here
using
studies
by
e.
haenisch
and
w.
fuchs.
p.
##number##
:
tibetan-chinese
relations
have
been
studied
by
l.
petech
,
_china
and
tibet
in
the
early
18th
century_
,
leiden
##number##
a
collection
of
data
is
found
in
m.w.
fisher
and
l.e.
rose
,
_england
,
india
,
nepal
,
tibet
,
china
,
1765-1958_
,
berkeley
##number##
for
diplomatic
relations
and
tributary
systems
of
this
period
,
i
referred
to
j.k.
fairbank
and
teng
ssu-yue.
p.
##number##
:
for
ku
yen-wu
,
i
used
the
work
by
h.
wilhelm.
--
a
man
who
deserves
special
mention
in
this
period
is
the
scholar
huang
tsung-hsi
(
##number##
)
as
the
first
chinese
who
discussed
the
possibility
of
a
non-monarchic
form
of
government
in
his
treatise
of
##number##
for
him
see
lin
mou-sheng
,
_men
and
ideas_
,
new
york
##number##
,
and
especially
w.t.
de
bary
in
j.k.
fairbank
,
_chinese
thought
and
institutions_
,
chicago
##number##
pp.
##number##
:
on
liang
see
now
j.r.
levenson
,
_liang
ch
'i-ch
'ao
and
the
mind
of
modern
china_
,
london
##number##
p.
##number##
:
it
should
also
be
pointed
out
that
the
yung-cheng
emperor
was
personally
more
inclined
towards
lamaism.
--
the
kalmuks
are
largely
identical
with
the
above-mentioned
oeloet.
p.
##number##
:
the
existence
of
_hong_
is
known
since
##number##
,
see
p
'eng
tse-i
and
wang
chu-an
's
recent
studies.
for
details
on
foreign
trade
see
h.b.
morse
,
_the
chronicles
of
the
east
india
company
trading
to
china
1635-1834_
,
oxford
##number##
,
##number##
vols.
,
and
j.k.
fairbank
,
_trade
and
diplomacy
on
the
china
coast.
the
opening
of
the
treaty
ports
,
1842-1854_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
,
##number##
vols.
--
for
lin
i
used
g.w.
overdijkink
's
study.
p.
##number##
:
on
customs
read
st.
f.
wright
,
_hart
and
the
chinese
customs_
,
belfast
##number##
p.
##number##
:
for
early
industry
see
a.
feuerwerker
,
_china
's
early
industrialization
:
sheng
hsuan-huai
(
1844-1916_
)
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
chinese
source
materials
for
the
mohammedan
revolts
have
recently
been
published
,
but
an
analysis
of
the
importance
of
the
revolts
still
remains
to
be
done.
--
on
t
'ai-p
'ing
much
has
been
published
,
especially
in
the
last
years
in
china
,
so
that
all
documents
are
now
available.
i
used
among
other
studies
,
details
brought
out
by
lo
hsiang-lin
and
jen
yu-wen.
p.
##number##
:
for
tseng
kuo-fan
see
w.j.
hail
,
_tseng
kuo-fan
and
the
t
'ai-p
'ing
rebellion_
,
new
haven
##number##
,
but
new
research
on
him
is
about
to
be
published.
--
the
nien-fei
had
some
connection
with
the
white
lotus
,
and
were
known
since
##number##
,
see
chiang
siang-tseh
,
_the
nien
rebellion_
,
seattle
##number##
p.
##number##
:
little
is
known
about
salars
,
dungans
and
yakub
beg
's
rebellion
,
mainly
because
relevant
turkish
sources
have
not
yet
been
studied.
on
salars
see
l.
schram
,
_the
monguors
of
kansu_
,
philadelphia
##number##
,
p.
##number##
and
p.
pelliot
;
on
dungans
see
i.
grebe.
p.
##number##
:
on
tso
tsung-t
'ang
see
g.
ch
'en
,
_tso
tung
t
'ang
,
pioneer
promotor
of
the
modern
dockyard
and
woollen
mill
in
china_
,
peking
##number##
,
and
_yenching
journal
of
soc.
studies_
,
vol.
i.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
t
'ung-chih
period
,
see
now
mary
c.
wright
,
_the
last
stand
of
chinese
conservativism.
the
t
'ung-chih
restoration
,
1862-1874_
,
stanford
##number##
p.
##number##
:
ryukyu
is
chinese
:
liu-ch
'iu
;
okinawa
is
one
of
the
islands
of
this
group.
--
formosa
is
chinese
:
t
'ai-wan
(
taiwan
)
.
korea
is
chinese
:
chao-hsien
,
japanese
:
chosen.
p.
##number##
:
m.c.
wright
has
shown
the
advisers
around
the
ruler
before
the
empress
dowager
realized
the
severity
of
the
situation.
--
much
research
is
under
way
to
study
the
beginning
of
industrialization
of
japan
,
and
my
opinions
have
changed
greatly
,
due
to
the
research
done
by
japanese
scholars
and
such
western
scholars
as
h.
rosovsky
and
th.
smith.
the
eminent
role
of
the
lower
aristocracy
has
been
established.
similar
research
for
china
has
not
even
seriously
started.
my
remarks
are
entirely
preliminary.
p.
##number##
:
for
k
'ang
yo-wei
,
i
use
work
done
by
o.
franke
and
others.
see
m.e.
cameron
,
_the
reform
movement
in
china
,
1898-1921_
,
stanford
##number##
the
best
bibliography
for
this
period
is
j.k.
fairbank
and
liu
kwang-ching
,
_modern
china
:
a
bibliographical
guide
to
chinese
works
,
1898-1937_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
the
political
history
of
the
time
,
as
seen
by
a
chinese
scholar
,
is
found
in
li
chien-nung
,
_the
political
history
of
china
1840-1928_
,
princeton
##number##
--
for
the
social
history
of
this
period
see
chang
chung-li
,
_the
chinese
gentry_
,
seattle
##number##
--
for
the
history
of
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
bland-backhouse
,
_china
under
the
empress
dowager_
,
peking
##number##
(
third
ed.
)
is
antiquated
,
but
still
used.
for
some
of
k
'ang
yo-wei
's
ideas
,
see
now
k
'ang
yo-wei
:
_ta
t
'ung
shu.
the
one
world
philosophy
of
k
'ang
yu
wei_
,
london
##number##
_chapter
eleven_
p.
##number##
:
i
rely
here
partly
upon
w.
franke
's
recent
studies.
for
sun
yat-sen
(
sun
i-hsien
;
also
called
sun
chung-shan
)
see
p.
linebarger
,
_sun
yat-sen
and
the
chinese
republic_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
and
his
later
_the
political
doctrines
of
sun
yat-sen_
,
baltimore
##number##
--
independently
,
atatuerk
in
turkey
developed
a
similar
theory
of
the
growth
of
democracy.
p.
##number##
:
on
student
activities
see
kiang
wen-han
,
_the
ideological
background
of
the
chinese
student
movement_
,
new
york
##number##
p.
##number##
:
on
hu
shih
see
his
own
_the
chinese
renaissance_
,
chicago
##number##
and
j.
de
francis
,
_nationalism
and
language
reform
in
china_
,
princeton
##number##
p.
##number##
:
the
declaration
of
independence
of
mongolia
had
its
basis
in
the
early
treaty
of
the
mongols
with
the
manchus
(
##number##
)
:
"
in
case
the
tai
ch
'ing
dynasty
falls
,
you
will
exist
according
to
previous
basic
laws
"
(
r.j.
miller
,
_monasteries
and
culture
change
in
inner
mongolia_
,
wiesbaden
##number##
,
p.
##number##
)
.
p.
##number##
:
for
the
military
activities
see
f.f.
liu
,
_a
military
history
of
modern
china
,
1924-1949_
,
princeton
##number##
a
marxist
analysis
of
the
##number##
events
is
manabendra
nath
roy
,
_revolution
and
counter-revolution
in
china_
,
calcutta
##number##
;
the
relevant
documents
are
translated
in
c.
brandt
,
b.
schwartz
,
j.k.
fairbank
,
_a
documentary
history
of
chinese
communism_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
_chapter
twelve_
for
mao
tse-tung
,
see
b.
schwartz
,
_chinese
communism
and
the
rise
of
mao_
,
second
ed.
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
for
mao
's
early
years
;
see
j.e.
rue
,
_mao
tse-tung
in
opposition_
,
##number##
,
stanford
##number##
for
the
civil
war
,
see
l.m.
chassin
,
_the
communist
conquest
of
china
:
a
history
of
the
civil
war
,
1945-1949_
,
cambridge
,
mass.
,
##number##
for
brief
information
on
communist
society
,
see
franz
schurmann
and
orville
schell
,
_the
china
reader_
,
vol.
##number##
,
_communist
china_
,
new
york
##number##
for
problems
of
organization
,
see
franz
schurmann
,
_ideology
and
organization
in
communist
china_
,
berkeley
##number##
for
cultural
and
political
problems
,
see
ho
ping-ti
,
_china
in
crisis_
,
vol.
##number##
,
_china
's
heritage
and
the
communist
political
system_
,
chicago
##number##
for
a
sympathetic
view
of
rural
life
in
communist
china
,
see
j.
myrdal
,
_report
from
a
chinese
village_
,
new
york
##number##
;
for
taiwanese
village
life
,
see
bernard
gallin
,
_hsin
hsing
,
taiwan
:
a
chinese
village
in
change_
,
berkeley
##number##
index
abahai
,
ruler
abdication
aborigines
absolutism
(
_see_
despotism
,
dictator
,
emperor
,
monarchy
)
academia
sinica
academies
administration
;
provincial
(
_see_
army
,
feudalism
,
bureaucracy
)
adobe
(
mud
bricks
)
adoptions
afghanistan
africa
agriculture
;
development
;
origin
of
;
of
shang
;
shifting
(
denshiring
)
(
_see_
wheat
,
millet
,
rice
,
plough
,
irrigation
,
manure
,
canals
,
fallow
)
an
ti
,
ruler
of
han
ainu
,
tribes
ala-shan
mountain
range
alchemy
(
_see_
elixir
)
alexander
the
great
america
(
_see_
united
states
)
amithabha
,
god
amur
,
river
an
chi-yeh
,
rebel
an
lu-shan
,
rebel
analphabetism
anarchists
ancestor
,
cult
aniko
,
sculptor
animal
style
annam
(
vietnam
)
anyang
(
yin-ch
'ue
)
arabia
;
arabs
architecture
aristocracy
(
_see_
nobility
,
feudalism
)
army
,
cost
of
;
organization
of
;
size
of
;
tibetan
(
_see_
war
,
militia
,
tu-tu
,
pu-ch
'ue
)
art
,
buddhist
(
_see_
animal
style
,
architecture
,
pottery
,
painting
,
sculpture
,
wood-cut
)
arthashastra
,
book
,
attributed
to
kautilya
artisans
;
organizations
of
(
_see_
guilds
,
craftsmen
)
assimilation
(
_see_
colonization
)
astronomy
austroasiatics
austronesians
avars
,
tribe
(
_see_
juan-juan
)
axes
,
prehistoric
axis
,
policy
babylon
baghdad
,
city
balasagun
,
city
ballads
banks
banner
organization
barbarians
(
foreigners
)
bastards
bath
beg
,
title
beggar
bengal
boat
festival
bokhara
(
bukhara
)
,
city
bon
,
religion
bondsmen
(
_see
pu-ch
'ue_
,
serfs
,
feudalism
)
book
,
printing
;
b
burning
boettger
,
inventor
boxer
rebellion
boycott
brahmans
,
indian
caste
brain
drain
bronze
(
_see_
metal
,
copper
)
brothel
(
tea-house
)
buddha
;
buddhism
(
_see_
ch
'an
,
vinaya
,
sects
,
amithabha
,
maitreya
,
hinayana
,
mahayana
,
monasteries
,
church
,
pagoda
,
monks
,
lamaism
)
budget
(
_see_
treasury
,
inflation
,
deflation
)
bullfights
bureaucracy
;
religious
b
(
_see_
administration
;
army
)
burgher
(
_liang-min_
)
burma
businessmen
(
_see_
merchants
,
trade
)
byzantium
calcutta
,
city
caliph
(
khaliph
)
cambodia
canals
;
imperial
c
(
_see_
irrigation
)
cannons
canton
(
kuang-chou
)
,
city
capital
of
empire
(
_see_
ch
'ang-an
,
sian
,
loyang
,
etc.
)
capitalism
(
_see_
investments
,
banks
,
money
,
economy
,
etc.
)
capitulations
(
privileges
of
foreign
nations
)
caravans
(
_see_
silk
road
,
trade
)
carpet
castes
,
(
_see_
brahmans
)
castiglione
,
g.
,
painter
cattle
,
breeding
cavalry
,
(
_see_
horse
)
cave
temples
(
_see_
lung-men
,
yuen-kang
,
tunhuang
)
censorate
censorship
census
(
_see_
population
)
central
asia
(
_see_
turkestan
,
sinkiang
,
tarim
,
city
states
)
champa
,
state
ch
'an
(
zen
)
,
meditative
buddhism
chan-kuo
period
(
contending
states
)
chancellor
ch
'ang-an
,
capital
of
china
(
_see_
sian
)
chang
ch
'ien
,
ambassador
chang
chue-chan
,
teacher
chang
hsien-chung
,
rebel
chang
hsueeh-hang
,
war
lord
chang
ling
,
popular
leader
chang
ti
,
ruler
chang
tsai
,
philosopher
chang
tso-lin
,
war
lord
chao
,
state
;
earlier
chao
;
later
chao
chao
k
'uang-yin
(
t
'ai
tsu
)
,
ruler
chao
meng-fu
,
painter
charters
chefoo
convention
ch
'en
,
dynasty
ch
'en
pa-hsien
,
ruler
ch
'en
tu-hsiu
,
intellectual
ch
'eng
hao
,
philosopher
cheng
ho
,
navy
commander
ch
'eng
i
,
philosopher
cheng-i-chiao
,
religion
ch
'eng
ti
,
ruler
of
han
;
ruler
of
chin
ch
'eng
tsu
,
ruler
of
manchu
ch
'engtu
,
city
ch
'i
,
state
;
short
dynasty
;
northern
ch
'i
ch
'i-fu
,
clan
chi-nan
,
city
ch
'i-tan
(
_see_
kitan
)
ch
'i
wan-nien
,
leader
chia
,
clan
chia-ch
'ing
,
period
chia
ss
[
)
u
]
-
tao
,
politician
ch
'iang
,
tribes
,
(
_see_
tanguts
)
chiang
kai-shek
,
president
ch
'ien-lung
,
period
_ch
'ien-min_
(
commoners
)
,
chin
,
dynasty
,
(
_see_
juchen
)
;
dynasty
;
eastern
chin
dynasty
;
later
chin
dynasty
,
ch
'in
,
state
;
ch
'in
,
dynasty
;
earlier
ch
'in
dynasty
;
later
ch
'in
dynasty
;
western
ch
'in
dynasty
ch
'in
k
'ui
,
politician
chinese
,
origin
of
ching
fang
,
scholar
ching-te
(
-
chen
)
,
city
_ching-t
'ien_
system
ching
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
ch
'iu
ying
,
painter
chou
,
dynasty
;
short
chou
dynasty
;
later
chou
dynasty
;
northern
chou
dynasty
chou
en-lai
,
politician
chou-k
'ou-tien
,
archaeological
site
chou-kung
(
duke
of
chou
)
chou-li
,
book
chou
tun-i
,
philosopher
christianity
(
_see_
nestorians
,
jesuits
,
missionaries
)
chronology
ch
'u
,
state
chu
ch
'uean-chung
,
general
and
ruler
chu
hsi
,
philosopher
chu-ko
liang
,
general
chu
te
,
general
chu
tsai-yue
,
scholar
chu
yuean-chang
(
t
'ai
tsu
)
,
ruler
_chuang_
(
_see_
manors
,
estates
)
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
chuen-ch
'en
,
ruler
ch
'un-ch
'iu
,
book
_chuen-t
'ien_
system
(
land
equalization
system
)
_chuen-tz
[
)
u
]
_
(
gentleman
)
chung-ch
'ang
t
'ung
,
philosopher
chungking
(
ch
'ung-ch
'ing
)
,
city
church
,
buddhistic
taoistic
(
_see_
chang
ling
)
cities
spread
and
growth
of
cities
origin
of
cities
twin
cities
(
_see_
city
states
,
ch
'ang-an
,
sian
,
loyang
,
hankow
,
etc.
)
city
states
(
of
central
asia
)
clans
classes
,
social
classes
(
_see_
castes
,
_ch
'ien-min
,
liang-min_
,
gentry
,
etc.
)
climate
,
changes
cliques
cloisonne
cobalt
coins
(
_see_
money
)
colonialism
(
_see_
imperialism
)
colonization
(
_see_
migration
,
assimilation
)
colour
prints
communes
communism
(
_see_
marxism
,
socialism
,
soviets
)
concubines
confessions
confucian
ritual
confucianism
confucian
literature
false
confucian
literature
confucians
(
_see_
neo-confucianism
)
conquests
(
_see_
war
,
colonialism
)
conservatism
constitution
contending
states
co-operatives
copper
(
_see_
bronze
,
metal
)
corruption
corvee
(
forced
labour
)
(
_see_
labour
)
cotton
courtesans
(
_see_
brothel
)
coxinga
,
rebel
craftsmen
(
_see_
artisans
)
credits
criminals
crop
rotation
dalai
lama
,
religious
ruler
of
tibet
dance
deflation
deities
(
_see_
t
'ien
,
shang
ti
,
maitreya
,
amithabha
,
etc.
)
delft
,
city
demands
,
the
twenty-one
democracy
denshiring
despotism
(
_see_
absolutism
)
dewey
,
j.
,
educator
dialects
(
_see_
language
)
dialecticians
dictators
(
_see_
despotism
)
dictionaries
diploma
,
for
monks
diplomacy
disarmament
discriminatory
laws
(
_see_
double
standard
)
dog
dorgon
,
prince
double
standard
,
legal
drama
dress
,
changes
dungan
,
tribes
dynastic
histories
(
_see_
history
)
dzungars
,
people
eclipses
economy
money
economy
natural
economy
(
_see_
agriculture
,
nomadism
,
industry
,
denshiring
,
money
,
trade
,
etc.
)
education
(
_see_
schools
,
universities
,
academies
,
script
,
examination
system
,
etc.
)
elements
,
the
five
elephants
elite
(
_see_
intellectuals
,
students
,
gentry
)
elixir
(
_see_
alchemy
)
emperor
,
position
of
emperor
and
church
(
_see_
despotism
,
king
,
absolutism
,
monarchy
,
etc.
)
empress
(
_see_
lue
,
wu
,
wei
,
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
)
encyclopaedias
england
(
_see_
great
britain
)
ephtalites
,
tribe
epics
equalization
office
(
_see
chuen-t
'ien_
)
erotic
literature
estates
(
_chuang_
)
ethics
(
_see_
confucianism
)
eunuchs
europe
europeans
examination
system
examinations
for
buddhists
fables
factories
fallow
system
falsifications
(
_see_
confucianism
)
family
structure
family
ethics
family
planning
fan
chung-yen
,
politician
fascism
federations
,
tribal
felt
feng
kuo-chang
,
politician
feng
meng-lung
,
writer
feng
tao
,
politician
feng
yue-hsiang
,
war
lord
ferghana
,
city
fertility
cults
differential
fertility
fertilizer
feudalism
end
of
feudalism
late
feudalism
new
feudalism
nomadic
feudalism
(
_see_
serfs
,
aristocracy
,
fiefs
,
bondsmen
,
etc.
)
fiefs
finances
(
_see_
budget
,
inflation
,
money
,
coins
)
fire-arms
(
_see_
rifles
,
cannons
)
fishing
folk-tales
food
habits
foreign
relations
(
_see_
diplomacy
,
treaty
,
tribute
,
war
)
forests
formosa
(
t
'aiwan
)
france
frontier
,
concept
of
frugality
fu
chien
,
ruler
fu-lan-chi
(
franks
)
fu-lin
,
manchu
ruler
fu-yue
,
country
fukien
,
province
galdan
,
leader
gandhara
,
country
gardens
geisha
(
_see_
courtesans
)
genealogy
genghiz
khan
,
ruler
gentry
(
upper
class
)
colonial
gentry
definition
of
gentry
gentry
state
southern
gentry
germany
goek
turks
governors
,
role
of
grain
(
_see_
millet
,
rice
,
wheat
)
granaries
great
britain
(
_see_
england
)
great
leap
forward
great
proletarian
cultural
revolution
great
wall
greeks
guilds
hakka
,
ethnic
group
hami
,
city
state
han
,
dynasty
later
han
dynasty
han
fei
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
han
t
'o-wei
,
politician
han
yue
,
philosopher
hankow
(
han-k
'ou
)
,
city
hangchow
(
hang-chou
)
,
city
heaven
(
_see_
shang
ti
,
t
'ien
)
hermits
(
_see_
monks
,
sages
)
hinayana
,
religion
historians
histories
,
dynastic
falsification
of
histories
historiography
hitler
,
adolf
,
dictator
hittites
,
ethnic
group
ho
ch
'eng-t
'ien
,
scholar
ho-lien
p
'o-p
'o
,
ruler
ho
ti
,
han
ruler
_hong_
,
association
hong
kong
,
colony
hopei
,
province
horse
horse
chariot
horse
riding
horse
trade
hospitals
hou
ching
,
ruler
houses
(
_see_
adobe
)
hsi-hsia
,
kingdom
hsi-k
'ang
,
tibet
hsia
,
dynasty
hunnic
hsia
dynasty
(
_see_
hsi-hsia
)
hsia-hou
,
clan
hsia
kui
,
painter
hsiao
tao-ch
'eng
,
general
hsiao
wu
ti
,
chin
ruler
hsieh
,
clan
hsieh
hsuean
,
general
hsien-feng
,
period
hsien-pi
,
tribal
federation
hsien
ti
,
han
ruler
hsien-yuen
,
tribes
hsin
,
dynasty
hsin-an
merchants
_hsin
ch
'ing-nien_
,
journal
hsiung-nu
,
tribal
federation
(
_see_
huns
)
hsue
shih-ch
'ang
,
president
hsuean-te
,
period
hsuean-tsang
,
buddhist
hsuean
tsung
,
t
'ang
ruler
manchu
ruler
hsuean-t
'ung
,
period
hsuen
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
hu
,
name
of
tribes
(
_see_
huns
)
hu
han-min
,
politician
hu
shih
,
scholar
and
politician
hu
wei-yung
,
politician
huai-nan
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
huai
,
ti
,
chin
ruler
huan
hsuean
,
general
huan
wen
,
general
huang
ch
'ao
,
leader
of
rebellion
huang
ti
,
ruler
huang
tsung-hsi
,
philosopher
hui-chou
merchants
_hui-kuan_
,
association
hui
ti
,
chin
ruler
manchu
ruler
hui
tsung
,
sung
ruler
hui
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
human
sacrifice
hung
hsiu-ch
'uean
,
leader
of
rebellion
huns
(
_see_
hu
,
hsiung-nu
)
hunting
hutuktu
,
religious
ruler
hydraulic
society
_i-chuang_
,
clan
manors
ili
,
river
imperialism
(
_see_
colonialism
)
india
(
_see_
brahmans
,
bengal
,
gandhara
,
calcutta
,
buddhism
)
indo-china
(
_see_
cambodia
,
annam
,
laos
)
.
indo-europeans
,
language
group
(
_see_
yueeh-chih
,
tocharians
,
hittites
)
indonesia
,
(
_see_
java
)
industries
industrialization
industrial
society
(
_see_
factories
)
inflation
inheritance
,
laws
of
intellectuals
(
_see_
elite
,
students
)
investments
iran
(
persia
)
iron
cast
iron
iron
money
(
_see_
steel
)
irrigation
islam
(
_see_
muslims
)
istanbul
(
constantinople
)
italy
japan
(
_see_
meiji
,
tada
,
tanaka
)
java
jedzgerd
,
ruler
,
jehol
,
province
,
jen
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
jesuits
jews
_ju_
(
scribes
)
juchen
(
chin
dynasty
,
jurchen
)
juan-juan
,
tribal
federation
jurchen
(
_see_
juchen
)
k
'ai-feng
,
city
(
_see_
yeh
,
pien-liang
)
kalmuk
,
mongol
tribes
(
_see_
oeloet
)
k
'ang-hsi
,
period
k
'ang
yo-wei
,
politician
and
scholar
kansu
,
province
(
_see_
tunhuang
)
kao-ch
'ang
,
city
state
kao
,
clan
kao-li
,
state
(
_see_
korea
)
kao
ming
,
writer
kao
tsu
,
han
ruler
kao
tsung
,
t
'ang
ruler
kao
yang
,
ruler
kapok
,
textile
fibre
kara
kitai
,
tribal
federation
kashgar
,
city
kazak
,
tribal
federation
khalif
(
_see_
caliph
)
khamba
,
tibetans
khan
,
central
asian
title
khocho
,
city
khotan
,
city
king
,
position
of
first
kings
religious
character
of
kingship
(
_see_
yao
,
shun
,
hsia
dynasty
,
emperor
,
wang
,
prince
)
kitan
(
ch
'i-tan
)
,
tribal
federation
(
_see_
liao
dynasty
)
ko-shu
han
,
general
korea
(
_see_
kao-li
,
pai-chi
,
sin-lo
)
k
'ou
ch
'ien-chih
,
taoist
kowloon
,
city
ku
yen-wu
,
geographer
kuan
han-ch
'ing
,
writer
kuang-hsue
,
period
kuang-wu
ti
,
han
ruler
kub
(
i
)
lai
khan
,
mongol
ruler
kung-sun
lung
,
philosopher
k
'ung
tz
[
)
u
]
(
confucius
)
kuomintang
(
kmt
)
,
party
kuo
wei
,
ruler
kuo
tz
[
)
u
]
-
hsing
,
rebel
leader
kuo
tz
[
)
u
]
-
i
,
loyal
general
kyakhta
(
kiachta
)
,
city
labour
,
forced
(
_see_
corvee
)
labour
laws
labour
shortage
lacquer
lamaism
,
religion
land
ownership
(
_see_
property
)
land
reform
(
_see
chuen-t
'ien
,
ching-t
'ien_
)
landlords
temples
as
landlords
language
dialects
language
reform
lang
shih-ning
,
painter
la
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
laos
,
country
law
codes
(
_see_
li
k
'ui
,
property
law
,
inheritance
,
legalists
)
leadership
league
of
nations
leibniz
,
philosopher
legalists
(
_fa-chia_
)
legitimacy
of
rule
(
_see_
abdication
)
lenin
,
v.
lhasa
,
city
li
an-shih
,
economist
li
chung-yen
,
governor
li
hung-chang
,
politician
li
k
'o-yung
,
ruler
li
kuang-li
,
general
li
k
'ui
,
law-maker
li
li-san
,
politician
li
lin-fu
,
politician
li
lung-mien
,
painter
li
shih-min
(
_see_
t
'ai
tsung
)
,
t
'ang
ruler
li
ss
[
)
u
]
,
politician
li
ta-chao
,
librarian
li
t
'ai-po
,
poet
li
tz
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'eng
,
rebel
li
yu
,
writer
li
yu-chen
,
writer
li
yuean
,
ruler
li
yuean-hung
,
politician
liang
dynasty
,
earlier
later
liang
northern
liang
southern
liang
western
liang
liang
ch
'i-ch
'ao
,
journalist
_liang-min_
(
burghers
)
liao
,
tribes
,
liao
dynasty
(
_see_
kitan
)
western
liao
dynasty
_liao-chai
chih-i_
,
short-story
collection
libraries
lin-chin
,
city
lin-ch
'uan
,
city
lin
shu
,
translator
lin
tse-hsue
,
politician
literati
,
(
_see_
scholars
,
confucianists
)
literature
(
_see
pien-wen
,
pi-chi_
,
poetry
,
drama
,
novels
,
epics
,
theatre
,
ballads
,
folk-tales
,
fables
,
history
,
confucians
,
writers
,
scholars
,
scribes
)
literary
revolution
liu
chi
,
han
ruler
liu
chin-yuean
,
ruler
liu
chin
,
eunuch
liu
hsiu
(
_see_
kuang
wu
ti
)
,
han
ruler
liu
lao-chih
,
general
_liu-min_
(
vagrants
)
liu
pang
(
_see_
liu
chi
)
liu
pei
,
general
and
ruler
liu
shao-ch
'i
,
political
leader
liu
sung
,
rebel
liu
tsung-yuean
,
writer
liu
ts
'ung
,
ruler
liu
yao
,
ruler
liu
yue
,
general
emperor
liu
yuean
,
sculptor
emperor
lo
kuan-chung
,
writer
loans
,
to
farmers
foreign
loess
,
soil
formation
logic
long
march
lorcha
war
loyang
(
lo-yang
)
,
capital
of
china
lu
,
state
lue
,
empress
lu
hsiang-shan
,
philosopher
lu
hsuen
,
writer
lue
kuang
,
ruler
lue
pu
,
general
lue
pu-wei
,
politician
lun
,
prince
_lun-heng_
,
book
lung-men
,
place
lung-shan
,
excavation
site
lytton
commission
ma
yin
,
ruler
ma
yuean
,
general
painter
machiavellism
macao
,
portuguese
colony
mahayana
,
buddhist
sect
maitreya
,
buddhist
deity
(
_see_
messianic
movements
)
malacca
,
state
malaria
managers
manchu
,
tribal
federation
and
dynasty
manchuria
manichaeism
,
iranian
religion
manors
(
_chuang
,
see_
estates
)
mao
tun
,
hsiung-nu
ruler
mao
tse-tung
,
party
leader
marco
polo
,
businessman
market
market
control
marriage
systems
marxism
marxist
theory
of
history
(
_see_
materialism
,
communism
,
lenin
,
mao
tse-tung
)
materialism
mathematics
matrilinear
societies
mazdaism
,
iranian
religion
may
fourth
movement
medicine
medical
doctors
meditation
(
_see_
ch
'an
)
megalithic
culture
meiji
,
japanese
ruler
melanesia
mencius
(
meng
tz
[
)
u
]
)
,
philosopher
merchants
foreign
merchants
(
_see_
trade
,
salt
,
caravans
,
businessmen
)
messianic
movements
metal
(
_see_
bronze
,
copper
,
iron
)
mi
fei
,
painter
middle
class
(
_see_
burgher
,
merchant
,
craftsmen
,
artisans
)
middle
east
(
_see_
near
east
)
migrations
forced
migrations
(
_see_
colonization
,
assimilation
,
settlement
)
militarism
militia
millet
mills
min
,
state
in
fukien
ming
dynasty
ming
jui
,
general
min
ti
,
chin
ruler
ming
ti
,
han
ruler
wei
ruler
later
t
'ang
ruler
minorate
missionaries
,
christian
(
_see_
jesuits
)
mo
ti
,
philosopher
modernization
mohammedan
rebellions
(
_see_
muslim
)
mon-khmer
tribes
monarchy
(
_see_
king
,
emperor
,
absolutism
,
despotism
)
monasteries
,
buddhist
economic
importance
money
money
economy
origin
of
money
paper
money
(
_see_
coins
,
paper
,
silver
)
mongolia
mongols
,
tribes
,
tribal
federation
,
dynasty
(
_see_
yuean
dynasty
,
kalmuk
,
tuemet
,
oirat
,
oeloet
,
naiman
,
turgut
,
timur
,
genghiz
,
kublai
)
monks
,
buddhist
monopolies
mound-dwellers
mu-jung
,
tribes
mu
ti
,
east
chin
ruler
mu
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
mulberries
munda
tribes
music
(
_see_
theatre
,
dance
,
geisha
)
muslims
muslim
rebellions
(
_see_
islam
,
mohammedans
)
mysticism
naiman
,
mongol
tribe
nan-chao
,
state
nanyang
,
city
nanking
(
nan-ching
)
,
capital
of
china
nanking
regime
nationalism
(
_see_
kuomintang
)
nature
nature
philosophers
navy
near
east
(
_see_
arabs
,
iran
,
etc.
)
neo-confucianism
neolithicum
nepal
nerchinsk
,
place
nestorian
christianity
ni
tsan
,
painter
nien
fei
,
rebels
niu
seng-yu
,
politician
nobility
nomadic
nobility
(
_see_
aristocracy
)
nomadism
economy
of
nomads
nomadic
society
structure
novels
oil
oirat
,
mongol
tribes
okinawa
(
_see_
ryukyu
)
oeloet
,
mongol
tribes
opera
opium
opium
war
oracle
bones
ordos
,
area
orenburg
,
city
organizations
(
_see
hui-kuan_
guilds
,
_hong_
,
secret
societies
)
orphanages
ottoman
(
turkish
)
empire
ou-yang
hsiu
,
writer
outer
mongolia
pagoda
pai-chi
(
paikche
)
,
state
in
korea
pai-lien-hui
(
_see_
white
lotus
)
painting
palaeolithicum
pan
ch
'ao
,
general
_pao-chia_
,
security
system
paper
paper
money
(
_see_
money
)
parliament
party
(
_see_
kuomintang
,
communists
)
pearl
harbour
peasant
rebellions
(
_see_
rebellions
)
peking
,
city
peking
man
pensions
people
's
democracy
persecution
,
religious
persia
(
iran
)
persian
language
peruz
,
ruler
philippines
,
state
philosophy
,
(
_see_
confucius
,
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
,
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
huai-nan
tz
[
)
u
]
,
hsuen
tz
[
)
u
]
,
mencius
,
hui
tz
[
)
u
]
,
mo
ti
,
kung-sun
lung
,
shang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
han
fei
tz
[
)
u
]
,
tsou
yen
,
legalists
,
chung-ch
'ang
,
t
'ung
,
yuean
chi
,
liu
ling
,
chu
hsi
,
ch
'eng
hao
,
lu
hsiang-shan
,
wang
yang-ming
,
etc.
)
_pi-chi_
,
literary
form
_pieh-yeh_
(
_see_
manor
)
pien-liang
,
city
(
_see_
k
'ai-feng
)
_pien-wen_
,
literary
form
pig
pilgrims
p
'ing-ch
'eng
,
city
pirates
plantation
economy
plough
po
chue-i
,
poet
po-hai
,
state
poetry
court
poetry
northern
poetry
poets
(
_see_
t
'ao
ch
'ien
,
po
chue-i
,
li
t
'ai-po
,
tu
fu
,
etc.
)
politicians
,
migratory
pontic
migration
population
changes
population
decrease
(
_see_
census
,
fertility
)
porcelain
port
arthur
,
city
portsmouth
,
treaty
portuguese
(
_see_
fu-lan-chi
,
macao
)
potter
pottery
black
pottery
(
_see_
porcelain
)
price
controls
priests
(
_see_
shamans
,
ju
,
monks
)
primogeniture
princes
printing
(
_see_
colour
,
book
)
privileges
of
gentry
proletariat
(
_see_
labour
)
propaganda
property
relations
(
_see_
laws
,
inheritance
,
primogeniture
)
protectorate
provinces
,
administration
_pu-ch
'ue_
,
bondsmen
p
'u-ku
huai-en
,
general
p
'u
sung-lin
,
writer
p
'u
yi
,
manchu
ruler
puppet
plays
railways
manchurian
railway
rebellions
(
_see_
peasants
,
secret
societies
,
revolutions
)
red
eyebrows
,
peasant
movement
red
guards
reforms
;
reform
of
language
(
_see_
land
reform
)
regents
religion
popular
religion
(
_see_
bon
,
shintoism
,
persecution
,
sacrifice
,
ancestor
cult
,
fertility
cults
,
deities
,
temples
,
monasteries
,
christianity
,
islam
,
buddhism
,
mazdaism
,
manichaeism
,
messianic
religions
,
secret
societies
,
soul
,
shamanism
,
state
religion
)
republic
revolutions
;
legitimization
of
revolution
(
_see_
rebellions
)
ricci
,
matteo
,
missionary
rice
rifles
ritualism
roads
roman
empire
roosevelt
,
f.d.
,
president
russia
(
_see_
soviet
republics
)
ryukyu
(
liu-ch
'iu
)
,
islands
sacrifices
sages
sakhalin
(
karafuto
)
,
island
salar
,
ethnic
group
salary
salt
salt
merchants
salt
trade
samarkand
,
city
_san-min
chu-i_
,
book
sang
hung-yang
,
economist
sassanids
,
iranian
dynasty
scholars
(
_ju_
)
(
_see_
literati
,
scribes
,
intellectuals
,
confucianists
)
schools
,
(
_see_
education
)
science
,
(
_see_
mathematics
,
astronomy
,
nature
)
scribes
script
,
chinese
sculpture
buddhist
sculptures
_se-mu_
(
auxiliary
troops
)
seal
,
imperial
secret
societies
(
_see_
red
eyebrows
;
yellow
turbans
;
white
lotus
;
boxer
;
rebellions
)
sects
buddhist
sects
seng-ko-lin-ch
'in
,
general
serfs
(
_see_
slaves
,
servants
,
bondsmen
)
servants
settlement
,
of
foreigners
military
(
_see_
colonization
)
sha-t
'o
,
tribal
federation
shadow
theatre
shahruk
,
ruler
shamans
shamanism
shan
tribes
of
south
east
asia
_shan-hai-ching_
,
book
shan-yue
,
title
of
nomadic
ruler
shang
dynasty
shang
ti
,
deity
shang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
philosopher
(
shang
yang
)
shanghai
,
city
shao
yung
,
philosopher
sheep
shen
nung
,
mythical
figure
shen
tsung
,
sung
ruler
manchu
ruler
sheng
tsu
,
manchu
ruler
_shih-chi_
,
book
shih
ching-t
'ang
,
ruler
shih
ch
'ung
,
writer
shih
heng
,
soldier
shih
hu
,
ruler
shih
huang-ti
,
ruler
shih
lo
,
ruler
shih-pi
,
ruler
shih
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ming
shih
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
shih-wei
,
mongol
tribes
shintoism
,
japanese
religion
ships
(
_see_
navy
)
short
stories
shoulder
axes
shu
(
szechwan
)
,
area
and/or
state
shu-han
dynasty
shun
,
dynasty
mythical
ruler
shun-chih
,
reign
period
sian
(
hsi-an
,
ch
'ang-an
)
,
city
siao
ho
(
hsiao
ho
)
,
jurist
silk
silk
road
silver
sin-lo
(
hsin-lo
,
silla
)
,
state
of
korea
sinanthropos
sinkiang
(
hsin-chiang
,
turkestan
)
slash
and
burn
agriculture
(
denshiring
)
slaves
slave
society
temple
slaves
social
mobility
social
structure
of
tribes
socialism
(
_see_
marxism
,
communism
)
sogdiana
,
country
in
central
asia
soul
,
concept
of
soul
south-east
asia
(
_see_
burma
,
champa
,
cambodia
,
annam
,
laos
,
vietnam
,
tonking
,
indonesia
,
philippines
,
thailand
,
mon-khmer
)
soviet
republics
(
_see_
russia
)
speculations
,
financial
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
,
clan
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
ch
'ien
,
historian
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
kuang
,
historian
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ma
yen
,
ruler
standardization
states
,
territorial
and
national
state
religion
statistics
(
_see_
population
)
steel
steppe
stone
age
stratification
,
social
(
_see_
classes
,
social
mobility
)
strikes
students
su
chuen
,
rebel
su
tsung
,
t
'ang
ruler
su
tung-p
'o
,
poet
_su-wang_
(
uncrowned
king
)
sui
,
dynasty
sun
ts
'e
,
ruler
sun
yat-sen
(
sun
i-hsien
)
,
revolutionary
leader
,
president
sung
,
dynasty
liu-sung
dynasty
szechwan
(
ss
[
)
u
]
-
ch
'uan
)
,
province
(
_see_
shu
)
ta-tan
(
tatars
)
,
tribal
federation
tada
,
japanese
militarist
tai
,
tribes
(
_see_
thailand
)
tai
chen
,
philosopher
tai
ch
'ing
dynasty
(
manchu
)
t
'ai
p
'ing
,
state
t
'ai
tsu
,
sung
ruler
manchu
ruler
t
'ai
tsung
,
t
'ang
ruler
(
_see_
li
shih-min
)
taiwan
(
t
'ai-wan
,
_see_
formosa
)
t
'an-yao
,
priest
tanaka
,
japanese
militarist
t
'ang
,
dynasty
later
t
'ang
dynasty
t
'ang
hsien-tsu
,
writer
t
'ang
yin
,
painter
tanguts
,
tibetan
tribal
federation
and/or
state
(
_see_
ch
'iang
)
tao
,
philosophical
term
tao-kuang
,
reign
period
_tao-te-ching_
,
book
t
'ao-t
'ieh
,
mythical
emblem
tao-yen
,
monk
taoism
,
religion
taoists
(
_see_
lao
tz
[
)
u
]
,
chuang
tz
[
)
u
]
,
chang
ling
,
etc.
)
tarim
basin
tatars
(
ta-tan
)
mongolian
tribal
federation
taxation
tax
collectors
tax
evasion
tax
exemptions
taxes
for
monks
tax
reform
te
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
tea
tea
trade
tea
house
(
_see_
brothel
)
teachers
(
_see_
schools
)
technology
tell
,
archaeological
term
temples
(
_see_
monasteries
)
tengri
khan
,
ruler
textile
industry
(
_see_
silk
,
cotton
)
thailand
,
state
(
_see_
tai
tribes
)
theatre
(
_see_
shadow
,
puppet
,
opera
)
throne
,
accession
to
(
_see_
abdication
,
legitimacy
)
ti
,
tibetan
tribes
tibet
(
_see_
ch
'iang
,
ti
,
t
'u-fan
,
t
'u-yue-hun
,
lhasa
tanguts
)
t
'ien
,
deity
tientsin
(
t
'ien-chin
)
,
city
timur
,
ruler
tin
ting-ling
,
tribal
federation
t
'o-pa
(
_see_
toba
)
t
'o-t
'o
,
writer
toba
,
turkish
tribal
federation
tocharians
,
central
asian
ethnic
group
tokto
(
_see_
t
'o-t
'o
)
toeloes
,
turkish
tribal
group
tombs
tonking
,
state
tortoise
totalitarianism
(
_see_
dictatorship
,
fascism
,
communism
)
tou
ku
,
general
t
'ou-man
,
ruler
towns
(
_see_
city
)
trade
barter
trade
international
trade
(
_see_
merchants
,
commerce
,
caravans
,
silk
road
)
translations
transportation
(
_see_
roads
,
canals
,
ships
,
post
,
caravans
,
horses
)
travels
of
emperors
treasury
treaty
,
international
tribal
organization
(
_see_
banner
,
army
,
nomads
)
tribes
,
disappearance
of
social
organization
military
organization
tribute
(
_kung_
)
_tsa-hu_
,
social
class
tsai
t
'ien
,
prince
ts
'ai
yuean-p
'ei
,
scholar
ts
'ao
chih
,
poet
ts
'ao
hsueeh-ch
'in
,
writer
ts
'ao
k
'un
,
politician
ts
'ao
p
'ei
,
ruler
ts
'ao
ts
'ao
,
general
tsewang
rabdan
,
general
tseng
kuo-fan
,
general
tso
tsung-t
'ang
,
general
tsou
yen
,
philosopher
ts
'ui
,
clan
t
'u-chueeh
,
goek
turk
tribes
(
_see_
turks
)
tu
fu
,
poet
t
'u-fan
,
tibetan
tribal
group
tu-ku
,
turkish
tribe
_t
'u-shu
chi-ch
'eng_
,
encyclopaedia
_tu-tu_
,
title
t
'u-yue-hun
,
tibetan
tribal
federation
tuan
ch
'i-jui
,
president
tuemet
,
mongol
tribal
group
tung
ch
'i-ch
'ang
,
painter
t
'ung-chien
kang-mu
,
historical
encyclopaedia
t
'ung-chih
,
reign
period
tung
chung-shu
,
thinker
tung
fu-hsiang
,
politician
tung-lin
academy
tungus
tribes
(
_see_
juchen
,
po-hai
,
manchu
)
tunhuang
(
tun-huang
)
,
city
turfan
,
city
state
turgut
,
mongol
tribal
federation
turkestan
(
_see_
central
asia
,
tarim
,
turfan
,
sinkiang
,
ferghana
,
samarkand
,
khotcho
,
tocharians
,
yueeh-chih
,
sogdians
,
etc.
)
turkey
turks
(
_see_
goek
turks
,
t
'u-chueeh
,
toba
,
toeloes
,
ting-ling
,
uighur
,
sha-t
'o
,
etc.
)
tz
[
)
u
]
hsi
,
empress
uighurs
,
turkish
federation
united
states
(
_see_
america
)
ungern-sternberg
,
general
urbanization
(
_see_
city
)
urga
,
city
university
usury
vagrants
(
_liu-min_
)
vietnam
(
_see_
annam
)
village
village
commons
vinaya
buddhism
voltaire
,
writer
walls
great
wall
wan-li
,
reign
period
_wang_
(
king
)
wang
an-shih
,
statesman
wang
chen
,
eunuch
wang
ching-wei
,
collaborator
wang
ch
'ung
,
philosopher
wang
hsien-chih
,
peasant
leader
wang
kung
,
general
wang
mang
,
ruler
wang
shih-chen
,
writer
wang
shih-fu
,
writer
wang
tao-k
'un
,
writer
wang
tun
,
rebel
wang
yang-ming
,
general
and
philosopher
war
size
of
wars
war-chariot
cost
of
wars
war
lords
warrior-nomads
(
_see_
army
,
world
war
,
opium
war
,
lorcha
war
,
fire-arms
)
washington
,
conference
wei
,
dynasty
small
state
empress
wei
chung-hsien
,
eunuch
wei
t
'o
,
ruler
in
south
china
welfare
state
well-field
system
(
_ching-t
'ien_
)
,
wen
ti
,
han
ruler
wei
ruler
toba
ruler
sui
ruler
wen
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
whampoa
,
military
academy
wheat
white
lotus
sect
(
pai-lien
)
wholesalers
wine
wood-cut
(
_see_
colour
print
)
wool
(
_see_
felt
)
world
wars
women
rights
writing
,
invention
(
_see_
script
)
wu
,
empress
state
wuch
'ang
,
city
(
_see_
hankow
)
wu
ching-tz
[
)
u
]
,
writer
wu-huan
,
tribal
federation
wu
p
'ei-fu
,
war
lord
wu
san-kui
,
general
wu
shih-fan
,
ruler
wu-sun
,
tribal
group
wu
tai
(
five
dynasties
period
)
wu
tao-tz
[
)
u
]
,
painter
wu
(
ti
)
,
han
ruler
chin
ruler
liang
ruler
wu
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
wu
wang
,
chou
ruler
_wu-wei_
,
philosophical
term
yakub
beg
,
ruler
yamato
,
part
of
japan
yang
,
clan
yang
chien
,
ruler
(
_see_
wen
ti
)
yang
(
kui-fei
)
,
concubine
yang-shao
,
archaeological
site
yang
ti
,
sui
ruler
yao
,
mythical
ruler
tribes
in
south
china
yarkand
,
city
in
turkestan
yeh
(
k
'ai-feng
)
,
city
yeh-ta
(
_see_
ephtalites
)
yehe-nara
,
tribe
yellow
turbans
,
secret
society
yeh-lue
ch
'u-ts
'ai
,
politician
yen
,
state
dynasty
earlier
yen
dynasty
later
yen
dynasty
western
yen
dynasty
yen-an
,
city
yen
fu
,
translator
yen
hsi-shan
,
war
lord
yen-ta
(
altan
)
,
ruler
_yen-t
'ieh-lun_
(
discourses
on
salt
and
iron
)
,
book
yin
chung-k
'an
,
general
yin-ch
'ue
,
city
yin
and
yang
,
philosophical
terms
ying
tsung
,
manchu
ruler
yo
fei
,
general
yue
liang
,
general
yue-wen
,
tribal
group
yuean
chen
yuean
chi
,
philosopher
yuean
mei
,
writer
yuean
shao
,
general
yuean
shih-k
'ai
,
general
and
president
yuean
ti
,
han
ruler
chin
ruler
yueeh
,
tribal
group
and
area
yueeh-chih
,
indo-european-speaking
ethnic
group
yuen-kang
,
caves
yuennan
(
yuen-nan
)
,
province
yung-cheng
,
reign
period
yung-lo
,
reign
period
zen
buddhism
(
_see_
ch
'an
)
zoroaster
,
founder
of
religion
end
of
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project
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eberhard
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